- Ludwig Maximilians University (LMU) of Munich
Insitute for Sinology
Kaulbachstrasse 53
Room 1.11
80539 Munich
Germany - 0049-89-21803567
- Archaeology, Prehistoric Archaeology, Archaeological Method & Theory, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese history (History), Chinese manuscripts, and 293 moreHistorical Archaeology, Social Archaeology, Cultural Theory, Cultural Studies, Silk Road, Anthropology, Material Culture Studies, Archaeology of Religion, Death and Burial (Archaeology), Funerary Archaeology, Theoretical Archaeology, Cultural History, Social History, Historiography, Comparative Religion, History of Religions, Ancient Religion, History of Religion, Textiles, Archaeological textiles and clothing, History of Textiles, Prehistoric Textiles, Dyeing, Weaving, Ancient Textiles, Embroidered Textiles, Chinese medicine, Sinology, Medieval Chinese Culture, Sinology, History of Sinology, Sinologie, Sinology, Chinese Medine, Philosophical Practice, Trankulturelle Kommunikation, Sinologie, Sinology (Literature), Chinese Art, Chinese Studies, Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Religions, Chinese Language and Culture, Chinese Medicine, Chinese archaeology, Chinese foreign policy, Chinese art history, Traditional Chinese Medicine, Chinese Law, Early China, Chinese Paleography, Chinese Textual Culture, Central Asian Studies, Eurasian Nomads, Archaeology of Central Asia, Silk Road Studies, Sogdian, Dunhuang, Archaeology of Ritual and Magic, Han Dynasty, Confucianism, Inner Asian History, Tang Dynasty, Ancient Chinese Divination, Pre-Qin Chinese literature, Mortuary archaeology, Art History, Chinese Historiography, Early Medieval China History, Nicholas Sims-Williams, Classical Chinese literature, Gandhara, Gandhara Art, Archaeology of Central Asia in Parthian, Kushan and Sasanian times, Humanities, Sven Hedin, Cross-Cultural Studies, Inner Asian Studies, Sir Aurel Stein, Tarim Basin, Xinjiang, Central Asian History (Area Studies), Mongolian Studies, History of the Mongol Empire, Mongols, Xinjiang studies, archaeology of Khotan / Xinjiang PC China, Archaeology of Xinjiang, Archaeology of Siberia, Xiongnu, Pazyryk Culture, Siberian archaeology, Turfan, Sogdian C Oins and Archaeological Material, Medieval Central Asian trade history, Mummies, Ancient Tattooing, China, State Formation, Xiongnu archaelogy, The Xiongnu in Chinese Chronicles, XIONGNU ARCHEOLOGY, NOYON UUL, Xiongnu archaeology, Tsaraam cemetery, Bog bodies, Burial Customs, Artificial Cranial Deformation, The Uses of Archaeology, History of Archaeological Theory, Shang Dynasty (Archaeology), Shang Dynasty Bronzes and Oracle Bones, Scribal training, ancient literacy, Medieval China, Northern Wei, Six Dynasties, Silk Road-Imports to the Roman Provinces, History, Sasanian History, The body in archaeology, Hallstatt, Fürstensitze, Frühlatènezeit, Guodian Bamboo Manuscripts, Shanghai Museum Bamboo Texts, Tsinghua Bamboo Manuscripts, Ancient Chinese Texts, Daoism, Reflection of Chinese cosmology in art, Chinese grave art, Journal of Asian and African Studies, Popular religion, Archaeology Of China, External Contacts of Chinese, European Prehistory (Archaeology), East Asian Studies, Chinese social history, China Tang~Song Dynasties, Sacred Landscape (Archaeology), Pre-Qin Period in Chinese History, Frantz Grenet, Radiocarbon Dating (Earth Sciences), Chinese Buddhism, Xunzi, Mencius, Confucian Philosophy, Kushano-Sasanian Numismatics, Mortuary Practices Xinjiang, Turfan Texts, Rashid al-Din, Sima Qian, Shiji, Chang'an, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Eurasian Prehistory, Travel History, Daoist studies, Daoist art, Chinese painting, Dunhuang Studies, Afrasiab, Sogdian Archaeology, Sogdian Culture, Central Asians/Sogdians in China, Panjikent, Chinese Commentary Literature, Burial archaeology, Bronze Age, cremation, Cremation, Ancient City-States, Sino-Korean Relations, Chinese Epitaphs, Daily Life in Ancient Times, Criminal Cemetery, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Excavated manuscripts (China), Early Chinese texts, Pre-Imperial Chinese Archaeology, History, "sinification" of Buddhism, Dura Europos, Palmyra, Syria, Classical Chinese Language and Translation, Early Chinese History, Classical Chinese Intellectual History, Oriental Studies, China (Archaeology), Tombs, Chinese historical archaeology, Matching objects from texts to archaeological finds, Sasanian Iconography, Metalwork Parthian, Sassanian Textiles, Buddhist Art, Transition From Han to Six Dynasties, Chinese epigraphy, Sixteen Kingdoms Period, Semiotics, Foodways, Historical Cookery, Liao Dynasty (907-1125), An Lushan Rebellion (An Shi Zhi Luan 安史之亂), Hermann Hesse, Franz Kafka, Vincent Van Gogh, Max Beckmann, Mark Rothko, Jackson Pollock, Xi Xia, Dunhuang manuscripts, Marilyn Strathern, Museum Studies, History of Art and Architecture, Selbstreflexion, Ancient Networks, Ancient economies (Archaeology), Ancient Trade & Commerce (Archaeology), Ancient Roman economy, trade and commerce, Writing systems, Dress and Personal Adornment (Archaeology), Oskar Kokoschka, Expressionism, German Expressionism, Symbolism (Art History), Austrian Expressionism, Egon Schiele, Gustav Klimt, Otto Dix, German Literature and Culture, Archaeology and Art History, Mounded Tombs, Tumulus, Oppida, Burial mounds (Archaeology), Kurgans, Scythian archaeology, Scythians, Scythian History, Archaeology of the Eurasian steppe belt, Scythian and other Eurasian Nomadic Horse Warrior Cultures, Early Steppe Nomadic peoples migrations and social life, Ancient Technology (Archaeology), Early State Formation, Conspicuous Consumption, Social status, Identity Construction, Self and Identity, Chiefdoms (Archaeology), Archaeology of States, Borders and Borderlands, Anthropology of the State, State Theory, Prestige, Performance Theory, Celtic Studies, Celtic Archaeology, La Tene culture, Bells of Ancient China, The Tombs of Ancient China, Material Culture of Ancient China, Household Archaeology, Glyptics of the Indo-Iranian Borderlands, Sogdian art, Neue Sachlichkeit / New vision, Symmetrical Archaeology, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Gift Exchange, Reciprocity (Social and Cultural Anthropology), Gift Giving (Economic Anthropology), Michel Foucault, Scribes, History of Writing and Writing Tools, Palaeography, Paleography, Gladiators, Ancient History, Nationalism and Archaeology, Religion and ritual in prehistory, East Asian Art history, Asian Art, Manuscript Studies, Manuscript Cultures, Codicology, Early Chinese Law, Manuscripts, Chinese history, China studies, Legal History, Qin dynasty, Early Chinese Manuscripts, Landscape Archaeology, Neolithic Archaeology, Mediterranean archaeology, Near Eastern Archaeology, Archaeological Theory, History of the Qin and Han Dynasties, Western Han dynasty, China, Eastern Han Dynasty, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Daoism, Gender Studies, Social Sciences, Sociology, Social Psychology, and Research Methodologyedit
In 21 Beiträgen ehren Schüler und Weggefährten aus München, Münster, Göttingen, Heidelberg, Cambridge und Oxford (GB), Los Angeles (CA), Tempe (AZ), Beijing und Shanghai den international renommierten Sinologen und nunmehr Präsidenten der... more
In 21 Beiträgen ehren Schüler und Weggefährten aus München, Münster, Göttingen, Heidelberg, Cambridge und Oxford (GB), Los Angeles (CA), Tempe (AZ), Beijing und Shanghai den international renommierten Sinologen und nunmehr Präsidenten der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Thomas O. Höllmann anlässlich seines 65. Geburtstags.
Höllmanns vielseitigen Forschungsinteressen Rechnung tragend vereint die Festschrift Untersuchungen aus den Bereichen Archäologie, Geschichte, Kunst, Philosophie und Ethnologie. Sie beleuchten verschiedenste Aspekte des täglichen Lebens vor allem in China vom Altertum bis in die Gegenwart. Dazu zählen ebenso die Aufnahme fremder Technologien in der Bronzeverarbeitung wie die Untersuchung von Ritualen und Wohnformen in der chinesischen Frühgeschichte, die Neubewertung zweier grundlegender Inschriftentexte aus der frühen Kaiserzeit wie die moderne Reinterpretation klassisch konfuzianischer Hochzeitsfeierlichkeiten. Ergänzt werden die Studien zur chinesischen Geschichte durch Beiträge zum Stadtleben der gebildeten Oberschicht im alten Indien und zum Leben mit Ruinen im antiken Rom. Auf diese Weise bietet dieser vielseitige Band nicht nur Sinologen, sondern auch archäologisch, geschichtswissenschaftlich, kunsthistorisch, philosophisch und ethnologisch interessierten Lesern zahlreiche Möglichkeiten, Neues zu entdecken.
Höllmanns vielseitigen Forschungsinteressen Rechnung tragend vereint die Festschrift Untersuchungen aus den Bereichen Archäologie, Geschichte, Kunst, Philosophie und Ethnologie. Sie beleuchten verschiedenste Aspekte des täglichen Lebens vor allem in China vom Altertum bis in die Gegenwart. Dazu zählen ebenso die Aufnahme fremder Technologien in der Bronzeverarbeitung wie die Untersuchung von Ritualen und Wohnformen in der chinesischen Frühgeschichte, die Neubewertung zweier grundlegender Inschriftentexte aus der frühen Kaiserzeit wie die moderne Reinterpretation klassisch konfuzianischer Hochzeitsfeierlichkeiten. Ergänzt werden die Studien zur chinesischen Geschichte durch Beiträge zum Stadtleben der gebildeten Oberschicht im alten Indien und zum Leben mit Ruinen im antiken Rom. Auf diese Weise bietet dieser vielseitige Band nicht nur Sinologen, sondern auch archäologisch, geschichtswissenschaftlich, kunsthistorisch, philosophisch und ethnologisch interessierten Lesern zahlreiche Möglichkeiten, Neues zu entdecken.
