Abstract
This overview chapter first presents the reconstruction of the cultural establishment under the aegis of the aestheticization of the political and vice versa by the Nazis. Here, the concept of the metaphysics of presence plays a central role, legitimizing the völkisch ideal of a harmonized community with the radical exclusion of all that is not acceptable. From this it becomes clear why there could be no National Socialist aesthetics, on the one hand. On the other hand, through a certain space-time construction, anything particular needed to be related to an ideal that had not yet been redeemed. Both the communal and the individual, including gender and sexuality, were therefore arranged spatiotemporally in a success story, in which they ultimately always appeared larger than life as super-human, super-temporal.
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Notes
- 1.
Cf. Kershaw (1985, 1995). On the visualization, exclusion and persecution of Sinti and Romani cf. Milton (1995, 2001), Müller-Hill (1988), Riechert (1995), Rose et al. (eds.) (1995) and Willems (1997). For annexed Austria see Steinmetz (1966) and Thurner (1983). On racism and persecution of German and non-German Blacks in the Nazi regime, cf. Lusane (2002) and Campt (2004). On the difference in the legitimation and execution of persecution of Jews and gays, cf. Heinemann (2005: 22 ff.), Grau (1995) and Giles (2005a: 259).
- 2.
According to the idea, it should be a classless society. However, not all individuals in society were to enjoy equal rights and status. Each person was to be assigned a certain place in this order according to their individual talents, which were to be socially fostered and demanded. The regime relied on the principle of achievement. Provided one identified themself with fulfilling the ideal in the service and spirit of the regime, one could acquire a place in this meritocracy beyond biological and social origins. See also Siegel (1989). D’Almeida (2008, 2011) as well as Werner (2013: 49 ff.) demonstrate this on the basis of the National Socialist leadership elite. According to Werner, the achievement principle was coded male and objectified male hierarchies. Women and their engagement were generally less valuable because of the asymmetrical gender relations. Social advancement across class and especially gender barriers was de facto limited. The associated gratifications were largely pursued through exclusion, including deprivation of the Jewish population. Cf. also Baranowski (2004); with reference to the art theft, cf. Petropoulos (1996).
- 3.
- 4.
Cf. Benjamin (1977a).
- 5.
- 6.
Cf. Hewitt (1993), in which he elaborates the epistemological and aesthetic proximity, but also the clear differences to the historical avant-gardes.
- 7.
Cf. Schäfer (1997).
- 8.
Cf. Steinweis (1995).
- 9.
Cf. Betts (2004).
- 10.
- 11.
Cf. Bartetzko (2012: 133 ff.). With reference to cultural policy and specifically to the visual arts, cf. Haug (1987: 82 f.). For art policy, cf. Brenner (1963), Cuomo (ed.) (1995), Huener and Nicosia (eds.) (2006), Taylor and Will (eds.) (1990), Etlin (ed.) (2002), Labanyi (1989), Blume and Scholz (eds.) (1999), Masset (2009) as well as Petropoulos (2000). On the function of visual arts with regard to the production of a future Aryan gender ideal, cf. Schrödl (2009). On art policy with regard to the art of Jewish artists, cf. Mickenberg et al. (eds.) (2003). On Jewish cultural life in general, cf. Dahm (1988). On artistic photography, cf. Sachsse (2003). On the significance of gender difference in the constitutive interrelationship of sculpture and photography, cf. Wenk (1991) and Frietsch (2008).
- 12.
On the media network from a contemporary perspective, cf. Traub (1933). The medium of radio, on the other hand, functioned very well, among other things because radio in Germany, with its existing overall structure, was easier to bring under state control than the press and the film industry. On the press, cf. Schäfer (1984). On radio, cf. Reichel (1991) and Wulf (1966). For further reading, see Drechsler (1988), Schütz (1995), Bergmeier and Lotz (1997), Birdsall (2012), Koch (2006a, b), Hickethier (2009), Schmölders (1997), Marßolek and Saldern (eds.) (1998) and Currid (2006). From a gender perspective, cf. Lacey (1996). On broadcasting policy in the late war years, see Klingler (1983). On the difficulties of controlling the medium, cf. Bergmeier and Lotz (1997), Schäfer (1997), Schütz (1995), Zimmermann (2006) and Reuband (2001). Specifically on television in the Nazi era, cf. Prümm (2002), Winkler (1994) and Hoff (1990).
- 13.
- 14.
- 15.
- 16.
Cf. Loiperdinger 2004. This measure, together with the first dismissals a year earlier, led to a mass exodus of Jewish directors, actors and producers, cf. see Smedley (2011) and Weniger (2011). For the cultural sphere and the arts, cf. Heilbut (1983) and Barron and Eckmann (eds.) (1997). Jan P. Johannsen, on the other hand, tries to argue that the racially founded law passed by the new National Socialist government on April 7 entitled “Law for the Restoration of Professional Civil Service” and first implemented in the field of public service, was not found in the statutes and executive orders of the Reich Chamber of Film and the Reich Chamber of Culture. This was also not necessary: According to the law’s text, the exclusion from the Film Chamber was based on a lack of suitability and reliability. In this respect, the exclusion was not explicitly justified on racial grounds. Cf. Johannsen (2009: 74).
- 17.
On the predicate system of the NS government, cf. Kanzog (1994).
- 18.
The measures benefitted the few remaining vertically integrated production companies in particular, including the implementing decree of November 1, 1933 of the Reich Film Chamber Act. This prohibited the founding or reopening of cinemas on the vague basis of “lack of economic basis” or “unreliability of the applicant,” which led to the regulation of the cinema industry. This also includes the “Beschluss betreffs des Zweischlagerprogramm[s] vom 7.8.1933 (Resolution concerning the two-show program of 7.8.1933)” issued on August 7 regulating the two-show programs in cinemas. This decision, which was based on economic considerations, had an existential impact on cinema operators and was intended to prevent very long release times for several films in one cinema as well as to increase the run of new productions. This measure also benefitted, albeit indirectly, only the film production companies. However, it was not a complete ban, as Spiker writes (1975: 125 f.). Corinna Müller also points out that the accompanying program of cultural films and newsreels had already become established in 1932. In this respect, neither the program schedule nor the program elements were radically new. The difference, however, was that this was decreed by the state from 1933 onwards. Cf. Müller (2009: 49). In the following three years, therefore, the centralization and consolidation of the sound film industry, which had already accelerated from 1932 due to the world economic crisis and the conversion to sound film, continued without direct intervention by the regime. The independent distribution level practically ceased to exist in 1937. Cf. Spiker (1975: 58 ff.). In general, on the question of the extent to which the regime wanted to bring the film industry under total control or not, cf. Spiker (1975: 130 ff.), as well as Phillips (1971). From 1938 onwards, there were increased attacks and boycotts of Jewish cinema operators, who eventuall gave up their businesses. Cf. on this Kleinhans (2003: 61 ff.). On the final ban of the two-show program in 1935, cf. Koch (2006a).
