18
BRIEF
04.05.2020
The Role of
Civil Society in
Peacebuilding
in Yemen
by Abdulkarim Qassim, Loay Amin,
Mareike Transfeld and Ewa Strzelecka
Introduction
This Brief focuses on the contributions of Yemeni
civil society to six core areas central to supporting sustainable peace: the economy, politics, culture and society, security and justice, education,
and the environment. It is part of a wider project
that encourages Yemeni-international research cooperation on peace requirements in Yemen, which
CARPO is implementing on behalf of the Deutsche
Executive Summary
Yemeni civil society organizations (CSOs)
are seeking to fill an important gap created by the collapse of Yemeni state
institutions and the financial shift of international organizations to concentrate
on humanitarian emergency relief. The
current political and economic conditions make it difficult for CSOs to continue functioning on an effective level,
while a lack of human and organizational
capacity are hampering project results.
CSOs generally have only limited impact,
causing little to no structural change
despite their, at times, decades-long engagement. Nevertheless, Yemeni CSOs
do contribute to peace requirements in
various sectors and remain an important actor in the Yemeni civic sphere. In a
context in which conflict parties are not
willing to compromise and media contributes to escalating violence, actors
that uphold the principles of human
rights, political participation and peacebuilding are most likely to be found in
the realm of civil society. In order for
civil society to be able to contribute to
future reconstruction efforts, now is the
time for international organizations to
support CSOs and invest seriously into
their human and organizational capacity building. This can be done through
material, financial, and capacity development support.
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
2
Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenar- A Short History
beit (GIZ) GmbH, and by commission of the of Civil Society in Yemen
German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ).1
Yemen’s civil society took different shapes
and roles in the twentieth century, accordCivil society is a broad and ambiguous con- ing to local, national and international circept that can be defined in manifold ways. 2 cumstances and political, legal, economic
In the Partnership Framework Between the and institutional conditions.5 The first CSOs
Yemeni Government and Yemeni Civil Soci- in Yemen emerged in opposition to British
ety Organizations, adopted by the Yemeni colonial rule in the South and to the rule of
cabinet in September 2013, civil society or- Imamate in the North. In total, there were
ganizations (CSOs) are understood as “es- about 47 CSOs established before the late
tablished or being established by citizens in 1960s.6 The republican state-building phase
accordance to existing laws, and aim at con- in South and North Yemen of the 1970s
tributing to public good and conveying con- formed two independent states with comcerns and values of their communities based pletely different political and economic syson ethical, cultural, political, and religious or tems, and two contrasting visions of modercharity considerations; and do not seek prof- nity and development. By 1989, a total of 424
it nor acquire political power.”3 We follow CSOs had been established.7 Most of them
this definition in this Brief. To understand aimed at contributing to social and economthe contributions of Yemeni civil society to ic development.
the above-mentioned sectors with the goal
of achieving sustainable peace, we conduct- On 22 May 1990, South and North Yemen
ed focus groups discussions and interviews united as the Republic of Yemen. The Conwith officially registered civil society organi- stitution of 1991, with amendments in 2001,
zations and their activists, as well as more guarantees the state’s commitment to parliainformal groups.4
mentary democracy, political pluralism and a
1 For a more complete discussion of the six areas and their centrality for sustainable peacebuilding in Yemen, see the CARPO Report 06
2
3
4
5
6
7
Understanding Peace Requirements in Yemen: Needs and Roles for Civil Society, Women, Youth, the Media and the Private Sector, in which
Mareike Transfeld and Marie-Christine Heinze outline the conceptual framework for this paper. The Report, which was published in
March 2019, is available at https://carpo-bonn.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/carpo_policy_report_06_2019.pdf (22.10.2019).
See, for example, the definition of civil society in: ibid, p. 16.
MOPIC (2013): Partnership Framework between the Government of Yemen and Civil Society Organizations, Yemen’s Ministry of Planning and
International Cooperation, Sana’a, p. 3. Available at https://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/Event/MNA/yemen_cso/english/
Yemen_CSO_Partnership_Framework_GoY_CSO_ENG.pdf (10.10.2019).