Research Interests: Roman History, Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, Chinese Buddhism, and 21 moreTibetan Studies, Indian studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, China studies, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Mortuary archaeology, China's foreign policy, Funerary Practices, Han Dynasty, Tibetan History, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese Architecture and Urban Issues, History of Chinese architecture and garden design, Chinese Architecture and Feng Shui, Western Han dynasty, China, Miniaturization, and Chinese Traditional Architecture
""Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? first and foremost aims to assess exquisite objects of art – Chinese silks in various weaving patterns, Chinese lacquer objects, Chinese bronze mirrors and Persian (Sassanian) glassware – and... more
""Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? first and foremost aims to assess exquisite objects of art – Chinese silks in various weaving patterns, Chinese lacquer objects, Chinese bronze mirrors and Persian (Sassanian) glassware – and their social function(s) within the ancient cultures of the Taklamakan Desert. It is a comprehensive analysis of the archaeological findings and features unearthed at several cemeteries dating roughly from the 2nd through 5th centuries CE that are located along the so-called “Southern Route” of the Chinese part of the Silk Road. In Chinese and in Western sources, these burial sites are (very well) known under the names of Yingpan 營盤, Loulan 樓蘭, Zhagunluke (Cherchen) 札滾魯克, and Niya 尼雅. The respective tombs yielded copious amounts of indigenous and imported artifacts as well as a large number of well-preserved mummies, most notably the famous ‘Yingpan Man’ sporting a mustachioed death mask. Thus, at the core of the book lays an extensively annotated compilation of burial assemblages that combines all available data collected from eighty eligible graves. The resulting database – it amounts to more than 300 pages excluding figures and tables – not only offers a comprehensive overview of all findings, but also delivers a detailed description of every known object from every single grave for the first time in a Western language.
It is often proposed that a considerable number of the Chinese commodities retrieved from these burials once were reciprocal gifts from Chinese rulers and thus an essential part of the so-called “tributary system.” Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? also aims to clarify the nature of the relationships between Chinese dynasties and the city-states of the Tarim Basin, which are usually neglected in favor of more powerful “barbarians” such as the Xiongnu. In order to do so, it was necessary to evaluate the respective information offered by Chinese historiographical sources (Hanshu 漢書, Hou hanshu 後漢書, Sanguozhi 三國志, Jinshu 晉書). The comparison of (more than forty) tribute missions from the Tarim Basin statelets to various Chinese courts with putative counter gifts over the course of roughly four hundred years clearly demonstrated that different mechanisms were at play. In none of the altogether four (!) instances any of the history books record imperial presents were these gift occasioned by the acceptance of tribute. By delivering tribute, the foreigners actually sought to secure amicable relations; they did not abuse tribute relations as “a cloak for trade.”
The archaeological sources, in general, mirror this impression. Even though one might consider a present from the hands of a Chinese emperor the ultimate prestige good, there are no indications that one of the buried individuals was in the possession of an immediate imperial gift. Although a considerable number of tomb occupants were equipped with artifacts produced somewhere in mainland China, the relics were hardly ever crafted in imperial workshops. That is to say with the exception of polychrome figured silks in warp-faced compound tabby weave (generally known as jin 錦 silks). These textiles are often adorned by auspicious inscriptions that occasionally propagate political agendas. But even such precious fabrics should be regarded as traded commodities rather than presents. This view is not only supported by the fact that in most cases relatively small fragments of many different weaving patterns were used, but also that some jin samples provide us with ink inscriptions in Chinese and the Kharosthi script that explicitly refer to the price of the textile.
But then, what exactly could be regarded a manifestation of an immensely complex social phenomenon such as prestige in archaeological data? At first glance, the collected evidence suggests that all imported Chinese objects must have been expensive; an observation that does not necessarily imply that all social actors considered them prestigious. The fact that some individuals produced or acquired imitations Chinese artifacts clearly indicates that they somehow admired the originals but, for various reasons, were unable to get hold of such items. Physical expressions of emulation, i.e. copies or imitations, certainly show that originals generated prestige, at least among a certain social group of admirers. More specifically, some Tarim Basin burials indeed provide us with proof that Western Asian weavers emulated Chinese jin silks. In their attempts to transform the latter’s principal decorative motifs into the typical Western Asian weaving technique known as taqueté, i.e. weft-faced compound tabby weaves, artisans even tried to copy – very crudely and unsuccessfully, I might add – Chinese script.""
It is often proposed that a considerable number of the Chinese commodities retrieved from these burials once were reciprocal gifts from Chinese rulers and thus an essential part of the so-called “tributary system.” Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? also aims to clarify the nature of the relationships between Chinese dynasties and the city-states of the Tarim Basin, which are usually neglected in favor of more powerful “barbarians” such as the Xiongnu. In order to do so, it was necessary to evaluate the respective information offered by Chinese historiographical sources (Hanshu 漢書, Hou hanshu 後漢書, Sanguozhi 三國志, Jinshu 晉書). The comparison of (more than forty) tribute missions from the Tarim Basin statelets to various Chinese courts with putative counter gifts over the course of roughly four hundred years clearly demonstrated that different mechanisms were at play. In none of the altogether four (!) instances any of the history books record imperial presents were these gift occasioned by the acceptance of tribute. By delivering tribute, the foreigners actually sought to secure amicable relations; they did not abuse tribute relations as “a cloak for trade.”
The archaeological sources, in general, mirror this impression. Even though one might consider a present from the hands of a Chinese emperor the ultimate prestige good, there are no indications that one of the buried individuals was in the possession of an immediate imperial gift. Although a considerable number of tomb occupants were equipped with artifacts produced somewhere in mainland China, the relics were hardly ever crafted in imperial workshops. That is to say with the exception of polychrome figured silks in warp-faced compound tabby weave (generally known as jin 錦 silks). These textiles are often adorned by auspicious inscriptions that occasionally propagate political agendas. But even such precious fabrics should be regarded as traded commodities rather than presents. This view is not only supported by the fact that in most cases relatively small fragments of many different weaving patterns were used, but also that some jin samples provide us with ink inscriptions in Chinese and the Kharosthi script that explicitly refer to the price of the textile.
But then, what exactly could be regarded a manifestation of an immensely complex social phenomenon such as prestige in archaeological data? At first glance, the collected evidence suggests that all imported Chinese objects must have been expensive; an observation that does not necessarily imply that all social actors considered them prestigious. The fact that some individuals produced or acquired imitations Chinese artifacts clearly indicates that they somehow admired the originals but, for various reasons, were unable to get hold of such items. Physical expressions of emulation, i.e. copies or imitations, certainly show that originals generated prestige, at least among a certain social group of admirers. More specifically, some Tarim Basin burials indeed provide us with proof that Western Asian weavers emulated Chinese jin silks. In their attempts to transform the latter’s principal decorative motifs into the typical Western Asian weaving technique known as taqueté, i.e. weft-faced compound tabby weaves, artisans even tried to copy – very crudely and unsuccessfully, I might add – Chinese script.""
Research Interests: Archaeology, History of Textiles, Central Asian Studies, Silk Road, Silk Road Studies, and 22 moreCross-Cultural Studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Xinjiang, Chinese foreign policy, Social Archaeology, Central Asian History (Area Studies), Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Ancient Textiles, Ancient Glass, Han Dynasty, Chinese history, Sven Hedin, Chinese art history, Silk Road Archaeology, Sir Aurel Stein, Chinese Lacquer, Chinese art and archaeology, Chinese bronze mirrors, Tarim Basin, Central Asian History and Anthropology, and Archaeology of Xinjiang
Early Chinese cities (ca. 13th c. BCE through early 3rd c. CE) are defined by the existence of city walls (cheng 城). The authors and compilers of early transmitted texts (ca. 5th c. BCE through 3rd c. CE) often emphasized the need to... more
Early Chinese cities (ca. 13th c. BCE through early 3rd c. CE) are defined by the existence of city walls (cheng 城). The authors and compilers of early transmitted texts (ca. 5th c. BCE through 3rd c. CE) often emphasized the need to build and maintain city walls. At first glance, this might seem as if early Chinese historians and philosophers were keenly interested in the structural qualities. Yet, closer inspection reveals that they were almost exclusively concerned with city walls as metaphors of proper rulership. They argued that neglecting the defenses of urban centers was tantamount to disregarding the well-being of the state in general. Derelict city walls inevitably led to empty (xu 虛) cities, while empty cities sounded the death knell of entire polities. Thus, I will argue that “lost cities” in early China essentially were “empty cities.” Regardless of whether cities were actually or hypothetically depopulated, engineers and soldiers never were at fault. Rather, urban life always ground to a halt whenever rulers lacked decency and proper behavior. Repeatedly, this boiled down to kings and emperors failing to heed the advice of capable counselors. If they did not listen to their advisors, their cities and states ultimately were lost.
Research Interests: Sociology, Chinese Philosophy, Violence, Chinese Studies, Place and Identity, and 11 moreSpace and Place, Historiography, War Studies, Sense of Place, Classical Chinese literature, Early China, Chinese history (History), Confucianism, Chinese literature, Early Chinese History, and Early Medieval China History
Research Interests: Cultural Studies, Archaeology, Chinese Studies, Material Culture Studies, Sinology, and 15 moreChinese Buddhism, Early Medieval Archaeology, Silk Road, Silk Road Studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Epigraphy, Mortuary Practices, Turfan Texts, Silk Road Archaeology, Archaeology of the Silk Road, and History of the Silk Road
Research Interests: Chinese Studies, Material Culture Studies, Chinese Religions, Medieval Studies, Buddhist Studies, and 15 moreEarly Medieval Archaeology, Silk Road Studies, Medieval Archaeology, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Social Archaeology, Medieval Art, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Mortuary archaeology, Buddhist art and architecture, Silk Road Archaeology, Archaeology of the Silk Road, Miniaturization, and History of the Silk Road
English title: "Life and Death in Early Medieval Gaochang 高昌: Tomb Epitaphs as Historical Sources of the Qu 麴 Period (502–640)." Circa 220 out of roughly 2.500 tombs at various cemeteries around the ruins of Gaochang 高昌 near modern-day... more
English title: "Life and Death in Early Medieval Gaochang 高昌: Tomb Epitaphs as Historical Sources of the Qu 麴 Period (502–640)."
Circa 220 out of roughly 2.500 tombs at various cemeteries around the ruins of Gaochang 高昌 near modern-day Turfan, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, yielded epitaphs that were written in Chinese characters. Unlike epitaphs from contemporaneous tombs in northern and southern central China, these have garnered very little attention among scholars so far. This is largely due to the fact that their inscriptions are formulaic, succinct, and barely reveal more than the year of death, sometimes the age, but always the official rank and honors of mostly male tomb occupants. Nonetheless, the available data lend themselves to reconstruct the life expectancies of a certain portion of Gaochang society, their local and transregional marriage bonds, and official hierarchies. This article explores these issues through a comprehensive analysis of all published epitaph inscriptions.
For downloading a pdf version of the article, please head to the website of Ostasien-Verlag at:
https://www.ostasien-verlag.de/reihen/deutsche-ostasienstudien/doas/035.html
Circa 220 out of roughly 2.500 tombs at various cemeteries around the ruins of Gaochang 高昌 near modern-day Turfan, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, yielded epitaphs that were written in Chinese characters. Unlike epitaphs from contemporaneous tombs in northern and southern central China, these have garnered very little attention among scholars so far. This is largely due to the fact that their inscriptions are formulaic, succinct, and barely reveal more than the year of death, sometimes the age, but always the official rank and honors of mostly male tomb occupants. Nonetheless, the available data lend themselves to reconstruct the life expectancies of a certain portion of Gaochang society, their local and transregional marriage bonds, and official hierarchies. This article explores these issues through a comprehensive analysis of all published epitaph inscriptions.