- 19.
- 20.
Cf. Stargardt (1998).
- 21.
- 22.
- 23.
- 24.
- 25.
- 26.
- 27.
As a result of the Nuremberg Laws, their citizenship had been taken away in 1935. After the ban, films could only be seen at screenings of the Kulturbund deutscher Juden (Cultural Association of German Jews), which was renamed the jüdischer Kulturbund in Deutschland (Jewish Cultural Association in Germany) in January 1938. It continued to exist until 1941, when it was partially liquidated. Although its publishing house and book business continued to exist, it had to cease its activities. Cf. Stahr (2001), Dahm (1988) and with reference to the theater Rovit (2012).
- 28.
Cf. Spiker (1975: 128).
- 29.
On cinema as a space of experience, cf. Segeberg (2004).
- 30.
On newsreels during the Nazi era, cf. Bartels (2004).
- 31.
Contemporary theories have repeatedly called for the integration of aesthetic strategies of the cultural film, such as time-lapse or slow motion, into the feature film. Thus, in the genres of educational and cultural films, an aesthetic shaping of reality should certainly be undertaken. The newsreels, on the other hand, were understood as a pure representation of reality since they conveyed political events. They were clearly subject to design principles that we would interpret today from an aesthetic point of view as politically shaping reality. The understanding of the documentary film is interesting. On the one hand, it was contemporarily understood as a pure representation of reality, as in the case of Gunter Groll, who mentions the example of filming a music concert in this context. At the same time, Leni Riefenstahl’s Olympia film was repeatedly cited as an example of a successful contemporary document, precisely because in it, due to the excellent design of the supporting film, the essence of the depicted reality allegedly came to light. In this light, it is interesting to note how stubbornly the concept of a clear difference between the documentary and the fictional persists in current literature: In the documentary, the modern-ideological (affinity for technology and progress) was expressed, while in the fiction film the unfashionable national-ideological (blood and soil, peasant and class worship) was expressed; in the documentary, the political ideological was more ostensibly apparent, while in the fiction film the apolitical was intentionally dominate. On the problem of this difference, cf. Rother (2007).
- 32.
- 33.
The reports of the secret service as well as those of SOPADE (short cut for the executive committee of the Social Democratic Party of Germany in exile in Prague and Paris), testified that the audience perceived the messages from above very accurately.
- 34.
Cf. also Schütz (1995).
- 35.
- 36.
From a historical point of view, one must therefore link the economic aspects with those of visual pleasure, since the sphere of consumption, to which film belonged insofar as it was part of the leisure time sphere that formed the correlate of the working world, was also to be strictly regulated. On work under National Socialism from the perspective of a critique of fascism, cf. Rabinbach (1979); on work from a social-historical perspective with a symbol-theoretical approach, cf. Lüdtke (1991). On the state regulatory instrument for entertainment and leisure, namely the Office for Beauty and Work, as well as on the organization Strength through Joy, cf. Baranowski (2004) from a cultural-historical perspective.
- 37.
With regard to the problem of the consenting population, cf. Peukert (1982). Ian Kershaw (1983b), Frei (1998) and Gellately (2001). On forms of resistance, cf. Steinbach and Tuchel (eds.) (1994) and Schmiechen-Ackermann (ed.) (1997). On the (non-)existence of public opinion, cf. Longerich (2007), Kershaw (2002), Browning (1993), Dörner (2007) as well as Bajohr and Pohl (2006). On the extent of voluntary support and cooperation on the part of the population, cf. Heinsohn et al. (eds.) (1997: 11). On the issue of complicity through denunciation, cf. Gellately (1990), Hornung (2007) as well as Bock (1997).
- 38.
- 39.
- 40.
On this understanding of technology, cf. Hewitt (1993: 132 ff.), Hillach (1978), Herf (1984), Orr (1974) as well as Dietz et al. (eds.) (1996). Cf. contemporary Schwerber (1932) as well as Dvorak (1940a, b, 1949), in which he once explained technology as the mastery of nature, which, however, as a semi-autonomous dynamic for normal people contained something magical that would be accepted unquestioningly, which is why technology had to be mastered by the superior spirit. At the same time, it had to become an instrument of the political will to power, which also founded colonial rule.
- 41.
In the eyes of the Nazis, the influences that had contributed to the misdevelopment of film included rationality, humanism, cosmopolitanism, Jewish appropriation, profit orientation, particularism, individualism, excessive as well as misguided exoticism and eroticism. Among these, the medium could produce nothing but superficial, empty and mechanistic, that is, abstract ornaments and types alienated from the essence of things. Cf. Krünes (1933: 378 f.) on the contemporary appraisal of film, which he dealt with in terms of the star, who had become an end in itself and embodied roles only in a template-like manner.The selection of film themes, Krünes reproached, was also subject to the repetition of a limited repertoire. Moreover, the concept of the star contradicted the idea of community. Behind Krüne’s considerations was the idea of authenticating the person of the actor/actress as it was at the same time an analogization of the idea of community in the space of film production as an ensemble. In this transmission process, the authentic working group was juxtaposed with the individual being, the artificially produced star. The reality, however, was different. While his remarks were in line with the regime’s cultural policy, female and male stars were deliberately constructed and systematically marketed for both European and American audiences.
- 42.
In the literature, it is claimed that no film theories were developed during the Nazi regime. This is to be understood in such a way that the development of film and media theories on the part of researchers is anchored in the tradition of (left-wing) liberal journalism and the feuilleton, which no longer existed in this form. Especially since on November 27, 1936, evaluative art criticism was generally banned by order of the Reich Ministry for Popular Education and Propaganda. Cf. on this Stahr (2001: 133 f.). On the other hand, writing about the medium of film became institutionalized in the academies, especially in the field of theater studies and the emerging field of newspaper studies. The number of these publications grew steadily, with a parallel development of a market for application-oriented publications that were also conceived as instructions for the private sphere, which the goverment basically also wanted to regulate. Cf. Traub (1933), for example. For further contemporary work cf. Opfermann (1938), Jasper (1934), Wehrlau (1939), Werder (1943), Koch and Braune (1943), Hippler (1942) as well as Oertel (1941). For film-historical approaches with strong anti-Semitic undertones, cf. Kriegk (1943), Neumann et al. (1937) as well as Jason (1936). With regard to the increase in publications on film, cf. the bibliography of the educational show of Universum-Film Aktiengesellschaft (ed.) (1940). On amateur cinema during the Nazi period, cf. Kuball (1980). On the emergence of film studies as an independent subject, cf. Zimmermann (2001).