Fieldwork was implemented between 20 August and 20 September 2019, in Sana’a, Aden, Ta‘iz and Shabwa. The field work team conducted four focus group discussions with a total of 28 (12 females and 16 males) CSO representatives and eight key informant interviews.
Sheila Carapico (1998): Civil Society in Yemen. The Political Economy of Activism in Modern Arabia, Cambridge. Sheila Carapico (2006): ‘Civil
society and civil activism in Yemen’, in Sarah Ben Nefissa, Maggy Grabundzija and Jean Lambert (eds.): Civil Society, Associations and
Local Governance in Yemen, CEFAS, Sana’a, p. 202.
MOPIC (2013), p. 27.
Ibid.
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
multi-party system.8 Articles 42 and 58 of
the Constitution protect the freedoms of
expression, association, opinion and participation in public life. This legal framework,
in combination with the proliferation of a
capitalist-patterned economy, a competitive
political setting and the growth of a vibrant
and well-educated middle class, provided
space for more formal and specialized CSOs
in the 1990s. A transformation of traditional civil society (mujtama al-ahli) to more
modern forms of civil society (al-mujtama
al-madani) accelerated. The 2001 Law of
Associations and Foundations and its 2004
bylaw9 reiterated the government’s commitment to political pluralism, but also allowed
room for considerable government monitoring and control of CSO activities. On the
one hand, the 2001 Law has been considered
the most enabling law governing civil society organizations in the Arabian Peninsula.10
On the other hand, it relegated civil society
to an insignificant level of development as
it mainly relied on government patronage.11
Also, the increasing number of Yemeni NGOs
has not necessary resulted in the empowerment of independent civil society, free from
governmental, tribal, religious and political
influence and patronage.
3
Yemen’s 2011 uprising opened new spaces for
the promotion of civic activism in Yemen’s political sphere. Revolutionary activists not only
demanded democracy, justice and dignity for
women and men, but they were also determined to benefit as civil society organizations
from the opportunities offered by the transitional process initiated by the GCC-Initiative.
Not only did the number of active organizations increase, but CSOs diversified regarding
their fields of activity and were now increasingly viewed by society and politicians alike
as credible social actors. Between 2011 and
2016, between 12,000 and 15,000 organizations operated either with or without formal
registration in various sectors.12 A focus group
participant confirmed that the 2011 protests
accelerated the establishment of CSOs as legal
entities, given that informal youth initiatives
from the protest squares were transitioned
into a legal framework: “Young people desire
to contribute to society and achieve positive
change in local communities. This encourages young people to create CSOs.” With this
development came a diversification of CSO
work. Before 2011, the overwhelming majority
of CSOs worked in charity. From 2011 onwards,
the number of organizations working in other fields increased: including the promotion
8 Yemen’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2001. Available at https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Yemen_2001.pdf
(20.11.2019).
9 Executive Bylaw for Law No. 1 for the Year 2001 Concerning Associations and Foundations. Available at https://www.icnl.org/research/library/
yemen_reg-1-2001-en/ (20.11.2019).
10 ICNL (2017): Civic Freedom Monitor: Yemen, International Center for Not-for-Profit Law. Available at http://www.icnl.org/research/monitor/
yemen.html (10.10.2019).
11 Carapico (1998); Sarah Phillips (2007): Evaluating Political Reform in Yemen, Carnegie Papers – Middle East Series 80, p. 8. Available at
https://carnegieendowment.org/files/cp_80_phillips_yemen_final.pdf (10.10.2019).
12 MOPIC (2013), p. 30; ICNL (2017).
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The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
4
of women’s and human rights;13 youth initia- The Role of Civil Society
tives;14 freedom of press and expression;15 and During the Conflict
other development, democracy and socialrelated issues.16
In March 2015 a military coalition led by Saudi Arabia intervened in Yemen, six months
CSOs sought to enhance their legitima- after armed Houthis derailed the transition
cy through taking a prominent role in the process and violently took control of the capprotests of 2011 and the subsequent tran- ital Sana’a in September 2014. The increase of
sitional process. And indeed, the wider so- violence and the onset of the war in 2014/15
ciety recognized their importance, even as have had devastating effects on civil society.