For downloading a pdf version of the article, please head to the website of Ostasien-Verlag at:
https://www.ostasien-verlag.de/reihen/deutsche-ostasienstudien/doas/035.html
Research Interests: Art History, Chinese Studies, Sinology, Central Asian Studies, Manuscript Studies, and 15 moreEarly Medieval Archaeology, Silk Road, Silk Road Studies, Six Dynasties, Central Asia, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Palaeography, Early Medieval China History, Life Expectancy, Chinese art history, Silk Road Archaeology, Archaeology of the Silk Road, History of the Silk Road, and Chinese Epitaphs
https://hjas.org/ A recent article argued that “texts can be used as tools for enacting identities in social settings” (Reading Research Quarterly 44.4 (2009): 416). Considering the multitude of manuscripts yielded by fourth through... more
https://hjas.org/
A recent article argued that “texts can be used as tools for enacting identities in social settings” (Reading Research Quarterly 44.4 (2009): 416). Considering the multitude of manuscripts yielded by fourth through first-centuries BCE burials, such a statement seems pertinent for early Chinese society as well. What does it say about the self-concept of an individual when his ability to write and / or read assumed a prominent role in funerary rites?
This paper analyzes evidence of literacy that may be found in Chinese textual sources (received and archaeological) and tombs by applying identity concepts developed in anthropology and the social sciences to Chinese funerary data. It not only argues that the actual ability to write is palpable through certain kinds of texts that were associated with writing paraphernalia, but that literacy in particular was a crucial aspect of the self-representation of a particular group of people, namely the shǐ 史 (“scribes”).
A recent article argued that “texts can be used as tools for enacting identities in social settings” (Reading Research Quarterly 44.4 (2009): 416). Considering the multitude of manuscripts yielded by fourth through first-centuries BCE burials, such a statement seems pertinent for early Chinese society as well. What does it say about the self-concept of an individual when his ability to write and / or read assumed a prominent role in funerary rites?
This paper analyzes evidence of literacy that may be found in Chinese textual sources (received and archaeological) and tombs by applying identity concepts developed in anthropology and the social sciences to Chinese funerary data. It not only argues that the actual ability to write is palpable through certain kinds of texts that were associated with writing paraphernalia, but that literacy in particular was a crucial aspect of the self-representation of a particular group of people, namely the shǐ 史 (“scribes”).
Research Interests: Ancient History, Chinese Philosophy, Death Studies, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, and 51 moreSinology, Archaeology Of China, Manuscript Studies, Paleography, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, China (Archaeology), Funeral Practices, Chinese Ancient Texts, Ancient Chinese Texts, Death and Burial (Archaeology), China studies, Anthropology of Death, Chinese archaeology, Early China, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Palaeography, Manuscript Cultures, Pre-Qin Period in Chinese History, Funerary Practices, Traditional Chinese Medicine, Paleogeography, Early Chinese History, Han Dynasty, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Scribal Culture, Scribes, Chinese Art - Calligraphy & Ink Painting, Chinese manuscripts, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Scribal training, ancient literacy, Chinese art history, Funeral Rites, Medieval scribes, Western Han dynasty, China, Warring States, Qin dynasty, History of the Qin and Han Dynasties, China Study, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Early Chinese Law, Early Chinese texts, Ancient Chinese historical records, Excavated manuscripts (China), Warring States China, Hemerology, Scribal Practices, Scribal Culture In the Ancient Near East, and Ancient Chinese Tradition
One of the medical manuscripts recovered from Tomb No. 3 at Mawangdui records the following sentence: “When a person is born there are two things that need not to be learned: the first is to breathe and the second is to eat.” To the minds... more
One of the medical manuscripts recovered from Tomb No. 3 at Mawangdui records the following sentence: “When a person is born there are two things that need not to be learned: the first is to breathe and the second is to eat.” To the minds of cynical readers this is as trivial as it gets. Of course the reflexes to breathe and eat are inherent in human beings. The opposite implication is equally obvious. Once the human brain ceases to function, oxygen and nourishment are no longer required. Why, then, did people insist on burying food and drink with the dead in the late pre-imperial and early imperial China?
To the minds of most modern commentators this seemed like a rather trite question that warranted little reflection. Food and drink as grave goods were either intended to sustain the spirit of the deceased in the hereafter or simply a sacrifice / offering to the spirit at the time of the burial. Yet, a closer look at the archaeological evidence suggests otherwise. By tracking the exact location of food and drink containers in tombs and comprehensively analyzing inscriptions on such vessels and finds of actual food, this article demonstrates that reality was more complicated than a simple either/or dichotomy. Some tombs indicate that the idea of continued sustenance coincided with one-time sacrifices. Moreover, I will introduce evidence of a third kind of offering that, so far, has gone unnoticed by scholarship. Such data confirms that sacrifices to spirits other than the one of the deceased sometimes were also part of funerary rituals. In short, by paying attention to food and drink as burial goods I will put forth a more nuanced understanding of early Chinese burial practices and associated notions of the afterlife.
To the minds of most modern commentators this seemed like a rather trite question that warranted little reflection. Food and drink as grave goods were either intended to sustain the spirit of the deceased in the hereafter or simply a sacrifice / offering to the spirit at the time of the burial. Yet, a closer look at the archaeological evidence suggests otherwise. By tracking the exact location of food and drink containers in tombs and comprehensively analyzing inscriptions on such vessels and finds of actual food, this article demonstrates that reality was more complicated than a simple either/or dichotomy. Some tombs indicate that the idea of continued sustenance coincided with one-time sacrifices. Moreover, I will introduce evidence of a third kind of offering that, so far, has gone unnoticed by scholarship. Such data confirms that sacrifices to spirits other than the one of the deceased sometimes were also part of funerary rituals. In short, by paying attention to food and drink as burial goods I will put forth a more nuanced understanding of early Chinese burial practices and associated notions of the afterlife.
Research Interests: Chinese Philosophy, Daoist Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Daoism, Chinese Religions, and 33 moreChinese Buddhism, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, Funeral Practices, Daoist Alchemy, Death and Burial (Archaeology), Western Zhou Dynasty (Archaeology), Late Bronze Age archaeology, Chinese Historiography (Archaeology), Chinese archaeology, Early China, Chinese historical archaeology, Burial Practices (Archaeology), Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Mortuary archaeology, Mortuary studies, Funerary Practices, Early Chinese History, Han Dynasty, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Early Medieval China History, Mortuary Practices, Archaeology of death and burial, Burial Customs, Early Chinese Philosophy, Funeral Rites, Early Medieval China, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Early Chinese texts, Daoist studies, and Warring States China
Early imperial and early medieval Chinese foreign relations have been mainly viewed through the prism of the so-called tributary system. Consequently, tribute relations with the Northern Wei court are either reduced to business ventures... more
Early imperial and early medieval Chinese foreign relations have been mainly viewed through the prism of the so-called tributary system. Consequently, tribute relations with the Northern Wei court are either reduced to business ventures undertaken by foreign polities, or empty ideological exercises by the Tuoba emperors, who were only interested in having their worldview confirmed. Such views disregard the actual political and diplomatic value of tribute offerings to the Northern Wei. This article will provide a corrective through a close reading of diplomatic interactions recorded largely in the Wei shu that involved tribute offerings. Since these interactions sometimes also involved diplomatic hostages and marriage alliances, they will be briefly analyzed as well. I will show that tribute, in fact, was a political tool that was successfully utilized to meet various ends by both parties involved in bilateral exchanges. In the true sense of diplomatic interaction, tribute relations were highly effective means to negotiate peace.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Military History, Archaeology, Classical Archaeology, Classics, Chinese Studies, and 15 moreCombat Sports, Sports History, World History, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Sculpture, Chinese archaeology, Early China, Mortuary archaeology, Sports, Terracotta Figurines, Anthropomorphic Figurines, Han Dynasty, Weight Lifting, and Weight Training
Archaeologists across all fields of research make generous use of the concepts ‘prestige’ and ‘prestige goods.’ In the process, prestige and social status are usually conflated. It follows that discussions of prestige goods solely focus... more
Archaeologists across all fields of research make generous use of the concepts ‘prestige’ and ‘prestige goods.’ In the process, prestige and social status are usually conflated. It follows that discussions of prestige goods solely focus on their active use in the struggle for social dominance. This article will argue, however, that prestige is not equal to social status. Instead, prestige is one of several contributing factors to status. More precisely, prestige is akin to the German noun Ansehen, which expresses the notion of looking up to someone due to certain qualities. This has serious ramifications for the traditional understanding of prestige goods. Fixating on their active role as socially structuring agents misses the point. In order to really grasp genuine prestige goods in the archaeological record, it is necessary to look beyond the motives of individual signalers or signaling groups and instead focus on the responder(s) to whom such behavior was addressed. Instances of emulation in mortuary contexts reflect the perspective of the recipient(s). Imitations of objects and associated behavior are tangible manifestations of Ansehen / prestige. They convey that the original items were more than luxury products or status symbols. To be sure, such artifacts were most likely of high relative value, but they operated on a deeper social level as they highlight interpersonal relationships rather than general social mechanisms. An in-depth analysis of various silk fabrics and imitations of warp-faced compound tabby weaves (jin 錦) from second to early fifth century CE burials in the Tarim Basin in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, PR China along with a brief survey of Byzantine solidi and their imitations from early sixth to mid-eighth century CE tombs in northern China will serve as the basis on which I develop a method to identify genuine prestige goods.
Research Interests: Chinese Studies, Material Culture Studies, Social and Cultural Anthropology, Early Medieval Archaeology, Silk Road, and 21 moreSilk Road Studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Byzantine Studies, Xinjiang, China, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Mortuary archaeology, Mortuary studies, Xinjiang studies, Funerary Practices, Han Dynasty, Archaeology of prestige, Early Medieval China History, Mortuary Practices, Prestige, Chinese art history, Silk Road Archaeology, Archaeology of the Silk Road, and Early Medieval China
"The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulted in the establishment of three major archaeological journals – Wenwu (1950), Kaogu Xuebao (1951), and Kaogu (1955) – as outlets for... more
"The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulted in the establishment of three major archaeological journals – Wenwu (1950), Kaogu Xuebao (1951), and Kaogu (1955) – as outlets for information gathered in fieldwork; full site reports followed suit. Nowadays, we have roughly three dozen archaeological periodicals and surely more than a thousand monographs covering all areas and periods of Chinese (pre)history at our disposal. Said publications are our primary sources of information. However, the fact that they are anything but primary sources in a strictly methodological sense hardly gets acknowledged.