- 43.
Kolb and Siekmeier (1933: 19).
- 44.
Bie and Mühr (1933).
- 45.
On the reference to Hollywood cinema, which, on the one hand, was determined as standardized, therefore alienated, while, on the other hand, the techniques, by recoding them, were used to produce high show values for an international market and as many different national audiences as possible, cf. Rother (2007), Elsaesser (1994), Koepnick (2002), Garncarz (1993), Rentschler (1996a), Lowry (1998) as well as Ascheid (2003). On the film industry relationships between Hollywood and the German film industry during National Socialism, but also on cultural and aesthetic characteristics, cf. Spieker (1999) and Wollrich (ed.) (2001). On the American debate in general, cf. Gassert (1997), Becker (2006) and Saldern (2013). On the contemporary debate on Hollywood cinema, cf. Findahl (1939) and Debries (1930). A contemporary relevant position can be found in an exile-American perspective, for example, in Ross (1936).
- 46.
Bie and Mühr (1933: 147).
- 47.
Groll (1937).
- 48.
von Werder (1943).
- 49.
von Werder (1943:26).
- 50.
von Werder (1943: 9).
- 51.
To this end, von Werder developed a complex comparative model of the history of civilization in which the perception of reality, the image of man, and the art form were placed in relation to one another. According to von Werder, the distortions that historically took place in this model gave rise to a human being as a subject and puppet, as represented in the modern individual work of art and the anonymous revues, in which his emotional, mental and spiritual lack of connection was expressed. Accordingly, the corresponding concept of reality could only be a distortion of the true reality, which would essentially be characterized by inner organic togetherness. He contrasted this with the new type of human being, the individual actively acting in the organic context of life, corresponding to a concept of reality in which the interrelation of world, life and human being was emotionally and vividly revealed without any critical reflection. Accordingly, for him the new field of film encompassed domestic as well as foreign policy aspects, since the other peoples were to learn the new concept of reality with the corresponding image of man just as the fellow peoples were to learn it, naturally from different perspectives.
- 52.
von Werder (1943: 23).
- 53.
von Werder (1943: 42).
- 54.
von Werder (1943: 42).
- 55.
von Werder (1943: 44).
- 56.
Von Werder and Groll ostensibly emphasize the distinction between entertainment and propaganda. In Groll’s case, this is insinuated by a classification of formats such as newspaper article, poster or political speech, to which he does not concede any aesthetic shaping of reality. However, the categorical differentiation is undermined by the material, such as the political idea, which, according to Groll, can, after all, be shaped artistically. Cf. Groll (1937: 115). As von Werder explains, this could also be staged and illustrated in the feature film. The difference between the documentary and the fictional was dealt with in a similar way. The positions repeatedly called for the aesthetic strategies of the cultural film to be incorporated into the feature film. In addition, it was argued that in the genres of educational and cultural films, an aesthetic design was entirely possible, even though these films made reality their subject. In light of these contradictory contemporary determinations, the entire current debates on film and cinema in the Nazi era appear very categorical since they adhere to the clear separation between propaganda and art or entertainment, such as Koepnick (1999), Quaresima (1994) and Rother (2007). On the concept of Nazi propaganda with reference to film, cf. Albrecht (1969), Hull (1969), Leiser (1974), Hofmann (1998), Kronlechner and Kubelka (eds.) (1972), Welch (1993), Winkler-Mayerhöfer (1992), Kundrus (2005), Garden (2012), Barkhausen (1982) and Kreimeier (1992). Critically, however, from an everyday and media history perspective, cf. Zimmermann (2006). On the (moderate) impact of National Socialist propaganda, cf. Kershaw (1983a) and Zimmermann (2005). A film studies definition of propaganda is given by Neale (1977).
- 57.
One approach in which the linking of politics and aesthetics played a central role was that of Walter Ulrich and Hermann Timmling, as they described it in their 1933 publication Film. Kitsch. Art. Propaganda 1933. Since its core was based on genius, through whose creative will alone art could come into being, they decidedly set themselves apart from art as a collective act, which was not to the liking of the Nazis. Cf. Ulrich and Timmling (1933).
- 58.
A German national unity that was shaped in visual abundance, which is supposedly not technically mediated, is juxtaposed with a visibly non-uniform US-American community insofar as this music can only be received in isolation and via the radio.
- 59.
Goebbels’ notes are often cited in the literature to support this thesis.
- 60.
- 61.
It is difficult to interpret this phenomenon in its full dimension. It is difficult to judge whether this was a systematic attempt by the regime to gain approval by multiplying subject positions for as many spectators as possible through identification. Even if one suspects this, it is not certain whether the intended strategy was rather that of identification, co-experience or, as Stephen Lowry claims, of relief and thus depoliticization. Even the regime’s acceptance of the heterogeneity of the dispositive could still be understood as a deliberate strategy, if one attributed to it that it was not about a complete indoctrination of the audience for the stabilization of rule, but merely about securing its acceptance, as Rentschler (1996a) argues. Ascheid, too, assumes that allowing ideological contradictions can be interpreted primarily as hypocritical pragmatism on the part of the regime. All means, even concepts that contradicted the ideological core, were acceptable as long as they led to the approval of the agreeable population. In this way, too, Ascheid is ultimately speaking in favor of a form of strong control.
- 62.
In the genre of the culture film, neo-objective and avant-garde techniques were used. It was argued that this allowed reality to present itself as natural in an idealized form because it appeared as aesthetically completely permeated; in the eyes of contemporary literature, this was perfectly true of Leni Riefenstahl’s films. In the reflexive variant of avant-garde practice, so the continuation of the argumentation, the constitutive interrelation of reality and medium is problematized, which, according to the claim, was realized by Willy Zielke and Walter Ruttman. In the literature, their films are assigned to the documentary style, in which the design of form and material in relation to idea and subject matter are understood as reality-related and are therefore usually discussed in the context of propaganda. Cf. Dröge and Müller (1995). On Ruttmann’s films, cf. Schenk (2004). They are brought up against the feature film, which, as a purely fictional genre, creates transparent illusions in a melodramatic, unworldly, and therefore historically reactionary style according to Hollywood’s criteria. In literature, the genre is therefore often dismissed as a purely entertaining category. Cf. Rother (2007), Koepnick (2002), Zimmermann (2006), as well as Eder (2004) and Quaresima (1994). If one functionally analogizes the dichotomy of documentary versus fictional to that of political propaganda and commercial entertainment, and in addition separates the dichotomy of form and matter versus idea and material, one tends to adopt a fascist way of thinking. The latter claimed a clear separation while at the same time undermined the boundary in order to be able to politically appropriate the category of the aesthetic in the most all-encompassing way possible. This tendency can be seen in the revisionist discussion of Triumph des Willens (Triumph of the Will, GER 1935; dir.: Leni Riefenstahl), among others in Segeberg (1999), Zox-Weaver (2011) and Rother (2004), in which he explicitly mentions that avant-garde techniques were also used in feature films.