CSOs became increasingly inclusive engag- Not only did legal frameworks change, but
ing youth, women and other marginalized areas of activities shifted. It became increasgroups. Likewise, against the backdrop of a ingly difficult for CSOs to have an impact on
legitimacy deficit and gaps in service deliv- politics. International funds shifted to the huery, the transitional government under Pres- manitarian sector. This, in combination with
ident Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi enhanced CSOs’ perception of humanitarian work as
official recognition of the role of CSOs in less risky in the new political context, caused
development and state-building. During the many CSOs to shift to humanitarian aid. At
National Dialogue Conference (NDC), which the same time, the capacity of CSOs to operwas mandated by the GCC-Initiative and im- ate in affected areas was limited due to both
plemented 2013/14, civil society represen- the violence and the absence of necessary
tatives were included as delegates, while skills and capacity-building opportunities.
other CSOs shaped the consultative process
in other roles. Regardless of the improved As a result of the war, the country split into
conditions, however, the government did lit- two main camps politically: the internationtle to actively increase the participation of ally-recognized government under Hadi, and
civil society; at the same time, CSOs suffered the Houthis (Ansar Allah). The former is furfrom a lack of funding and skills, and were ther split into various areas of influence, such
often dependent on foreign donors who as the areas under influence of the Souththus shaped their agendas.
ern Transitional Council (STC) or under the
13 Wameedh Shakir (2015): Women and Peacemaking in Yemen. Mapping the Realities, CMI. Available at http://cmi.fi/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Women_and_Peacemaking_in_Yemen_EN.pdf (30.12.2018). Ewa K. Strzelecka (2018): ‘A political culture of feminist resistance. Exploring women’s agency and gender dynamics in Yemen’s uprising (2011-15)’, in: Marie-Christine Heinze (ed.): Yemen and the
Search for Stability. Power, Politics and Society after the Arab Spring, London, pp. 47–70.
14 Moosa Elayah (2018): Civil Society Organizations and Peacebuilding after Yemen’s Former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, GPBC/CIDIN/ Radboud University, Sana’a, p. 2. Available at https://bit.ly/33gI60R (10.10.2019).
15 Nadia al-Sakkaf (2016): The Tragedy of Yemen’s Civil Society, The Washington Institute. Available at https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/
policy-analysis/view/the-tragedy-of-yemens-civil-society (15.04.2020).
16 ICNL (2017): Civic Freedom Monitor: Yemen, International Center for Not-for-Profit Law. Available at http://www.icnl.org/research/monitor/
yemen.html (10.10.2019).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
Yemeni Congregation for Reform (al-Islah
Party). Although there had already been regional differences in CSO activity in terms of
a concentration in the centers (Sana‘a, Aden,
Ta‘iz), the division of the country in the context of the war has created different legal,
security and social conditions for CSOs.
5
for the Management and Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Response
(SCMCHA). Some CSOs have had no other
option but to cooperate with the de facto
authorities, either through local mediators or
directly, in order to obtain licenses or reach
affected communities. Organizations banned
by NAMCHA / SCMCHA continued their operIn the northwestern areas, held by the ations outside of Houthi-held areas.
Houthis, the space for civil society has become the most restricted in the whole coun- In areas that are nominally under control of
try. The Houthi camp had quickly moved to the internationally-recognized government,
repress civil society activity and shut down civil society has had a greater degree of freeorganizations affiliated with the al-Islah Party dom. However, they face bureaucratic confuand those receiving Western funding. Many sion and lengthy registration and licensing
CSO activists were arrested or forcibly dis- procedures at the MoSAL and MoPIC, in addiappeared. In November 2017, the Houthis, in tion to repressive interference by various de
contradiction to the Law of Associations, re- facto authorities in the several areas. For exstricted the space for civil society by chang- ample, in the southern areas, the CSOs’ appliing regulations through existing state insti- cations submitted to the MoSAL and MoPIC
tutions, specifically the Ministry of Planning have been additionally reviewed by the Secuand International Cooperation (MoPIC). In No- rity Belt, a paramilitary army loyal to the STC.