In reality, excavation reports – preliminary as well as monographs – most often only provide a sample of actual data collected from archaeological sites. Consequently, we are constantly dealing with deliberate choices of editors on what particular information to divulge. This paper shall demonstrate that nature and quality of findings are the main decisive factors in this process. For instance, even looted tombs dating from the Zhanguo and Han periods yielding manuscripts generally take precedence over undisturbed graves discovered at the same cemetery simply because they contained manuscripts. Many conclusions concerning such burials are therefore based on a rather small number of published tombs while the often more representative majority of equally accessible graves remain unnoticed. In short, the paper is aiming to raise awareness for a pressing methodological problem. In doing so, it will address various rationales behind the practice of presenting selective evidence in excavation reports and suggest ways to cope with it."
In reality, excavation reports – preliminary as well as monographs – most often only provide a sample of actual data collected from archaeological sites. Consequently, we are constantly dealing with deliberate choices of editors on what particular information to divulge. This paper shall demonstrate that nature and quality of findings are the main decisive factors in this process. For instance, even looted tombs dating from the Zhanguo and Han periods yielding manuscripts generally take precedence over undisturbed graves discovered at the same cemetery simply because they contained manuscripts. Many conclusions concerning such burials are therefore based on a rather small number of published tombs while the often more representative majority of equally accessible graves remain unnoticed. In short, the paper is aiming to raise awareness for a pressing methodological problem. In doing so, it will address various rationales behind the practice of presenting selective evidence in excavation reports and suggest ways to cope with it."
Research Interests: History, Archaeology, Art History, Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, and 14 moreMaterial Culture Studies, Chinese Religions, Historiography, Nationalism, Medieval Archaeology, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, National Identity, Chinese Politics, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Chinese minorities, and Early Chinese History
"The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulted in the establishment of three major archaeological journals – Wenwu (1950), Kaogu Xuebao (1951), and Kaogu (1955) – as outlets for... more
"The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulted in the establishment of three major archaeological journals – Wenwu (1950), Kaogu Xuebao (1951), and Kaogu (1955) – as outlets for information gathered in fieldwork; full site reports followed suit. Nowadays, we have roughly three dozen archaeological periodicals and surely more than a thousand monographs covering all areas and periods of Chinese (pre)history at our disposal. Said publications are our primary sources of information. However, the fact that they are anything but primary sources in a strictly methodological sense hardly gets acknowledged.
In reality, excavation reports – preliminary as well as monographs – most often only provide a sample of actual data collected from archaeological sites. Consequently, we are constantly dealing with deliberate choices of editors on what particular information to divulge. This paper shall demonstrate that nature and quality of findings are the main decisive factors in this process. For instance, even looted tombs dating from the Zhanguo and Han periods yielding manuscripts generally take precedence over undisturbed graves discovered at the same cemetery simply because they contained manuscripts. Many conclusions concerning such burials are therefore based on a rather small number of published tombs while the often more representative majority of equally accessible graves remain unnoticed. In short, the paper is aiming to raise awareness for a pressing methodological problem. In doing so, it will address various rationales behind the practice of presenting selective evidence in excavation reports and suggest ways to cope with it."
In reality, excavation reports – preliminary as well as monographs – most often only provide a sample of actual data collected from archaeological sites. Consequently, we are constantly dealing with deliberate choices of editors on what particular information to divulge. This paper shall demonstrate that nature and quality of findings are the main decisive factors in this process. For instance, even looted tombs dating from the Zhanguo and Han periods yielding manuscripts generally take precedence over undisturbed graves discovered at the same cemetery simply because they contained manuscripts. Many conclusions concerning such burials are therefore based on a rather small number of published tombs while the often more representative majority of equally accessible graves remain unnoticed. In short, the paper is aiming to raise awareness for a pressing methodological problem. In doing so, it will address various rationales behind the practice of presenting selective evidence in excavation reports and suggest ways to cope with it."
Research Interests: Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, Archaeological Method & Theory, Chinese Art, and 20 moreChinese Language and Culture, China studies, Chinese Historiography (Archaeology), Chinese archaeology, Early China, Chinese history (History), Pre-Qin Period in Chinese History, Early Chinese History, Chinese history, Chinese Historiography, Chinese manuscripts, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese art history, Early Medieval China, Early Chinese Visual Culture, Early Chinese texts, Early Chinese art Chinese grave art Reflection of Chinese cosmology in art tendencies Buddhist art and iconography Lotus motif and ornamental designs Modern and contemporary Chinese painting Chinese aesthetic, Historiography of Chinese Art, Early Chinese Manuscripts, and Chinese Classics and Historiography
Research Interests: Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Material Culture Studies, Chinese Religions, Divination, and 30 moreChinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, Funeral Practices, Death and Burial (Archaeology), Classical Chinese literature, Chinese archaeology, Burial Practices (Archaeology), Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Classical Chinese Philosophy, Games, Funerary Practices, Early Chinese History, Han Dynasty, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Burial Customs, Tombs, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese art history, Classical Chinese Intellectual History, Grave Goods, Western Han dynasty, China, Warring States, History of the Qin and Han Dynasties, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Han Dynasty Literature, Warring States China, Eastern Han Dynasty, and Arts of Han Dynasty
Research Interests:
Much has been said and written about “The Silk Road” since Ferdinand Freiherr von Richthofen coined the phrase in 1877. Fostered by spectacular discoveries by so-called “explorers” such as Sir Aurel Stein, Paul Pelliot, Sven Hedin and... more
Much has been said and written about “The Silk Road” since Ferdinand Freiherr von Richthofen coined the phrase in 1877. Fostered by spectacular discoveries by so-called “explorers” such as Sir Aurel Stein, Paul Pelliot, Sven Hedin and others, the Silk Road soon became the subject of countless articles, books, museum exhibitions, and even legends. In times when almost any location – virtual or real – is but one mouse click away, the catchphrase Silk Road has not lost any of its original appeal. On the contrary, the term is almost ubiquitous in all kinds of media. Yet, it is never quite clear what exactly the Silk Road concept really entails. When was it established? Was it even formally established? What was its purpose? Was there but one function? And, more importantly, how useful is it as an analytical concept in the first place?
These are the main questions this article seeks to answer. Its arguments are based on an analysis of the earliest available sources: archaeological finds from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, indigenous documents written in Kharosthi script, and early Chinese historiography. The article will argue that the history of the early Silk Road (and its so-called pre-history) was considerably more complex than it is generally claimed. For instance, we can certainly not pinpoint a fixed date on which the Silk Road was established; neither were the intercontinental land routes primarily traveled (and populated) by traders. China’s initial forays into Central Asia in the second century BCE were politically motivated and had little to do with silk trade. The exchange of the famed fabric was at best a corollary of political interactions between the Western and Eastern Han Empires and powerful steppe nomads such as the Xiongnu. The latter extorted copious amounts of luxury goods from the former and redistributed them throughout Central Asia and Eurasia. Thus, this article claims that the Silk Road as an analytical concept does not do justice to the intricacies of pre-historical and historical realities. It therefore introduces the concept of movement as a heuristic tool to analyze cross-cultural interactions.
These are the main questions this article seeks to answer. Its arguments are based on an analysis of the earliest available sources: archaeological finds from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, indigenous documents written in Kharosthi script, and early Chinese historiography. The article will argue that the history of the early Silk Road (and its so-called pre-history) was considerably more complex than it is generally claimed. For instance, we can certainly not pinpoint a fixed date on which the Silk Road was established; neither were the intercontinental land routes primarily traveled (and populated) by traders. China’s initial forays into Central Asia in the second century BCE were politically motivated and had little to do with silk trade. The exchange of the famed fabric was at best a corollary of political interactions between the Western and Eastern Han Empires and powerful steppe nomads such as the Xiongnu. The latter extorted copious amounts of luxury goods from the former and redistributed them throughout Central Asia and Eurasia. Thus, this article claims that the Silk Road as an analytical concept does not do justice to the intricacies of pre-historical and historical realities. It therefore introduces the concept of movement as a heuristic tool to analyze cross-cultural interactions.
Research Interests: Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, Chinese Buddhism, Social Interaction, and 26 moreSilk Road, Silk Road Studies, Cross-Cultural Studies, Chinese Art, Chinese Language and Culture, Chinese foreign policy, China studies, Cross-cultural studies (Culture), Early China, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Cross-Cultural Communication, Traditional Chinese Medicine, Early Chinese History, Han Dynasty, Early Medieval China History, Xiongnu archaelogy, Network Theory, Silk Road Archaeology, Archaeology of the Silk Road, Xiongnu, The Silk Road and other ancient trade routes, The Xiongnu in Chinese Chronicles, Warring States China, History of the Silk Road, and Archaeology of Xiongnu Empire
Research Interests: Chinese Studies, Funerary Archaeology, East Asian Archaeology, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), and 12 moreMortuary archaeology, Figurines, Terracotta Figurines, Funerary Practices, Anthropomorphic Figurines, Early Chinese History, Han Dynasty, Chinese history, Mortuary Practices, zoomorphic Figurines, Chinese art history, and Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology
Early Chinese tombs contain great quantities of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines as well as architectural models. Both kinds of miniatures are generally regarded as part of a single trajectory that ultimately substituted human... more
Early Chinese tombs contain great quantities of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines as well as architectural models. Both kinds of miniatures are generally regarded as part of a single trajectory that ultimately substituted human sacrifices. The purpose of it all was to create ‘underground homes’ so that the deceased could enjoy the amenities of their former lives in the hereafter. This understanding is largely based on received literature and scattered archaeological finds. Through a detailed analysis of the earliest instances of funerary sculptures, this paper seeks to demonstrate that figurines and models at first represented two different rationales. Later on, these converged into a new view of the afterlife, one that not only symbolized ‘underground homes,’ but entire estates of an ever increasing number of landowners. Early Chinese tomb miniatures were thus instrumental in the formation of personalized, subterranean microcosms, or private ‘little empires.’
Research Interests: Asian Studies, Archaeology, Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, and 19 moreEast Asian Studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Human sacrifice (Anthropology Of Religion), Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Tomb Sculpture, Mortuary archaeology, Funerary Practices, Han Dynasty, Miniature vessels, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Tombs, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Human Sacrifice, Chinese art history, Warring States China, Mingqi, and Tomb Figurines
""The common understanding of early Chinese diplomacy largely is informed by the term 'tributary system:' during the Han period, foreign entities mainly engaged with the Chinese empire in order to secure economic profit. This view is... more
""The common understanding of early Chinese diplomacy largely is informed by the term 'tributary system:' during the Han period, foreign entities mainly engaged with the Chinese empire in order to secure economic profit. This view is based on the assumption that the rendition of tribute (gòng 貢) usually was reciprocated with 'counter-gifts' by the court. Accordingly, to the eyes of all foreigners, delivering tribute was only a 'cloak for trade' devoid of any notion of submission. On the other hand, the Chinese court is believed to have silently tolerated this kind of 'economic exchange' because receiving tribute was equalled with at least nominal acceptance of Chinese suzerainty and as a manifestation of its claim to universal power.