- 63.
These authors include Koepnick (1999), Quaresima (1994) and Rother (2004). Excluded from this binary differentiation are the following feature films of allegedly explicit National Socialist content: Hitlerjunge Quex (Hitler’s Boy Quex, GER 1933; dir.: Hans Steinhoff), Hans Westmar (GER 1933; dir.: Franz Wenzler), and S. A. Mann Brand - ein Lebensbild aus unseren Tagen (Storm Trooper Brand, GER 1933; dir.: by Franz Steidt). They also include the anti-Polish and anti-British films Heimkehr (Returning Home, GER 1941; dir.: Gustav von Ucicky) and Leinen aus Irland (Linen from Ireland, GER 1939; dir.: Heinz Helbig), as well as the explicitly anti-Semitic films, also called Hetzfilme, such as Jud Süß (Jew Süß, GER 1940; dir.: Veit Harlan), Die Rothschilds (The Rothschilds, GER 1940; dir.: Erich Waschneck) and Robert und Bertram (Robert and Bertram, GER 1939; dir.: Hans H. Zerlett), which were shot and released mainly from 1937 onwards. On the anti-Semitic stereotypes dealt with in these films and their origins, cf. Schulte-Sasse (1996: 47 ff.), as well as Herzog (2005: 26 ff.), Bock et al. (eds.) (2006: 13 ff.), Friedman (2006), Breitenfeller and Kohn-Ley (eds.) (1998), Otte (2006), Gilman (1991), and Braun (2006). On the cultural history of anti-Semitism, cf. Volkov (2000a), Mosse (1970, 1999), and Braun and Heid (eds.) (2000). On other racially motivated stereotypes, cf. A. G. Gender-Killer (ed.) (2005).
- 64.
- 65.
For a typology of concepts of femininity in feature films during National Socialism, cf. Bechdolf (1992). From the perspective of the history of ideas, cf. Carter (2004). With a cultural-historical approach, cf. Bruns (2009) and Romani (1982). With a view to gender roles (to be practiced), cf. Ellwanger (1987) and Ellwanger and Warth (1985).With reference specifically to films between 1939 and 1945, thereby aiming rather at social figurations represented in the films, such as the political heroine the mother, the wife, but also, for example, the racial defiler, cf. Fox (2000). In contrast, cf. Schlüpmann (1988/91) for a critique of ideology.
- 66.
A thematic classification with a focus on gender relations is also undertaken by Lange (1994).
- 67.
Cf. critically Ascheid (2003), who points out the tautological structure of the interpretation. Thematic groupings of the films to establish a temporal phase model are therefore equally difficult: until 1936, the phase of light-hearted comedies, operetta and music films; until 1939, preparatory and alignment films of the so-called stabilization phase; the heroic alignment films of the war years until the so-called turning point; from 1943 until the end of the war, the morale-boosting films; shortly before the end of the war, the short phase of the doomsday films and the defector films. This is the case with Strobel (2009) and Kundrus (2005).
- 68.
Ultimately, the underlying idea here is that the strategic production of contradictions should lead to their consolidation by a single, overarching authority, as is sometimes asserted in the historical literature on the politics of the regime in general, as well as with regard to Hitler’s function in particular. For more on this, cf. Bracher (1976). The position taken by Frei (1987) is not uncontroversial. Cf. Kershaw (1985) for a good overview. Whether Lowry consciously had this transfer to film production in mind, however, is impossible to know. In this case, he would also place the subject of the spectator in the position of the superior instance. Whether this was an intended measure of the regime, however, is questionable and will remain unresolved.
- 69.
O’Brian goes one step further insofar as she focuses primarily on the affective, desirous component, and less on the cognitive dimension of audience reception in order to explain the far-reaching ideological impact of feature films under National Socialism. Cf. O’Brian (2004).
- 70.
Cf. the also critical Ascheid (2003: 11 ff.).
- 71.
In this context, Schulte-Sasse cites the example of Joseph Marian, who played Oppenheimer in Veit Harlan’s Jud Süß. The character was designed as an anti-hero from whom one should distance oneself. However, due to Marian’s charming charisma and charismatic style, he literally charmed the female audience in particular, from whom he received baskets of fan mail. Cf. Schulte-Sasse (1996).
- 72.
It is undisputed in the historical sciences that not only did racial ideology form the basis of the National Socialist worldview, but that this was also directly linked to the category of the body, and therefore also to that of gender and sexuality. Even though it was not an original ideology, it advanced to the ultima ratio of politics during Nazi rule and determined the techniques of governing. For an overwiew, cf. Dickinson (2004). On the specificity of Nazi racial ideology, cf. Kershaw (1985, 1995). For more on racial policy as gender policy, cf. Bock (ed.) (1993). The category of race functioned as a radical criterion for exclusion with reference to the idealized body of the people, on which it also had a levelling effect with reference to the category of gender. Within the idealized people’s body, on the other hand, the category gender dominated as a structuring principle, even though both categories were linked to each other both exogenously and endogenously. Cf. Quack (1997), Kaplan (2003a), Distel (2001), Bock (ed.) (2005), Ofer and Weitzman (eds.) (1998), Hauch (2001), Bauer et al. (eds.) (2005), Przyrembel (2003) and Schneider (2010).
- 73.