vember 2017, the Houthi de-facto authorities CSOs interviewed in Aden reported that their
established the so-called National Authority project requests were rejected by Southern
for the Management and Coordination of Hu- Transitional Council, as they allegedly did not
manitarian Assistance and Disaster Response represent the STC’s political interests or for
(NAMCHA). The new institution was charged being funded by countries hostile to the STC.
with registering, reviewing and evaluating The president of al-Amal Association, which
the work of CSOs. Making it even more diffi- has run a school supplies distribution procult for CSOs to register or renew their reg- gram in Aden, Lahij and Abyan since 1995,
istration, NAMCHA froze the bank accounts was arrested by the Security Belt for suspiof CSOs and forced organizations to include cion of collaboration with the enemy via reHouthi-loyalists within their ranks. Addition- ceived funding from Qatar Charity. Civil socially, CSOs were now required permission to ety organizations in Hadhramawt and Marib
carry out specific activities. This particularly governorates are less affected by the securiaffected organizations with a focus on gen- ty situation; in fact, they enjoy a great deal
der equality and women’s rights. The Yemeni of freedom of movement and cooperation
Women’s Union, for instance, was forced to from the local authorities. In Hadhramawt,
change names and contents of projects that civil society organizations rely on local prihad a focus on women empowerment and vate sector funding more than in any other
family planning. In November 2019, NAM- governorate. CSOs here also enjoy relativeCHA was replaced by the Supreme Council ly greater access to policy-making processes
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
6
and cooperation with government agencies.
Although CSOs in Ta‘iz enjoy relative freedom, are well-organized and have access to
political figures, their work is subjected to
interference by various armed groups. For
example, an informal resistance group seized
and occupied the al-Saeed Foundation for
Science and Culture building.
economic reforms,18 the conflict forced a
shift of focus for CSOs working on economic
issues, from the national to the local level, to
reach those in most immediate need. Against
the backdrop of a poor educational system
and a lack of Yemeni economic experts, published knowledge on the Yemeni economy
is rare; and military and strategic developments overshadow economic developments.
Contributions from Civil Society
to Peace Requirements in Yemen
Nevertheless, Yemeni CSOs, in cooperation
with international partners, have published
in-depth analyses, raised awareness of complex economic issues, as well as put the Yemeni economy on the agenda of international
development and policy practitioners. Initiatives include, for example, the ‘Development
Champions’, a group of experts supported
by two Yemeni CSOs, DeepRoot Consulting
and Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, and
their international partner, CARPO. Publications coming out of this project have focused on the food crisis, the banking sector,
the collapse of basic services, the role of the
Yemeni private sector, and the development
of human capital and the fisheries industry,
amongst others.19 Since 2016, the Studies and
Economic Center has also issued reports on
the social and economic situation in Yemen,
aiming to strengthening the role of the private sector in the post-conflict phase.
Despite the decreasing civic spaces, Yemeni
CSOs continue to be active and contribute to
peace requirements. Most importantly, CSOs
are one of the very few actors that model
the principles of community welfare, human
rights, or equality in the various sectors that
are essential to achieve sustainable peace.
Yet, contributions of CSOs remain limited in
scope, given their limitations in mobility, political restrictions and capacity gaps.
Economy
Yemeni CSOs, in contrast to government
agencies or the media, as has also been highlighted by the ‘Media Team’ in this project,17
have played a significant role in advancing
the debate on the state of Yemen’s economy. These organizations fill significant gaps
in service delivery, job creation and economic empowerment. While the 2011 protests
and the 2012 transitional period created an
opportunity for CSOs to envision broader
At the local level, CSOs contribute to reducing unemployment and poverty by providing
direct assistance to those in need, supplying
services at low cost, and enabling economic
17 Fatima Saleh, Scott Preston and Mareike Transfeld (17.04.2020): The Role of Media in Peacebuilding in Yemen, CARPO/YPC Brief 16. Available at https://carpo-bonn.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/carpo_brief_16_AR.pdf (30.04.2020).