The situation as it is depicted in the transmitted sources, however, is far more complex. By retracing different methods of diplomatic interaction to Chunqiu and Zhanguo times, I shall demonstrate that Han diplomacy was far from having been an ideological exercise. I am also going to show that the Han court continued to use established strategies of diplomatic interaction by adapting them to the necessities of the time.""
The situation as it is depicted in the transmitted sources, however, is far more complex. By retracing different methods of diplomatic interaction to Chunqiu and Zhanguo times, I shall demonstrate that Han diplomacy was far from having been an ideological exercise. I am also going to show that the Han court continued to use established strategies of diplomatic interaction by adapting them to the necessities of the time.""
Research Interests: Diplomatic History, Chinese Studies, Transnational and World History, Sinology, Gift Exchange, and 37 moreCentral Asian Studies, World History, Foreign Policy, Silk Road, Silk Road Studies, Transnational History, Chinese Language and Culture, China, Chinese foreign policy, Chinese Politics, Central Asia, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Cultural Exchange, Central asian history, Han Dynasty, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Sinologie, Silk Road Archaeology, Archaeology of the Silk Road, Diplomacy and international relations, Late Imperial Chinese Diplomatic History, Western Han dynasty, China, Warring States, Tribute, Xiongnu, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Xiong-nu, The Xiongnu in Chinese Chronicles, Tarim Basin, Warring States China, XIONGNU ARCHEOLOGY, NOYON UUL, History of the Silk Road, Eastern Han Dynasty, Archaeology of Xiongnu Empire, and Chinese Tribute
Research Interests: Archaeology, Chinese Religions, Sinology, East Asia, East Asian Studies, and 14 moreChinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, East Asian Archaeology, China, Funeral Practices, China studies, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), East Asian History, Sinologie, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese art history, Funeral Rites, and Archaeology of the Funeral Ritual
Research Interests: Archaeology, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, Sinology, East Asia, and 12 moreEast Asian Studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, East Asian Archaeology, China, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Pre-Qin Period in Chinese History, East Asian History, Sinologie, Pre-Imperial Chinese Archaeology, History, and Qin Shihuangdi, 秦始皇帝
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Archaeology, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese archaeology, Chinese historical archaeology, and 8 morePre-Qin Period in Chinese History, Han Dynasty, Pre-Qin Chinese literature, Pre-Imperial Chinese Archaeology, History, Chinese art history, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Ancient Chinese historical records, and Chinese art and archaeology, Chinese bronze mirrors
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Archaeology, Sinology, East Asian Studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, and 13 moreEast Asian Archaeology, Funeral Practices, Yuan Dynasty, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Funerary Architecture, East Asian History, Sinologie, Chinese art history, Painting of Sung, Yuan Dynasty China, Funeral Rites, Archaeology of the Funeral Ritual, and Yuan and Ming Dynasty China
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Archaeology, Egyptology, Chinese Studies, Material Culture Studies, Chinese Art, and 11 moreEgyptian History, China studies, Funerary Belief (Egyptology), Chinese archaeology, Early China, Mortuary archaeology, Comparative Historical Analysis, Ancient Egyptian Art and Archaeology, Ancient Egypt, Comparative studies, and Early Medieval China
Research Interests: Chinese Philosophy, History of Religion, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, Chinese Buddhism, and 23 moreChinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, Chinese archaeology, Early China, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Mortuary archaeology, Mortuary studies, Religious Studies, Funerary Practices, Han Dynasty, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Early Medieval China History, Mortuary Practices, Tombs, Mortuary Analysis, Early china, Religious studies, Chinese art history, Early Medieval China, Warring States China, Mortuary Archaeolgy, and Archaeology of Early China
Research Interests: Archaeology, Chinese Philosophy, Zhuangzi, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, and 26 moreChinese Buddhism, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, Funeral Practices, Death and Burial (Archaeology), Afterlife studies, Chinese archaeology, Chinese historical archaeology, Burial Practices (Archaeology), Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Confucius, Pre-Qin Period in Chinese History, Funerary Practices, Traditional Chinese Medicine, Han Dynasty, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Burial Customs, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese art history, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Confucius Analects, Reflection of Chinese cosmology in art, Chinese Art history and archaeology, and Laozi, Zhuangzi, Daoism
Research Interests: Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, Sinology, Asian History, and 17 moreEast Asian Studies, Chinese Art, Chinese Language and Culture, Chinese Politics, Chinese archaeology, Chinese historical archaeology, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, East Asian History, Han Dynasty, East Asian Languages and Cultures, Sinologie, East Asian Art history, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese art history, Western Han dynasty, China, and Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology
Research Interests: Archaeology, Chinese Religions, Sinology, Tang Dynasty, East Asian Studies, and 16 moreChinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, East Asian Archaeology, Yuan Dynasty, Death and Burial (Archaeology), Classical Chinese literature, Chinese archaeology, Chinese historical archaeology, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Pre-Qin Period in Chinese History, Han Dynasty, East Asian Languages and Cultures, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Pre-Qin Chinese literature, and Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology
Research Interests: Chinese Philosophy, Daoist Philosophy, Daoism, Chinese Religions, Sinology, and 16 moreChinese Art, Chinese Language and Culture, Confucian Philosophy, Classical Chinese literature, Archaeology of Ancestors, Chinese archaeology, Sinology (Literature), Chinese history (History), Confucianism, Chinese literature, Ancestors (Anthropology Of Religion), Han Dynasty, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese art history, and Ancestor Worship
Research Interests: Chinese Studies, Chinese Language and Culture, Ming Dynasty, Chinese foreign policy, Chinese history (History), and 5 moreChinese literature, History of Chinese Maritime Customs, China and Southeast Asia (Chinese maritime activity, migration, education and intellectuals), History of Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, and Yuan and Ming Dynasty China
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Diplomatic History, Chinese Studies, World History, Chinese Language and Culture, Chinese foreign policy, and 7 moreChinese history (History), Chinese literature, Cultural Exchange, Cultural Diplomacy, History of Chinese Maritime Customs, China and Southeast Asia (Chinese maritime activity, migration, education and intellectuals), and Diplomacy and international relations
Stunning archaeological discoveries during the past decades quickly gave way to a new sinological sub-discipline: the study of manuscripts. Several tombs roughly dating from the 4th through 1st centuries BCE revealed , for instance,... more
Stunning archaeological discoveries during the past decades quickly gave way to a new sinological sub-discipline: the study of manuscripts. Several tombs roughly dating from the 4th through 1st centuries BCE revealed , for instance, fragments of philosophical texts such as Laozi, Mozi, Kongzi jiayu, Zhuangzi, Lunyu, Sunzi bingfa, or prescriptive texts like Liji and Yili; other burials brought manuscripts concerned with hemerological issues (the so-called rishu, or almanachs) and divination (e.g. the so-called xingde texts) to light. At the same time, the various texts invoked here represent the most prominent genres of excavated manuscripts featured in secondary scholarship, be it Western or Chinese. Their intensive philological study greatly enhances our understanding of textual history and offers previously unknown insights into popular religious practice. Prime examples would be the many works dealing with the Laozi manuscript discovered in Tomb no. 3 at Mawangdui and plenty of articles related to divinatory texts. However, the fact that scholarship has been preoccupied with the contents of these documents calls for a change in perspective. It should not be forgotten: the manuscripts found in tombs first and foremost were intended as burial objects whose archaeological context has been neglected at scholarship’s peril. By relating the texts to the circumstances they were found in, the proposed panel thus not only opens a new vista on early Chinese texts, but also on early Chinese religious practice.
The papers presented in the panel shall demonstrate, on the one hand, that contextualizing the manuscripts with all the respective archaeological data available is a methodological necessity. For instance, many arguments supporting the philological value of certain manuscripts are based on findings of dubious provenance. Naturally, they lack reliable information concerning date, social or cultural background they were embedded in, or even the gender of their former proprietors. Only manuscripts excavated from ideally undisturbed tombs can provide that sort of data. Consequently, they are much more reliable and much more telling primary sources than any of the texts acquired on the antiques market and now held at various Chinese museums and universities. The panel, on the other hand, shall reveal that awareness of the owner’s social and cultural background – both aspects are at least partially represented by the features and findings of a grave – is not only vital for our knowledge of the texts themselves. As burial goods the manuscripts served a distinctly religious purpose. By expressly treating them as archaeological findings – that is to say, by relating the texts to the sum of archaeological data provided by respective tombs – two papers are going to deal with the question of religious beliefs associated with different kinds of manuscripts. Merely browsing through excavation reports indicates a much more varied picture of early burial practice than is generally presumed. Why, for instance, were some deceased accompanied by philosophical, historiographical, medical and / or divinatory texts while others only were buried with inventories of funerary objects? The answers to this question surely can only be found by adopting a new, more comprehensive point of view on early Chinese manuscripts and the circumstances of their discovery. A new perspective, this panel will help to facilitate.
The panel will consist of four individual papers, two of which are going to deal with the methodological problems in dealing with excavated manuscripts. One paper will address the scholarly value of manuscripts of uncertain provenance now housed at several museums and universities, whereas the second contribution will tackle methodological issues connected with manuscripts retrieved from tombs. As has been mentioned, the remaining two presentations are going to demonstrate the interpretative value of excavated manuscripts when studied in a methodological more grounded fashion. The third paper will introduce a case study of the manuscripts discovered in Shao Tuo’s tomb (Baoshan tomb no. 2); the fourth discussant is going to deliver a trans-regional, more general interpretation of texts yielded by tombs.
The papers presented in the panel shall demonstrate, on the one hand, that contextualizing the manuscripts with all the respective archaeological data available is a methodological necessity. For instance, many arguments supporting the philological value of certain manuscripts are based on findings of dubious provenance. Naturally, they lack reliable information concerning date, social or cultural background they were embedded in, or even the gender of their former proprietors. Only manuscripts excavated from ideally undisturbed tombs can provide that sort of data. Consequently, they are much more reliable and much more telling primary sources than any of the texts acquired on the antiques market and now held at various Chinese museums and universities. The panel, on the other hand, shall reveal that awareness of the owner’s social and cultural background – both aspects are at least partially represented by the features and findings of a grave – is not only vital for our knowledge of the texts themselves. As burial goods the manuscripts served a distinctly religious purpose. By expressly treating them as archaeological findings – that is to say, by relating the texts to the sum of archaeological data provided by respective tombs – two papers are going to deal with the question of religious beliefs associated with different kinds of manuscripts. Merely browsing through excavation reports indicates a much more varied picture of early burial practice than is generally presumed. Why, for instance, were some deceased accompanied by philosophical, historiographical, medical and / or divinatory texts while others only were buried with inventories of funerary objects? The answers to this question surely can only be found by adopting a new, more comprehensive point of view on early Chinese manuscripts and the circumstances of their discovery. A new perspective, this panel will help to facilitate.