In this respect, gender relations were analogous to the guiding idea of the harmonious Volksgemeinschaft. This can be seen in the recoding of femininity in particular. Femininity, too, was underdeveloped in history, and thus had to be corrected in the sense of the ideal. To this end, recourse was made to a mythical image of the past, in which, above all, völkisch-national, Aryan elements, especially motherhood, dominated. These were also combined with modern elements, which were now set against the distortions through capitalism, Judaism, sensationalism as recoded, as implied by the applied attributes of natural, life-affirming, athletic and friendly. These elements naturally entered into a relationship of tension in representation, as not only historians such as Elke Frietsch but also film scholars such as Antje Ascheid note. Cf. Frietsch (2008) and Ascheid (2003). Although gender binarity was to be functionalized for reproduction in particular, it was not exclusively justified in biological terms, precisely because sexual behavior was no longer defined as a private pleasure, but as a service to the national community. At the same time, however, it was still considered a gratification measure in the form of individual wish fulfillment, meaning as completed consumption. It was rather socially conditioned, but was justified with a difference in essence, which determined the position and function of the individuals and thus at the same time let us understand why the only superficially symmetrical gender relations had to be arranged hierarchically in the sense of the achievement principle. But because all agreeable individuals were addressed with the prospect of reward, it appeared as if everyone, men as well as women, were not only recognized to the same extent by the system, but also in their true individual identity. On the reorganization of gender identities in the public sphere, cf. Bock (1997). Likewise, love, intimacy, and sexuality were broadly dealt with. These concepts were also recoded by removing them from the tense context of Jewish frivolity and bourgeois repression and identifying them as natural and life-affirming. Old institutions such as the family were to be eroded in such a way that their ancestral functions could be reorganized throughout the space of the Volksgemeinschaft. Here, too, the principle of address was relevant, through which every individual was supposed to feel taken seriously by the regime even in his/her most intimate desires. It is therefore not just a matter of biopolitical measures or those of generating consent. Rather, one must understand this as a strategy of regulating consumption, here of bodies and sexuality. On this, cf. Herzog (2005: 15 ff.). All forms of sexuality that were not life-affirming, meaning not reproductive or racially unpopular, were not only publicly discredited and at the same time exploited pornographically. Rather, sexual and reproductive behavior was de facto regulated with repressive measures, such as forced sterilization, castration, and abortion, up to and including internment. Cf. Fout (2002).
- 74.
The justification of the category gender according to its social function aimed directly at the reclassification of all social classes. Through the applicable principle of achievement, which was fundamentally directed at all citizens, everyone should in principle have the opportunity for social advancement. At the same time, it had different effects with regard to gender. Frank Werner demonstrates that the category achievement was already coded in male terms and therefore primarily objectified the hegemony of male, hierarchically structured communities. Female success, no matter what the outcome, was always less valuable in what Werner has called the “dictatorship of valorization.” Cf. Werner (2013: 49 ff.), Bock (1997) as well as Siegel (1989).
- 75.
Cf. Meyhöfer (1989).
- 76.
Ascheid’s argument emphasizes that the different concepts of femininity raised in the film also made offers of identification to women, whereby a totalizing identification with the position conveyed at the end of the film did not necessarily have to occur. She elaborates on this in detail using the star character Lilian Harvey in Ascheid (1998).
- 77.
On women as consumers in the NS era, cf. Guenther (2004).
- 78.
Furthermore, according to Ascheid, the image of the glamorous strong man, which was supposed to serve as a projection surface and identification offer for male social subjects, was reserved for Hitler, the upper party functionaries or the ministers. On the importance of gender difference in determining the relationship between art and popular culture negotiated in feature films, cf. Schrödl (2004).
- 79.
That this binarism should also be reorganized can be seen in the functionalization of Ludwig van Beethoven’s music in particular. This music was no longer to be appreciated along the lines of social differentiation. As typical German, it was supposed to create a unified community to exclude those who were not allowed because of foreign attitudes or origins. In essence, it was not the music itself that was honored. Rather, it stood quasi-symbolically for typical German culture. Cf. Currid (2006) and Schulte-Sasse (1996). The official aversion to jazz must also be seen in this light. It was not to be rejected as a low art form, but because it was foreign in a racial sense. On the swing and jazz debates, which were historically ambivalent, cf. Schäfer (1984). For further reading, see Kater (1992) and Polster (ed.) (1988). On the understanding of serious and popular music under National Socialism, on the regime’s music policy, and on musicology as cultural theory, cf. Kater (1997), Kater and Riethmüller (eds.) (2003), Potter (1998) and Heister and Klein (eds.) (1984). For an overview of the relationship between German nationality and music, cf. Applegate and Potter (eds.) (2002).
- 80.
- 81.
The official image of femininity was accompanied by an image of masculinity. It was constituted according to the male function of occupying the superior position in the ideal Volksgemeinschaft. In the logic of the general superiority of masculinity, the entire space of the community was in and of itself coded male. The practices of male communalization, because essentially state-building, were more cohesive than those of female communalization. These possessed no foundation to the extent that femininity was grounded in functional complementarity to masculinity. On this epistemological foil, everything that stood out from this masculinity was to be visibly demarcated and devalued as non-permissive. Cf. Werner (2013) as well as Theweleit (1984). Cf. Winter (2013), Mosse (1996: 155 ff.), Connell (2013), Kühne (1996, 2002, 2006, 2010) as well as Knoch (2004). Homosexuality must also be classified as a non-permissive form of masculinity since it was a non-reproductive sexual identity, which is why it was persecuted. Cf. Oosterhuis (1994), Jellonek (1990, 2002: 49 ff.), Lautmann (2002), Zinn (2012), Plant (1991), Grau (ed.) (2004), and Stümke and Finkler (1981). Herzer (1984) takes a somewhat different perspective. Homosexuality, Herzer argues, was not defamed on moral grounds. Rather, it was about the political understanding of sexuality as not individual, but always determined by the whole that legitimized it. It was therefore decidedly not justified on biologistic grounds, but was regarded as deviant behavior because this made it seem correctable. For this reason, homosexuality was often labelled immoral, antisocial or indolent behavior. The legal and medical debates on the definition of homosexuality in the Nazi era testify to the discursive struggle over a biological predisposition to be corrected. The hard core of the definition from the legal side was anal intercourse, which was difficult to prove. Because of this, the definition was based less on sexual acts between men than on individual attributes or behavior such as looks and gestures. De facto, a sexual identity was discursively produced here that placed practically every man under general suspicion. For more on this, cf. Giles (2002, 2005b). Because it therefore potentially undermined the homosocial bond between men that was in principle advocated and promoted in order to form the reason of state, homosexuality had to be clarified in the figure of the effeminate gay man in order to produce a supposedly evident borderline case. Cf. von See (1990), Greve (1990), zur Nieden (2005), Hancock (1998), Hewitt (1996), Zinn (1997) as well as Micheler (2005). Lesbians were not defined as legal subjects, which meant that they were not prosecuted, but also that access to individuals beyond legal measures was simplified, which became apparent, for example, in forced reproduction. See Lanwerd and Stoehr (2007) and Schoppmann (1991, 2012).
- 82.
Cf. Hake (1998).
- 83.
Marcia Klotz has examined this inner contradiction in the star persona of Hans Albers. In this case, according to Klotz, it takes on a tragic trait insofar as it fails to successfully inscribe itself in the universal human. Cf. Klotz (1998).
- 84.
Hake (1998: 43).
- 85.
This also explains the dominance of comedies and melodramas in the Nazi era, which were particularly well suited for acted-out and regulated transgressions of affects, emotions, and desires within the framework of performed normative registers.