18 Economic Reform Team (2017): [ رؤية إستم رار النشاط إالقتصادي و إعادة إالعمارVision for the Continuation of Economic Activity and
Reconstruction], Yemeni Business Club and Studies and Economic Media Center. Available at http://www.yemenief.org/Download_Center/
docment/doc_2023.pdf (19.10.2019).
19 All publications resulting out of this project can be accessed at https://carpo-bonn.org/rethinking-yemens-economy/ (15.04.2020).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
empowerment. The economic crisis caused
by the five-year war has devastated large
parts of the Yemeni population, with women
and children as the most vulnerable. Several
large Yemeni CSOs implement economic empowerment projects on the grassroots level
with a special focus on women. The Yemeni
Women’s Union, for example, has implemented the ‘Livelihoods and Economic Empowerment of Women and Girls’ project since 2017,
providing funds for small projects, material
support for women affected by violence, and
cash assistance to alleviate food insecurity
throughout Yemen. In 2017, the Economic Information Center launched the ‘I Will Work’
initiative to train a group of young women in
the manufacturing and marketing of accessories. The Social Development Fund, with its
Yemen Loan Guarantees (YLG) and The Small
and Micro Enterprise Promotion Service
(SMEPS), has demonstrated extraordinary capacity to reach even remote rural areas with
the goal of economic empowerment and
job creation. Since 2014, SMEPS has created
173,000 jobs, mostly in the agricultural and
fisheries fields. 20
Politics
The prominent role of civil society organizations in the 2011 uprising strengthened the
negotiating role of CSOs in policymaking and
government accountability during the transitional period. However, most CSOs could not
maintain this position during the conflict,
7
given the new repressive environment, security threats, and funding shortages. Yet,
CSOs remain active in the political field on
various scales: on the local level, CSO’s continue to advocate for policy changes and increased participation; on the national level,
CSOs attempt to support and shape the UNled peace process. An example at national
level is the research and the implementation
of track II talks, most often in cooperation
with international partners, among them
the above-mentioned ‘Rethinking Yemen’s
Economy’ initiative that brings together experts on the economy and development
from across the political spectrum. As well,
the Political Development Forum in Yemen
has entertained a highly successful partnership with the Berghof Foundation in political
track II talks.
Since 2015, five rounds of the UN-brokered
peace talks have been held between the two
main actors: the internationally-recognized
Hadi government and the Houthis. Only four
female politicians in total have been at a negotiation table: three in peace talks in Kuwait in
2016, and one in Sweden in 2018.21 The Houthi
delegation has had no female participants. A
gender quota of 30 percent, agreed as part
of the 2013/14 National Dialogue Conference
outcomes, has been systematically ignored,
despite advocacy efforts by female activists
and other civil society groups to promote the
inclusion of women and gender perspective in
the UN-sponsored peace process.
20 Website of Small And Micro Enterprise Promotion Service: https://smeps.org.ye/smepsweb/ (15.04.2020).
21 Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, Rasha Jarhum, Rana Allam, and Devin Cowick (2017): A Policy Brief in the 2016-17 U.S. Civil Society Working
Group on Women, Peace and Security Policy Brief Series, p. 5. Available at https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/9th%20US%20CSWG%20
Policy%20Brief%20August%2028%202017%20v3%20%28002%29.pdf (20.03.2020). Afrah Nasser (2018): ‘Yemen’s Women Confront War’s
Marginalization’, in: MERIP 189. Available at https://merip.org/2019/03/yemens-women-confront-wars-marginalization/ (20.03.2020).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
Successful civil society initiatives, supported
by the UN Special Envoy for Yemen and UN
Women, include: the participation of seven
independent female activists from the Yemeni Women Pact for Peace and Security (WPPS)
in the unofficial discussions in peace talks in
Kuwait (May 2016); eight members of Women’s Technical Advisory Group (TAG) in the
peace consultations in Geneva (September
2018); and a delegation of female activists
from TAG, WPPS and the Political Advisory
Group in consultations in Stockholm (December 2018). In March 2019, the international conference ‘Yemeni Women: Mediators for
Peace’, organized by UN Women in Amman,
brought together 100 female activists for
two days to discuss their role in peacemaking and peacebuilding in Yemen. However,
the CSO Southern Women for an Independent South State felt underrepresented and
wrote a letter of complaint to the organizers,
protesting against their marginalization in
the UN-sponsored peace process. 22
8
On the local level, work in favor of the peace
process has become dangerous, particularly
in Houthi-held areas. Parties to the conflict
perceive a positioning for peace as a positioning against them and their interests.