The panel will consist of four individual papers, two of which are going to deal with the methodological problems in dealing with excavated manuscripts. One paper will address the scholarly value of manuscripts of uncertain provenance now housed at several museums and universities, whereas the second contribution will tackle methodological issues connected with manuscripts retrieved from tombs. As has been mentioned, the remaining two presentations are going to demonstrate the interpretative value of excavated manuscripts when studied in a methodological more grounded fashion. The third paper will introduce a case study of the manuscripts discovered in Shao Tuo’s tomb (Baoshan tomb no. 2); the fourth discussant is going to deliver a trans-regional, more general interpretation of texts yielded by tombs.
Attitudes towards death and burial have fascinated scholars basically since the beginning of Sinology as an academic discipline. Accounts of how to properly deal with the dead are readily available in the so-called Three Rites canon (Li... more
Attitudes towards death and burial have fascinated scholars basically since the beginning of Sinology as an academic discipline. Accounts of how to properly deal with the dead are readily available in the so-called Three Rites canon (Li ji 禮記, Zhou li 周禮, and Yi li 儀禮). They prescribe ways to mourn for the dead, wash them, dress them, and ultimately bury them. The very fact that these three books explicitly discuss matters of death and burial has rendered them default sources for anyone who is interested in such issues. Yet, scholarship persistently tends to ignore that these are prescriptive rather than descriptive texts. Obviously, there is a wealth of the latter in early Chinese history, but these usually do not figure in related research. Moreover, the works of late pre-imperial and early imperial thinkers are only consulted to extract anecdotal evidence to support claims rooted in the Three Rites canon.
By comprehensively analyzing records of mourning and funerals in early historiographical, philosophical and archaeologically excavated texts, I will provide a somewhat less biased view of death and burial in early China. This will reveal, for instance, that rigid mourning periods stipulated by the Three Rites canon were not adhered to at all as the pragmatic issues of managing everyday life prevailed. The number, thickness, and material of coffins was also much more diverse than often believed. However, critiquing our use of the Three Rites canon and their moralistic Classicist arguments is but one goal of this paper. I am even more interested in disclosing the underlying social and ultimately religious reasons for treating the dead in a certain fashion: Why exactly did it matter how, when, and where someone was buried?
By comprehensively analyzing records of mourning and funerals in early historiographical, philosophical and archaeologically excavated texts, I will provide a somewhat less biased view of death and burial in early China. This will reveal, for instance, that rigid mourning periods stipulated by the Three Rites canon were not adhered to at all as the pragmatic issues of managing everyday life prevailed. The number, thickness, and material of coffins was also much more diverse than often believed. However, critiquing our use of the Three Rites canon and their moralistic Classicist arguments is but one goal of this paper. I am even more interested in disclosing the underlying social and ultimately religious reasons for treating the dead in a certain fashion: Why exactly did it matter how, when, and where someone was buried?
Research Interests: Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, Sinology, Historiography, and 22 moreRitual, Manuscript Studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, Funeral Practices, China studies, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Chinese literature, Mortuary archaeology, Mortuary studies, Funerary Practices, Early Chinese History, Han Dynasty, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Sinologie, Mortuary Practices, Funeral Rites, Ritual practice, History of the Qin and Han Dynasties, and Warring States China
June 4, 2015
The Bernhard Karlgren Seminar Series
Department of Languages and Literatures
University of Gothenburg
Sweden
The Bernhard Karlgren Seminar Series
Department of Languages and Literatures
University of Gothenburg
Sweden
Research Interests: Archaeology, Chinese Philosophy, Research Methods and Methodology, Research Methodology, Chinese Studies, and 21 moreChinese Religions, Textual Criticism, Archaeological Method & Theory, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Tomb Sculpture, Mortuary archaeology, Pre-Qin Period in Chinese History, Funerary Practices, Early Chinese History, Han Dynasty, Tomb Architecture, Chinese history, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Mortuary Practices, Tombs, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, and Chinese art history
Ever since their chance discovery in 1974, a seemingly endless number of terracotta warriors are coming to light in Pits No. 1 to 3 at the burial site of China’s First August Emperor (Qin Shihuangdi). A quarter of century after the... more
Ever since their chance discovery in 1974, a seemingly endless number of terracotta warriors are coming to light in Pits No. 1 to 3 at the burial site of China’s First August Emperor (Qin Shihuangdi). A quarter of century after the initial find, in 1999, Chinese excavators came across
equally large and impressive terracotta figurines with less martial appearances. Pit K9901 housed several statuettes that differed significantly in body shape. The slender outlines of standing males
stand in stark contrast to the bulky, muscular frames of upright men. All of the figurines shared one trait, though: They were dressed in short wrap skirts. Some figurines raise an arm above in gestures that leave the observer with the impression of motion. Others are emphatically static and rest their hands on the waistbands of their wrap skirts. The fact that the physiognomy of both kinds of statuettes stresses the muscular system – especially the pectoral muscles as well as the
biceps, triceps and calf areas – and their general lack of clothing has lead scholars to believe that these figurines are depicting dancers or acrobats.
However, the the almost complete excavation of Pit K9901 has offered additional insights. For instance, a fully clothed figurine was found sitting at the very back of Aisle No. 3. He was looking directly at the rest of
the bare-chested men, who were lined up against both pit walls, their faces turned towards each other. Another part of the pit yielded some ovoid stones and objects that somewhat resemble metal ingots. Overall, the seated figurine gives the impression of a coach, who is supervising a team of athletes. On the one hand there are the still underdeveloped bodies of the lean statuettes that seem to be waiting to be whipped into shape by lifting weights. On the other hand we have the already pumped up torsos of their sparing partners in physical combat training. By drawing on evidence from physical exercise training in ancient Greece and Rome, this paper argues that Pit K9901 was not housing acrobats. The finds and features rather indicate that we are looking at the physical exercises of elite soldiers in training. Pit K9901thus was not a stage at all, but much more akin to a gymnasium in Classical antiquity.
equally large and impressive terracotta figurines with less martial appearances. Pit K9901 housed several statuettes that differed significantly in body shape. The slender outlines of standing males
stand in stark contrast to the bulky, muscular frames of upright men. All of the figurines shared one trait, though: They were dressed in short wrap skirts. Some figurines raise an arm above in gestures that leave the observer with the impression of motion. Others are emphatically static and rest their hands on the waistbands of their wrap skirts. The fact that the physiognomy of both kinds of statuettes stresses the muscular system – especially the pectoral muscles as well as the
biceps, triceps and calf areas – and their general lack of clothing has lead scholars to believe that these figurines are depicting dancers or acrobats.
However, the the almost complete excavation of Pit K9901 has offered additional insights. For instance, a fully clothed figurine was found sitting at the very back of Aisle No. 3. He was looking directly at the rest of
the bare-chested men, who were lined up against both pit walls, their faces turned towards each other. Another part of the pit yielded some ovoid stones and objects that somewhat resemble metal ingots. Overall, the seated figurine gives the impression of a coach, who is supervising a team of athletes. On the one hand there are the still underdeveloped bodies of the lean statuettes that seem to be waiting to be whipped into shape by lifting weights. On the other hand we have the already pumped up torsos of their sparing partners in physical combat training. By drawing on evidence from physical exercise training in ancient Greece and Rome, this paper argues that Pit K9901 was not housing acrobats. The finds and features rather indicate that we are looking at the physical exercises of elite soldiers in training. Pit K9901thus was not a stage at all, but much more akin to a gymnasium in Classical antiquity.
Research Interests: Chinese Studies, Combat Sports, Chinese Language and Culture, Chinese Historiography (Archaeology), Chinese archaeology, and 17 moreChinese historical archaeology, Chinese history (History), Empire, Figurines, Terracotta Figurines, Pre-Qin Period in Chinese History, Anthropomorphic Figurines, Early Chinese History, Chinese Historiography, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese art history, Qin dynasty, History of the Qin and Han Dynasties, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Miniaturization, Chinese Classics and Historiography, and First Emperor of Qin
Research Interests: Archaeology, Historical Archaeology, Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, and 23 moreEast Asian Studies, Chinese Art, Funerary Archaeology, Chinese Language and Culture, China, Funeral Practices, Chinese archaeology, Chinese historical archaeology, Chinese history (History), Tomb Sculpture, Mortuary archaeology, Mortuary studies, Han Dynasty, Funeral Archaeology, Warring States (Chinese) Thought, Mortuary Practices, Tombs, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Pre-Imperial Chinese Archaeology, History, Funeral Rites, Chinese History /Han Dynasty/Archaeology, Miniaturization, and Chinese Cultural Studies
"In my study "Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? Archäologische und historische Untersuchungen zu Chinas Beziehungen zu Kulturen des Tarimbeckens vom zweiten bis frühen fünften Jahrhundert nach Christus (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,... more
"In my study "Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? Archäologische und historische Untersuchungen zu Chinas Beziehungen zu Kulturen des Tarimbeckens vom zweiten bis frühen fünften Jahrhundert nach Christus (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010)," I developed a method to identify genuine prestige goods in the context of burials. Whenever members of social groups were unable to obtain desired artifacts – be it on account of insufficient financial means or because they were prohibited to acquire them –, they resorted to a rather simple solution: imitations.
As early as the 8th century BCE, people in China began to emulate ritual bronzes. These were the ultimate status symbols at the time and possession of such valuable bronze objects clearly was restricted to the social élite. Various types of bronze vessels and bells constituted a so-called ritual set; the more different objects and the more specimens of each single type of object an individual could call his (sometimes her) own, the higher his / her social rank. At least this much we learn from several prescriptive texts dating from the 2nd through 1st centuries BCE. The ritual bronzes were an integral part of ritual ceremonies held at the ancestral shrines of one’s lineage. They were, however, not only employed to demonstrate one’s social achievements to the ancestors, but ultimately found their way into tombs and hoards where ritual sets are a common sight.
This paper is going to show how sumptuary rules grew less rigid with the factual decline of the Zhou. Earlier, expressing ones social rank through ritual bronzes was the prerogative of dignitaries with close ties to the royal house. Now, even politically rather insignificant local potentates made use of (substandard) replicas in attempts to signal their social position. The prestige of authentic ritual bronzes finally fostered the diffusion of an initially extremely elitist phenomenon. How strongly the association of ritual bronzes with social rank penetrated ancient Chinese thought and practices – that is to say, Chinese culture – is obvious in the fact that imitations of ritual bronzes remained a staple in tomb assemblages at least until the 2nd century CE."
As early as the 8th century BCE, people in China began to emulate ritual bronzes. These were the ultimate status symbols at the time and possession of such valuable bronze objects clearly was restricted to the social élite. Various types of bronze vessels and bells constituted a so-called ritual set; the more different objects and the more specimens of each single type of object an individual could call his (sometimes her) own, the higher his / her social rank. At least this much we learn from several prescriptive texts dating from the 2nd through 1st centuries BCE. The ritual bronzes were an integral part of ritual ceremonies held at the ancestral shrines of one’s lineage. They were, however, not only employed to demonstrate one’s social achievements to the ancestors, but ultimately found their way into tombs and hoards where ritual sets are a common sight.