- 86.
Hake (1998: 48).
- 87.
- 88.
Cf. Tegel (1996: 515 f.).
- 89.
Robert und Bertram was not a major box-office success for Tobis-Filmkunst GmbH. Cf. Schulte-Sasse (1996: 235). In 1939 it was already officially a so-called state-affiliated film production company like Ufa, Bavaria as well as Berlin, Wien and Prag Film. Hans H. Zerlett, an experienced director and party comrade, was the director. Helmut Schreiber was head of the production group. The roles of the two protagonists, like many of the supporting roles with Rudi Godden as Robert and Kurt Seifert as Bertram, were cast with actors who had a great deal of theater, operetta and cabaret experience.
- 90.
This film is about the Jewish hegemony of the textile industry in Britain.
- 91.
For example, O’Brian writes that the film was the first after the pogroms of 1938 to portray “Jews as cultural and economic outsiders in great detail” (O’Brian 2004: 32). The following films, which portrayed Jews in a negative light, no longer did so by means of comedy, but by means of open hostility, such as Jud Süß, Die Rothschilds and Der ewige Jude (The Eternal Jew, GER 1940; dir.: Fritz Hippler). Since Robert und Bertram is set in 1839, it is often referred to in literature as a film comedy, film farce, or even a musical comedy. On the free interpretation of history, especially in operetta films, cf. Bono (1998).
- 92.
Ernst Lubitsch’s films from the end of the German Empire to the beginning of the Weimar Republic are representative of this. Lubitsch staged the irresolvable, intrinsic contradiction of having to convey a supposedly Jewish essence with non-Jewish culture through comedy. In this respect, representation always aimed at the negotiation of identity, which did not always have to be politically correct. Together with Max Mack, Lubitsch interestingly tried his hand at a film entitled Robert und Bertram oder die lustigen Vagabunden (Robert and Bertram – or, the Merry Vagabonds) in 1915. Ashkenazi (2010) makes a decidedly essentialist argument. On the tradition of the complex representation of Jewish stereotypes in relation to non-Jewish German culture in popular genres such as circus, Yiddish theater and revue since the end of the nineteenth century, cf. Marx (2006, 2012) as well as Otte (2006).
- 93.
Zerlett (1939: n.d.).
- 94.
On Raeder’s farce, cf. Spieldiener (2008), in which she discusses the perpetuation of Jewish stereotypes in the play and comparatively in Zerlett’s film. Cf. Bayerdörfer and Fischer (2008) on the development of the stereotypes as characters and roles in the theater since the late eighteenth century, which were partly recruited from the characters of the traveling troupes known for burlesque, crudely comical repertoire, as well as on the variations of the so-called climber or haggling Jew from simple merchant to stockbroker in the course of the nineteenth century. Also on the subject of the development of Jewish roles in the theater since the late eighteenth century, cf. Bayerdörfer (ed.) (1992).
- 95.
For example, Schulte-Sasse writes that “Zerlett used only episodes from Raeder, but added an anti-Semitic perspective lacking in the original.” (Schulte-Sasse 1996: 235).
- 96.
Cf., e.g., the criticism of Brentani 1939, quoted in O’Brian (2004: 62).
- 97.
- 98.
On farce from a theater-historical perspective, cf. Klotz (2007).
- 99.
- 100.
The film adds typical cinematic components to buffoonery and farce in that it does not reproduce traditional folk tunes, but rather the musical interludes typical of musical and operetta films. The Viennese song is a hit song (see Sect. 3.6). The operetta aria that Robert performs at Palais Ipelmeyer is his own creation. It is a loose interpretation of the genre operetta.
- 101.
Cf. Klotz (2007: 23 ff.).
- 102.
- 103.
The Yiddish speaking of the characters is a modern form of linguistic expression that only developed in the course of the explicit exhibition of everything Jewish in modern societies. It was often used not as a pure demarcation criterion, but precisely as a means of negotiation and bargaining.
- 104.
The carnival as a topos functions somewhat differently from the wedding; it also possesses a different meaning. It is no accident that it is, firstly, a reference to the prehistory of cinema, that is, a place where financial transactions, trade and pleasure meet. Here it corresponds to the representational mode of creating a perfect stage illusion in the sense of theater, which is deliberately transgressed by means of cinematographic procedures. In terms of content and theme, this reference also functions as a construction of a place for the presentation of animal and human spectacles, such as the freaks seen in the first shot of the carnival, or the monkey, for example. Moreover, it is a place where the exotic foreign is represented and voyeuristically exploited in order to exaggerate it as an outlandishness and regulate it for the film audience. The wedding is also an arrangement of regulated pleasure, but its viewing is not legitimized precisely by radical otherness and foreign origin.
- 105.
Cf. Schulte-Sasse (1996: 240).
- 106.
Cf. Schulte-Sasse (1996: 242 ff.).
- 107.
Strapping Max is, firstly, a term used for male genitalia and, secondly, designates a German meal with dark rye bread. But it also designates fairground equipment where one has to punch a hammer as hard as possible on an anvil to proove one’s physical strength.
- 108.
Strictly speaking, of course, they do insofar as they not only intervene in events, but their actions have consequences. The wedding scene shows the exact opposite of a newly organizing milieu. In the hustle and bustle of the hustle, only the wedding couple remains calm, on whom the camera rests for a few seconds to demonstrate that the milieu is unshakeable in its ideological core. The Ipelmeyer scene is analogous. After the chase after the protagonists have been shown in many dynamic shots, Jacques, the butler of the house, stands on the palace’s gala staircase and addresses the cinema audience directly with a sweeping hand gesture using a well-known Jewish stereotype: “Final gallop with the Yiddish haste, right?”
- 109.
With Bono (1998) it can be argued that the characters need not belong to any social class in the tradition of operetta. Characteristically, they “are not sedentary, care little about money, despise morality and possessions, live in the day. They share a worldview summed up in the motto Carpe Diem and espouse the ideology of operetta.” (Bono 1998: 33).
- 110.
Cf. Elsaesser (1999).
- 111.
The year 1839 mentioned here is considered by historians to be the restoration period in Germany. There are parallels in the domestic policies of the regimes. The powerful countries of the confederation, above all Prussia, suppressed national and liberal aspirations by means of censorship and coercive measures. However, this historical reality is not the explicit subject of the film. The nationalist aspirations are welcomed under the table when a banner at the carnival reads: “With heart and hand for the fatherland!” By shifting the focus to history, the negative part of the factual reality of the present state (coercion, censorship, terror, violence, deportation) is split off. Instead, the historically devalued part of the national-democratic movement is positively appropriated as a motto for the present state. As far as the history of the buffoonery as an art form is concerned, it was treated rather critically until the beginning of the renewed emergence of the question of the unity of Germany as a nation-state, since from the perspective of the petit-bourgeois milieu it was a matter of centralization and unification. In contrast, petit-bourgeois identity was constituted by means of local specifics, which were potentially endangered by (inter)national phenomena (such as capitalism) or even nation-state aspirations. Cf. Klotz (2007: 99 ff.).