Regardless, CSOs, albeit on a smaller scale,
continue to advocate for inclusive politics
and build mechanisms for participation on
the local level. Among the most important
is the formation of village cooperation councils across Yemen by the Social Development
Fund. CSOs have also facilitated the establishment of community committees to improve
services, social accountability, and monitoring. In fact, since the beginning of the war,
CSOs have become crucial in managing local
affairs, given the weakness of local councils
and the lack of state service provision. CSOs
also support the decentralization of the Yemeni state as a peace-building strategy.
Culture and Society
The war has deepened regional and sectarian
fault lines in an unprecedented way. In this
context, Yemeni civil society organizations
attempt to mend broken links in the social
fabric. CSOs supported the community‘s own
capabilities, strengthened social security and
stability networks, solved local conflicts, and
thus preserving the cohesion of the social
fabric. At the same time, CSOs continue to
create spaces on and offline, where culture is
celebrated, young talents are supported and
cultural production is kept alive.
In the highly politized context of Yemen,
many CSOs have kept the ability to claim
and defend their own values. For example,
Yemeni CSO Mwatana for Human Rights not
only documents violations committed by
parties to the conflict, but also lobbies in the
defense and promotion of human rights in
peace talks (e.g. through the letter ‘Human
Rights Priorities at the Negotiation Table in
Kuwait’ in 2016). Research- centered CSOs,
such as the Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, the Yemen Polling Center, and the Studies and Economic Media Center, continue to CSOs contribute to promoting social inclusion
conduct research with the aim of informing and eliminating tension through creating opnational and international policy-making.
portunities for young and old alike to engage
22 Southern Transitional Council (2019): Statement of Protest to the UN Women-Organized Conference “Yemeni Women Peace Mediators”.
Available at https://stc-eu.org/en/statement-of-protest/ (15.04.2020).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
within their communities. Such engagement
promotes solidarity, cooperation and trust
between various groups. CSOs likewise contribute to social cohesion by combating family violence, supporting women’s access to
security, and fighting discrimination against
the marginalized. Beyond this, CSOs also address extremism and sectarianism through
cultural and artistic activities in the cause of
peace advocacy. Various documentary and
artistic film productions demonstrate the resilience of Yemeni society and promote social
peace. These include #SupportYemen’s Melody of Our Alienation and The Color of Injustice.
The campaigns #LetsCoexist and #Badihi,
conducted by Yemeni youth and supported
by Saferworld and the Yemen Polling Center,
have contributed to community building and
de-radicalization. Both campaigns used film
content to focus on commonalities of Yemenis, including landscapes, food, music, children or heritage. 23 Graffiti has also become
a popular means for campaigning for peace,
the most prominent initiatives coming from
the artist Murad Subay, such as his March 15
global Yemeni art events, in which Yemenis
across the globe bring people together to
celebrate art and Yemen.
When the war began, many cultural institutions were forced to shut down as funding
shifted to humanitarian work. New initiatives
have emerged, however, such as the cultural
magazine al-Madaniya and the Rumuz Foundation, both which focus on (creative) writing, photography and videography. These
means aim to support young talents, create
9
cultural and intellectual platforms, and develop Yemeni cultural production, thus filling
a significant gap created by the increase of
violence in 2014/15. The Basement, a youth
cultural foundation in Sana’a established in
2010, continues to operate, despite the increasingly difficult circumstances in the city,
by organizing film viewings, art galleries and
discussion events. The Meemz art initiative in
al-Mukalla aims to enhance peace as it reaches and encourages youth to seek art as a creative outlet.