This paper is going to show how sumptuary rules grew less rigid with the factual decline of the Zhou. Earlier, expressing ones social rank through ritual bronzes was the prerogative of dignitaries with close ties to the royal house. Now, even politically rather insignificant local potentates made use of (substandard) replicas in attempts to signal their social position. The prestige of authentic ritual bronzes finally fostered the diffusion of an initially extremely elitist phenomenon. How strongly the association of ritual bronzes with social rank penetrated ancient Chinese thought and practices – that is to say, Chinese culture – is obvious in the fact that imitations of ritual bronzes remained a staple in tomb assemblages at least until the 2nd century CE."
Research Interests: Archaeology, Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Studies, Chinese Religions, Sinology, and 15 moreChinese Art, Bronze Age Archaeology, Confucian Philosophy, Chinese Historiography (Archaeology), Chinese archaeology, Chinese history (History), Confucianism, Confucius, Classical Chinese Philosophy, Sinologie, Chinese and Southeast Asian Art History and Archaeology, Chinese art history, Early Chinese Philosophy, Ancient Chinese Bronzes, and Ancient Chinese Philosophy
The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulted in the establishment of three major archaeological journals – Wenwu (1950), Kaogu Xuebao (1951), and Kaogu (1955) – as outlets for... more
The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulted in the establishment of three major archaeological journals – Wenwu (1950), Kaogu Xuebao (1951), and Kaogu (1955) – as outlets for information gathered in fieldwork; monographic excavation reports followed suit. Nowadays, we have roughly three dozen archaeological periodicals and surely more than a thousand monographic reports covering all areas and periods of Chinese (pre)history at our disposal. Said publications are our primary sources of information. However, the fact that they are anything but primary sources in a strictly methodological sense hardly gets acknowledged.
In reality, excavation reports – preliminary as well as monographic – most often only provide a sample of actual data collected from archaeological sites. Consequently, we are constantly dealing with deliberate choices of editors on what particular information to divulge. This paper shall demonstrate that nature and quality of findings are the main decisive factors in this process. For instance, even looted tombs dating from the Zhanguo and Han periods yielding manuscripts generally take precedence over undisturbed graves discovered at the same cemetery simply because they contained manuscripts. Many conclusions concerning such burials are therefore based on a rather small number of published tombs while the often more representative majority of equally accessible graves remain unnoticed. In short, the paper is aiming to raise awareness for a pressing methodological problem. In doing so, it will address various rationales behind the practice of presenting selective evidence in excavation reports and suggest several ways to cope with it.
In reality, excavation reports – preliminary as well as monographic – most often only provide a sample of actual data collected from archaeological sites. Consequently, we are constantly dealing with deliberate choices of editors on what particular information to divulge. This paper shall demonstrate that nature and quality of findings are the main decisive factors in this process. For instance, even looted tombs dating from the Zhanguo and Han periods yielding manuscripts generally take precedence over undisturbed graves discovered at the same cemetery simply because they contained manuscripts. Many conclusions concerning such burials are therefore based on a rather small number of published tombs while the often more representative majority of equally accessible graves remain unnoticed. In short, the paper is aiming to raise awareness for a pressing methodological problem. In doing so, it will address various rationales behind the practice of presenting selective evidence in excavation reports and suggest several ways to cope with it.
Many Chinese tombs roughly dating from 4th through 1st centuries BCE discovered during the last thirty or so years brought liubo六博 boards or even whole sets including token and / or playing sticks to light. Several slightly later graves... more
Many Chinese tombs roughly dating from 4th through 1st centuries BCE discovered during the last thirty or so years brought liubo六博 boards or even whole sets including token and / or playing sticks to light. Several slightly later graves also provide us with pottery models of two persons sitting by a liubo board. The divinatory application of the liubo game had long been suspected and eventually was confirmed by a spectacular find in 1993. Tomb no. 6 (ca. late 1st century BCE through early 1st century CE) at Yinwan in Jiangsu province yielded a wooden tablet inscribed with a so-called TLV diagram as seen on liubo boards as well as accompanying explanations. The latter describe certain actions that required divination while offering auspicious or inauspicious answers. Since each line of the diagram is explicitly correlated with a binome of the sexagenary cycle, diviners could locate the days in question in the diagram and come to a conclusion based on said explanations.
It is, however, highly doubtful that the game exclusively served divinatory purposes as textual evidence partially attests to its entertaining function at aristocratic banquets; an aspect largely neglected by scholarship. By correlating liubo boards and liubo models to the archaeological evidence from the respective tombs, this paper shall demonstrate that the game in the context of burials usually had little to do with divination. Surrounded by food containers and drinking vessels as well as figurines of servants, the game boards and models seem to have symbolized an element of amusement. Thus, the divinatory function did not extend into the grave; there, an individual board was just another burial good contributing to a setting that provided the deceased with all the amenities enjoyed during his or her lifetime.
It is, however, highly doubtful that the game exclusively served divinatory purposes as textual evidence partially attests to its entertaining function at aristocratic banquets; an aspect largely neglected by scholarship. By correlating liubo boards and liubo models to the archaeological evidence from the respective tombs, this paper shall demonstrate that the game in the context of burials usually had little to do with divination. Surrounded by food containers and drinking vessels as well as figurines of servants, the game boards and models seem to have symbolized an element of amusement. Thus, the divinatory function did not extend into the grave; there, an individual board was just another burial good contributing to a setting that provided the deceased with all the amenities enjoyed during his or her lifetime.
Ein Stipendium des Graduiertenkollegs „Formen von Prestige in Kulturen des Altertums“ ermöglichte es mir, eine Methode zur Identifikation echter Prestigegüter im Kontext von Gräbern zu entwickeln. Wenn es bestimmten Gruppen von Menschen... more
Ein Stipendium des Graduiertenkollegs „Formen von Prestige in Kulturen des Altertums“ ermöglichte es mir, eine Methode zur Identifikation echter Prestigegüter im Kontext von Gräbern zu entwickeln. Wenn es bestimmten Gruppen von Menschen unmöglich war, sich gewiße prestigebringende Objekte anzueignen – sei es aus finanziellen Gründen, oder weil deren Besitz sozialen Restriktionen unterstand – behalfen sie sich des öfteren mit einem vergleichsweise einfachen Mittel: Imitationen der begehrten Waren.
In China begann man bereits im 8. Jahrhundert v. Chr. sogenannte Ritualbronzen zu kopieren. Als die Statussymbole schlechthin, waren die Originale der sozialen Elite vorbehalten; eine bestimmte Anzahl verschiedener Objekttypen kennzeichnete eindeutig den sozialen Rang ihrer Eigentümer. Die gesellschaftliche Stellung wurde jedoch nicht nur bei den rituellen Diensten an die Ahnen, bei denen die Bronzen im Tempel zum Einsatz kamen, demonstriert, sondern auch in den Gräbern und Horten des 8. Jahrhunderts und später; regelmäßig finden sich dort feste Sets gleicher Objekttypen. Der Vortrag wird zeigen, daß in Zeiten schwindender Macht des Königshauses Zhou die Regeln mehr und mehr aufweichten. War einst nur dem Hof nahestehenden Würdenträgern erlaubt, ihre Position durch Ritualbronzen auszudrücken, griffen nun sogar lokale Potentaten auf (minderwertige) Repliken zurück, um ihre soziale Stellung zu signalisieren. Das Prestige, das dem Besitz echter Ritualbronzen anhaftete, führte letztlich zur weiten Verbreitung eines anfänglich extrem elitären Phänomens. Wie stark sich die Assoziation von Ritualbronzen mit sozialer Stellung in der altchinesischen Kultur verankerte, zeigt sich daran, daß sie und ihre Kopien noch in Gräbern des 2. Jahrhundert n. Chr. auftauchen.
In China begann man bereits im 8. Jahrhundert v. Chr. sogenannte Ritualbronzen zu kopieren. Als die Statussymbole schlechthin, waren die Originale der sozialen Elite vorbehalten; eine bestimmte Anzahl verschiedener Objekttypen kennzeichnete eindeutig den sozialen Rang ihrer Eigentümer. Die gesellschaftliche Stellung wurde jedoch nicht nur bei den rituellen Diensten an die Ahnen, bei denen die Bronzen im Tempel zum Einsatz kamen, demonstriert, sondern auch in den Gräbern und Horten des 8. Jahrhunderts und später; regelmäßig finden sich dort feste Sets gleicher Objekttypen. Der Vortrag wird zeigen, daß in Zeiten schwindender Macht des Königshauses Zhou die Regeln mehr und mehr aufweichten. War einst nur dem Hof nahestehenden Würdenträgern erlaubt, ihre Position durch Ritualbronzen auszudrücken, griffen nun sogar lokale Potentaten auf (minderwertige) Repliken zurück, um ihre soziale Stellung zu signalisieren. Das Prestige, das dem Besitz echter Ritualbronzen anhaftete, führte letztlich zur weiten Verbreitung eines anfänglich extrem elitären Phänomens. Wie stark sich die Assoziation von Ritualbronzen mit sozialer Stellung in der altchinesischen Kultur verankerte, zeigt sich daran, daß sie und ihre Kopien noch in Gräbern des 2. Jahrhundert n. Chr. auftauchen.
Reading the subtitle of this paper, one might wonder in what way material evidence gained from tombs situated along the Southern rim of the Taklamakan desert is telling. One way to answer the question would be looking for traces of... more
Reading the subtitle of this paper, one might wonder in what way material evidence gained from tombs situated along the Southern rim of the Taklamakan desert is telling. One way to answer the question would be looking for traces of cultural exchange in the area during the first centuries AD. Many findings like the glass beakers and Chinese silks referred to in the title obviously were imported to the Central Asian oases. In this respect, scholarship often speaks of “cultural influences” without explaining how exactly the importing parties were influenced. My paper thus not only addresses the matter of where certain influences came from, but also the question of what impact (if any) the material findings had on the local societies.
During the last thirty odd years, much has been written about manuscripts recovered from early Chinese tombs. Extensive research on excerpts of Laozi, Sunzi bingfa, Liji and Yili and many other texts considerably changed our appreciation... more
During the last thirty odd years, much has been written about manuscripts recovered from early Chinese tombs. Extensive research on excerpts of Laozi, Sunzi bingfa, Liji and Yili and many other texts considerably changed our appreciation of their received counterparts. Through these findings, at least some editorial work finally became tangible; yet, its motivation remains heatedly debated. Unprecedented insights are provided by a magnitude of legal documents, medical manuals, hemerological companions (rishu), and divination texts (e.g. xingde). All of which have been abundantly studied; thus illuminating practical aspects of ancient Chinese culture below official level. We have learned, for instance, the scope of punishments for larceny; we are familiar with various methods of how people dealt with the uncertainties of live. How to keep oneself healthy? What was an auspicious day to marry? How to get rid of annoying ghosts who kept pestering the family? These questions clearly relate to the fate of living people. Moreover, philosophical as well as prescriptive records ultimately aimed at individual and social betterment. Why, then, do we find these ‘secular’ texts in tombs? What purpose did they serve?