- 112.
Klotz (1998) argues similarly, writing that certain aspects of fascist reality are made invisible in the films, while they remain consistently effective in the background as negative or even positive implications. She makes this point in the case of the historical figure of Carl Peters, whose merciless treatment of the African population, as well as sexual relations with African women in particular, are not addressed in the film, but must have been implicitly present due to the audience’s media knowledge of his story.
- 113.
This is not meant cynically as the primacy of the ideal over reality. The opposite is the case. The discursive, technical and media practices made reality in 1939 increasingly unbearable for all persons of Jewish origin. The year 1939 marked the transition from identifying exclusion to extermination, which, roughly speaking, was initiated by the Nuremberg Laws. First, the citizenship rights of people of Jewish origin were restricted, and marriage between Jews and non-Jews was prohibited. Disenfranchisement and exclusion continued in 1938 with the Ordinance on Passports of Jews. In it, persons of Jewish origin had to identify themselves with an identity card from July 23, 1938, and from October 5, 1938 had to have the name Jakob and Sarah noted in their passports. Directly after the pogroms in the night of November 9-10, 1938, the Decree for the elimination of Jews from German economic life was issued on November 12, 1938 (RGBl. 1938 I: 1580), which led to a large number of expropriations of businesses. This was followed by the Ordinance on the Use of Jewish Property on December 3, 1938 (RGBl. 1938 I.: 1709), which was declared to be a collective reparation payment for the financial damage allegedly caused by the Jews themselves as a result of the pogroms. On December 15, 1938, the first instalment of this so-called Judenvermögensabgabe, or Jewish capital levy, became due (the last one in August 15, 1939). In November 1938, in the course of the decree RGBl. 1938 I: 1580, Goebbels forbade persons of Jewish origin to take part in cultural events. Their attendance could only take place within the framework of the Kulturbund Deutscher Juden, founded in 1933 by Kurt Baumann and Kurt Singer. On November 14, 1938, pupils of Jewish origin were dismissed from schools. In January 1939, the Reich Central Office for Jewish Emigration was founded to regulate the status and residence of dispossessed persons. Ghettoization was a consequence of this, flanked by ongoing threats and repression, dispossession and humiliation. Other groups such as political opponents, gays and Sinti and Romani were also affected differently (see introduction of this chapter).
- 114.
Cf. Schulte-Sasse (1996: 233 ff.). Unlike Schulte-Sasse, I do not believe that the Jew per se is constituted and represented as an abstract throughout the film, like money. On the contrary, these figures are far too physically and linguistically present, which is precisely to convey the specific particularity of their incommensurable particularity; this is true even under the conditions of their stereotypical representation.
- 115.
- 116.
Notoriously cited in this context by literature are the linguistic confusions. First and foremost, those produced by the butler, Jacques, who says Pampadour instead of Pompadour, Cleptomania instead of Cleopatra, and Ofentüre (oven door) instead of Overture. He also calls the Sun King “Louis Quatorze, the XIV.” (Louis the Fourteenth Fifteenth). Likewise, lack of education is mentioned, as, for example, Ipelmeyer confuses the French word for “vexed,” or “faché,” with the German word for meatloaf, namely Faschiertes. That this is an allusion to the genre of farce itself, etymologically deriving from Latin farcire, to stuff, increases the distance for the knowing part of the film audience. Cf. O’Brian (2004: 39). Moreover, Ipelmeyers and their guests do not realize that the Count of Monte Cristo is the titular character from the adventure novel by Alexandre Dumas. In addition, the novel was published between 1844 and 1846. The film is therefore deliberately imprecise about historical factuality in order to establish a distancing complicity with the informed part of the audience regarding the Jewish characters. On the resentment toward Eastern Jews, cf. Aschheim (1982).
- 117.
In this case, the literature repeatedly refers to Frau Ipelmeyer’s answer to the question of how she recognizes her lover Forchheimer despite the mask. The answer is, by his feet. Cf. on the stereotypes of the Jewish body Breitenfeller (1998). For more on Jewish stereotypes cf. Volkov (2000b); on life concepts, cf. Kaplan (ed.) (2003b).
- 118.
This is another source of amusement insofar as the Pompadour was the Sun King’s mistress. That Frau Ipelmeyer dresses up as the king’s mistress, while her husband obviously casts his eye on other ladies–here the prima ballerina of the performance at the palace in particular–is full of contradictions, which are shown as ignorance.
- 119.
Cf. on this point Schulte-Sasse (1996: 239).
- 120.
Piquant, but entirely in keeping with the present gender concept, is the camera’s return in this case only to catch another glimpse of the ballerinas.
- 121.
Bertram’s advances towards Frau Ipelmeyer show that real feelings can arise even in the context of a fake identity. The two protagonists cannot completely free themselves from pleasure and lust, even if Bertram seems to succeed better than Robert, who is more susceptible to exoticism and erotic-ethnic transgressions, as illustrated by the dream of the two oriental belly dancers in the first scene of the film. At the end, their image is superimposed by that of two policemen who pick up Bertram in reality. The gender bending of the visual plane serves the comic purpose here, but is thematically intended to be a regulation of ethnic-erotic transgression by the real force of order. Bertram, as O’Brian correctly notes, approaches Ipelmeyer’s through the criterion of illiteracy, the causes of which, however, are entirely different. In Bertram’s case it is based on social aspects since he is a “broken-out bourgeois.” (Robert). Ipelmeyer’s lack of knowledge, on the other hand, is clearly racially based. But it is precisely the exotistically founded desire for the Other that produces and additionally multiplies the desire for transgression precisely across the barrier of prohibition. This, in turn, had to be regulated in current reality, as in the Nuremberg Laws on Racial Segregation, for example. Cf. O’Brian (2004) as well as Klotz (1998: 108 f.).
- 122.
- 123.
If we look at it closely, the possibility of laughing at the characters only arises through direct interaction with the two protagonists with reference to official authority, that is, to Strammbach and the two policemen who are looking for them.
- 124.