By treating them for what they were, i.e. burial goods this paper adopts a new perspective. Not textual content is going to be primary focus, but archaeological context. Analyzing how manuscripts relate to findings and features of individual graves as well as surrounding burials reveals that only a certain clientele was interred with particular kinds of documents. At the same time, the majority of contemporaries did not care for manuscripts at all. ‘Secular’ texts thus were means to transfer particular lifestyles into the hereafter. Respective grave owners distinguished themselves through knowledge of certain topics in writing, and often through the ability to write itself, as suggested by brushes and ink stones accompanying many manuscripts. A distinction venerated in life obviously should also continue in the afterlife.
By treating them for what they were, i.e. burial goods this paper adopts a new perspective. Not textual content is going to be primary focus, but archaeological context. Analyzing how manuscripts relate to findings and features of individual graves as well as surrounding burials reveals that only a certain clientele was interred with particular kinds of documents. At the same time, the majority of contemporaries did not care for manuscripts at all. ‘Secular’ texts thus were means to transfer particular lifestyles into the hereafter. Respective grave owners distinguished themselves through knowledge of certain topics in writing, and often through the ability to write itself, as suggested by brushes and ink stones accompanying many manuscripts. A distinction venerated in life obviously should also continue in the afterlife.
Ancient Chinese hoards predominantly containing bronze ritual objects have long been rich sources of information to historians and philologists. The meanings of inscriptions cast on many of the artifacts aren’t always unanimously agreed... more
Ancient Chinese hoards predominantly containing bronze ritual objects have long been rich sources of information to historians and philologists. The meanings of inscriptions cast on many of the artifacts aren’t always unanimously agreed upon. Nevertheless, the resulting debates greatly helped to enhance our understanding of Shang- and Western Zhou societies. The motive or motives behind the creation of such bronze hoards, however, have largely been neglected. For the Central Plain region (Zhouyuan) it is generally assumed that they contained parts of the inventories of nearby ancestral temples (see, for example, Lothar von Falkenhausen’s Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (Los Angeles, 2006), p. 36). On the other hand, how are we to understand a contemporaneous hoard discovered in the Central Plains which contained only a few ritual objects and a large number of tools and even jewellery (see 临潼县文化馆：《陕西临潼发现武王征商簋》。《文物》1977年8期1~7 页。)?
By analyzing the archaeological data at hand I intend to demonstrate that in dealing with ancient Chinese hoards we are indeed dealing with a more complex phenomenon than generally presumed. Surely, not only individuals affiliated to ancestral temples felt the need to deposit their possessions underground. In this respect I am also going to address the ultimate question connected with hoards: Were the artefacts intended to stay underground or were the pits only meant to serve as temporary storage facilities?
By analyzing the archaeological data at hand I intend to demonstrate that in dealing with ancient Chinese hoards we are indeed dealing with a more complex phenomenon than generally presumed. Surely, not only individuals affiliated to ancestral temples felt the need to deposit their possessions underground. In this respect I am also going to address the ultimate question connected with hoards: Were the artefacts intended to stay underground or were the pits only meant to serve as temporary storage facilities?
How and why the Western and Eastern Han conducted foreign affairs has been well documented by Yü Ying-shih in his "Trade and Expansion in Han China" (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U. of California P., 1967), while Hans Bielenstein (in BMFEA... more
How and why the Western and Eastern Han conducted foreign affairs has been well documented by Yü Ying-shih in his "Trade and Expansion in Han China" (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U. of California P., 1967), while Hans Bielenstein (in BMFEA 68 [1996]: 5-325) has analyzed Southern Chinese foreign relations during the Six Dynasties. More recently, the latter has also taken on "Diplomacy and Trade in the Chinese World, 589-1276" (Leiden: Brill, 2005).
Yet, a crucial period in Chinese history has been neglected as far as foreign affairs are concerned: The Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE) established by the Tuoba tribe. Seeing that, for the first time since the establishment of the empire, a large part of China was controlled by alien rulers, who distinctly acted in the manner of the ethnically "Chinese" emperors that preceded them, this is quite surprising. One would think that questions of how and why emperors of foreign descent approached other alien entities would have been answered long ago. At first glance, this might seem to be true. At least if one follows W. Eberhard’s interpretation of the single eligible source: the "Weishu." In his "Das Toba-Reich Nordchinas" (Leiden: Brill, 1949) he argues that the Tuoba rulers expected their vassals to pay tribute. In return the emperors duly compensated the gesture of subordination by bestowing valuable counter-gifts. However, only a few paragraphs later Eberhard tells us that the "Weishu" not even once records such gifts. Eberhard thus clearly adheres to the “traditional” and rather simplistic understanding of the so-called tributary system, that is to say the view that acknowledgement of Chinese sovereignty would have been lavishly reciprocated by the imperial court. However, a brief glimpse at the data recorded in the "Weishu" illustrates that the Tuoba relied on various diplomatic strategies in dealings with foreign entities. In this paper I will disclose such strategies and analyze whether they were, for instance, reactions to specific situations or devised as general rules of contact with a certain “state.”
Yet, a crucial period in Chinese history has been neglected as far as foreign affairs are concerned: The Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE) established by the Tuoba tribe. Seeing that, for the first time since the establishment of the empire, a large part of China was controlled by alien rulers, who distinctly acted in the manner of the ethnically "Chinese" emperors that preceded them, this is quite surprising. One would think that questions of how and why emperors of foreign descent approached other alien entities would have been answered long ago. At first glance, this might seem to be true. At least if one follows W. Eberhard’s interpretation of the single eligible source: the "Weishu." In his "Das Toba-Reich Nordchinas" (Leiden: Brill, 1949) he argues that the Tuoba rulers expected their vassals to pay tribute. In return the emperors duly compensated the gesture of subordination by bestowing valuable counter-gifts. However, only a few paragraphs later Eberhard tells us that the "Weishu" not even once records such gifts. Eberhard thus clearly adheres to the “traditional” and rather simplistic understanding of the so-called tributary system, that is to say the view that acknowledgement of Chinese sovereignty would have been lavishly reciprocated by the imperial court. However, a brief glimpse at the data recorded in the "Weishu" illustrates that the Tuoba relied on various diplomatic strategies in dealings with foreign entities. In this paper I will disclose such strategies and analyze whether they were, for instance, reactions to specific situations or devised as general rules of contact with a certain “state.”
Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the volume of field studies in and scholarship on Chinese Archaeology steadily increased, and methods of excavation and documentation also became more and more sophisticated. Only... more
Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the volume of field studies in and scholarship on Chinese Archaeology steadily increased, and methods of excavation and documentation also became more and more sophisticated. Only the ways to deal with the archaeological findings did not necessarily keep up with the developments: Interpretation of material remains is often still guided by notions expressed in the so-called “Three Rites Canons” (Liji, Zhouli, Yili). By contrasting the mourning rituals recorded in these books with actual archaeological evidence, I am going to demonstrate, however, that it is imperative to explain archaeological data first and foremost on its own account. Only then can we search the written re¬cords for possible confirmation.
For more than fifty years, Chinese archaeologists have been recovering a steady stream of funerary sculptures from Han-time burials in Guangdong and Guangxi. From small fortresses, enclosed housing quarters, granaries and pigsties over... more
For more than fifty years, Chinese archaeologists have been recovering a steady stream of funerary sculptures from Han-time burials in Guangdong and Guangxi. From small fortresses, enclosed housing quarters, granaries and pigsties over oxen-drawn carts and boats to cooking stoves, domesticized animals and dancing women figurines, these miniature models came upon us in a variety of shapes, sizes and even materials. As the overwhelming majority of the models once were built from clay, a smaller number were produced from wood or bronze. Regardless of material differences, these kinds of sculptures have long been accepted to represent important aspects of the deceased’s life in the afterworld. But, what are these aspects in particular? What can they tell us about the living situations of the grave owners as well as their social surroundings during the Han period?
These are the two main questions I would like to address with my lecture. In order to do so, I am going to analyse the specific details of everyday life as it is shown by the burial models. For instance, by the existence of many animal sculptures, human figurines peeling rice and the occasional rice paddy, one can easily determine that agriculture and animal husbandry must have been of considerable importance to the deceased. To decide how these occupations directly related to the life of the respective grave owners solely on the basis of archaeological evidence is, however, not quite as easy. Only a few models of boats and carts hint at the fact that some of the ancient inhabitants of the Lingnan-Region rather traded their surplus crops and livestock than keep it for themselves. Even if most of the excavated burials are robbed and/or at least partially destroyed, I believe that some information on the grave occupants’ lifes can be gained by the arrangement of the sculptures within the graves. In this respect, one of the most interesting observations should be the almost regular proximity of models of wells and stoves. The importance of water for the cooking process is also suggested by a large number of steaming vessels on top of many of the discovered stoves. This almost immediately raises further questions: What did people living in Guangxi and Guangdong during the Han dynasty eat? Are there indications to be discerned that they only feasted on the livestock they bread themselves? Or is there some unambiguous evidence to be found that they supplemented their diet on the basis of natural resources?
How many of the questions that come to mind if we think of the “Daily Life in the Lingnan-Region during the Han Dynasty” can ultimately be answered by the funerary sculptures excavated from said area remains to be seen until I deliver my presentation at the conference in Guangzhou.
These are the two main questions I would like to address with my lecture. In order to do so, I am going to analyse the specific details of everyday life as it is shown by the burial models. For instance, by the existence of many animal sculptures, human figurines peeling rice and the occasional rice paddy, one can easily determine that agriculture and animal husbandry must have been of considerable importance to the deceased. To decide how these occupations directly related to the life of the respective grave owners solely on the basis of archaeological evidence is, however, not quite as easy. Only a few models of boats and carts hint at the fact that some of the ancient inhabitants of the Lingnan-Region rather traded their surplus crops and livestock than keep it for themselves. Even if most of the excavated burials are robbed and/or at least partially destroyed, I believe that some information on the grave occupants’ lifes can be gained by the arrangement of the sculptures within the graves. In this respect, one of the most interesting observations should be the almost regular proximity of models of wells and stoves. The importance of water for the cooking process is also suggested by a large number of steaming vessels on top of many of the discovered stoves. This almost immediately raises further questions: What did people living in Guangxi and Guangdong during the Han dynasty eat? Are there indications to be discerned that they only feasted on the livestock they bread themselves? Or is there some unambiguous evidence to be found that they supplemented their diet on the basis of natural resources?
How many of the questions that come to mind if we think of the “Daily Life in the Lingnan-Region during the Han Dynasty” can ultimately be answered by the funerary sculptures excavated from said area remains to be seen until I deliver my presentation at the conference in Guangzhou.