In the context of ridiculing other characters through knowledge advantage on the part of the film audience, her gender masquerade is set in the carnival scene. The scene primarily serves to once again demonstrate the stupidity and narrow-mindedness of the official power. Strammbach becomes the target of ridicule because he fails to see through their charade due to his dandyish infatuation. In terms of content, the difference of gender identity and gender performance here serves the purpose of staying safe in an otherwise hostile environment. Which is also evident when they are pursued as soon as the masquerade falls. There is, of course, deliberate play here with the audio-visual appeal of the effeminacy of the two characters within the comedy of the farce. But through the blurring of motivation–persecution for stealing, persecution for breaking the law, persecution on the basis of § 175–the thematic implication becomes clear.
- 125.
The following dialogue relaxes here. Robert says: “What a terrible world! These headlines. Oh, the fighting in the Far East, the uprising in India, more assassinations in Russia, riots in Spain, the race wars between whites and Negroes in America. Is there no peace at all? After all, we are living in 1839,” to which Bertram replies: “Leave it, my boy. In a hundred years, it’ll all be different.”
- 126.
Bertram’s reaction to this statement is also not insignificant, for he covers Robert’s mouth with the brief remark, “Shut up!” looking around anxiously.
- 127.
It is true that the king is portrayed here as an insightful, benevolent patriarch. But as the last scene with the official announcement shows, in which a reward of 100 marks is offered for their capture, this in no way means that they remain unpunished. Although they have not committed any crimes, the Jews are nevertheless considered the true criminals.
- 128.
The English term is request concert.
- 129.
The production of Wunschkonzert was the responsibility of Cine-Allianz Tonfilm Produktion GmbH, which was run by its founders Arnold Pressburger and Gregor Rabinowitsch until 1937. In 1932, it came into being as Union-Tonfilm and was very successful until liquidation proceedings were initiated in 1935. Pressburger and Rabinowitsch were expropriated in 1937 and left the country. They had founded their company because they left Ufa due to steadily worsening working conditions at the company due to their ethnic and religious background.
- 130.
- 131.
Cf. Bathrick (1999: 130).
- 132.
- 133.
- 134.
- 135.
On the Wehrmacht’s Wunschkonzert, cf. Koch (2006a).
- 136.
From 1936 to 1938, it was still called “Wunschkonzert für das Winterhilfswerk”; in 1939 the name was changed to “Wunschkonzert für die Wehrmacht.” (“Request concert for the armed forces”). On the origin and history of the Wunschkonzert, cf. in more detail Koch (2006a: 162 ff. and 188 f.) as well as Bathrick (1999: 116 ff.). Both authors note that the principle of the listener’s wish had already existed since the introduction of radio in Germany in 1923.
- 137.
Cf. Currid (2006: 54 ff.).
- 138.
Currid (2006: 6)
- 139.
Cf. on this Schulte-Sasse (1996: 295 ff.).
- 140.
It is significant that in the title sequence only the names of the actors are listed, but not their respective role names.
- 141.
At this point, we don’t know that Schwarzkopf is a musician and lives with his mother in the same building as the Friedrichs. Insofar, the audible music could also be extradiegetic up to this point.
- 142.
On the function of Beethoven as a cultural set piece, cf. Schulte-Sasse (1996). She argues that the music was intended to create personal inwardness in the characters, whereby the men behaved differently towards this music according to their social background. Ultimately, it is not the music itself that creates meaning, but the name Beethoven as the epitome of German (high) culture.
- 143.
The construction of the civil community of feelings needs the mother and the expectant mother, otherwise it would be untrustworthy in this function. Secondly, in the constellation of an exclusively male emotional community, it would easily run the risk of being misunderstood as homoerotic.
- 144.
According to the tenor of the research, this sequence comes closest to an adequate representation of the war. In the logic of my analysis of the film, it is precisely these scenes that are particularly illusory because they resort to stereotypes that are presented illusionistically, or abruptly. Here we see a trench that looks like a Black Forest hut, including a banner above the entrance!
- 145.
As a civilian acoustic signal, however, it is particularly susceptible to interference.
- 146.
Schwarzkopf stays too long in the church, which is now under enemy fire. He is killed by a falling beam when the church collapses while playing the organ.
- 147.
The male figures belong to the Wehrmacht and not to the SA (Nazi mounted storm troopers) or the SS (Nazi protection unit).
- 148.
- 149.
- 150.
In the stadium, Inge and Herbert are surrounded by a conspicuous number of people who are marked as foreign, including Blacks.
- 151.
I do not agree with Schulte-Sasse’s thesis that Hitler hovers above the action as an exaggerated figure qua absence in every shot of the film. Rather, he is increasingly visualized as this elevated, exclusive point of reference. But this also gives rise to the danger that he becomes visible only as an individual human being.
- 152.
- 153.
Schulte-Sasse (1996: 293).
- 154.
Schulte-Sasse (1996: 291).
- 155.
See the similar argument in Andress (1991).
- 156.
The fact that the crowd is not supposed to be an undifferentiated mass, but a particularized quantity, becomes apparent in a self-reflexive dialogue between Inge and Herbert. First, Herbert answers Inge’s exclamation: “God, it’s beautiful. All these people. How many do you think there are?” with the exact number 89,968. Then Inge asks Herbert how much the seat in Block C in the 17th row costs.
- 157.
Schulte-Sasse (1996: 292).
- 158.
It speaks volumes that when asked by her grandmother whether she still thinks “about the one in Berlin,” Inge answers: “You can never completely forget it.” So she only refers vaguely to a person and/or an event.
- 159.
Cf. Kater (1992).
- 160.
Legion Condor were missions of Wehrmacht officers in the service of Franco’s putschists, who wanted to abolish the Republican government and end democracy. The latest models of aircraft bombers from Junkers, Heinkel, Dornier and Messerschmidt were used there for testing purposes. The officers arrived in civilian clothes and, as shown in the film, posed as members of Lufthansa.
- 161.
Cf. O’Brian (1997: 42 f.).
- 162.
Helmut, who has become a pilot lieutenant under Herbert’s command, tells him about a girl he would like to marry. Neither of them knows at the time that it is Inge. Later, Herbert finds out by chance and thinks Inge is no longer interested in him. Therefore, Inge has to convince him of the opposite in the hospital.
- 163.
Moreover, in the function of the mediator, she is mediated by the media insofar as her photo is exchanged between the two men as a medium of (separating) desire.
- 164.
Of course, the film audience is also supposed to feast on the handsome, athletic physicality of the two. Heins writes that in the cinema of the Nazi era, the naked body was made extra visible as a beautiful, natural body, whereby the homoerotic potential, in contrast to the Hollywood cinema of the time, was definitely accepted. Cf. Heins (2013: 33), and on male (erotic) corporeality Herzog (2005).
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König, C. (2022). National Socialism/Germany: Film and Cinema, Gender and Sexuality. In: Performative Figures of Queer Masculinity. Palgrave Macmillan, Stuttgart. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05888-1_4
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