Security and Justice
In the wake of weak state security institutions and security vacuums throughout the
country, a few CSOs endorsed projects focusing on community security and, often
within the framework of humanitarian work,
engaging in local conflict resolution and mediation. Against the backdrop of a majority
of Yemenis preferring the police to take an
active role in security provision,24 some CSOs
attempt to improve state security services on
the local level.
Activities aiming to improve state security in
areas held by the Houthis have become extremely risky. In Ibb, active youth groups
formed to improve the security in their neighborhoods, but Houthis repressed their activities, and forced them to stop. CSOs we interviewed shared insights into their work on
preventing and fighting sexual violence, reduction of arms in public, raising awareness
on mines and preventing celebratory fire at
23 Mareike Transfeld (2018): Youth Activism in Yemen. Yemen Polling Center, Policy Report. Available at http://www.yemenpolling.org/2664-2/
(14.03.2020).
24 Mareike Transfeld & Shaima Bin Othman (2020): The State of the Police in Western Yemen. Yemen Polling Center, Research Debrief. Available at http://www.yemenpolling.org/4325/ (14.04.2020).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
weddings and festivals. Often such initiatives
involve local authorities and security personnel. But CSOs also struggle with unresponsive
and uncooperative state actors. In its attempts
to enhance cooperation between security actors in Ta‘iz and Aden, for example, the Yemen
Polling Center witnessed political differences
among stakeholders preventing progress in
the dialogue. Only in Ta‘iz did this initiative
lead to further attempts to enhance the cooperation between the police and judicial institutions. In the last few years, in fact, Ta‘iz has
become a prime example for civil society engagement in the security sector. Ta‘iz activists
are working with neighborhood cooperatives
and elected district councils to address security challenges. Youth Without Borders Organization for Development has so far trained 110
neighborhood authorities in security reporting and the regulatory laws. Similar activities
have also been implemented in other areas of
Yemen. In Shabwa, for example, al-Ikha’ Association for Development and Civil Peace has
held meetings, dialogues, and training workshops with local councils, youth, the media,
and imams on conflict resolution and management. This initiative, funded by the local authority, re-activated the partnership between
the local authority and the community.
10
Aden, and al-Dhali’. The research center also
assessed the capacity of district police to
enhance community security in Ta‘iz, Aden,
Lahij and Shabwa. Working directly to make
such structures more accessible to women,
the Yemeni Women‘s Union provides protection and assistance for disadvantaged
women subjected to violence through legal
education, support for the issuance of identification documents, and the provision of lawyers. The Studies and Economic Media Center
has also supported police departments and
local courts through capacity building and
facilitated a relationship between security
and justice institutions.
Education
The educational sector has been devastated
by the war: school buildings have been destroyed, universities politicized, and public
employers, including teachers, have not received full and regular salaries since the fall
of 2016. Conflict parties began using schools
as weapons and ammunitions storage, as detainment centres, or as potential recruitment
of soldiers for the front. All these actions
place at risk the education of roughly four
million children in Yemen, particularly affecting women and girls, as highlighted by the
Given the breakdown of national level poli- ‘Women Team’ of this project. 25
tics and the growing importance of the local
level, the Yemen Polling Center has published With the shift of international funds and
reports on how the war has impacted local donor attention to the humanitarian secsecurity arrangements in terms of authori- tor, activities of local organizations working
ty, hierarchies, communication and popular in the education sector have dramatically
perceptions in Ta‘iz, Marib, Ibb, al-Hudayda, slowed down. Most international funding
25 Mareike Transfeld (2018): ‘Yemen’s education system at a tipping point: Youth between their future and present survival,’ in: POMEPS
(eds.): Politics, Governance and Reconstruction in Yemen, POMEPS Series 29, pp. 39–42; Iman al-Gawfi, Bilkis Zabara and Stacey Philbrick
Yadav (27.02.2020): The Role of Women in Peacebuilding in Yemen, CARPO/GDRSC Brief 14, p. 11. Available at https://carpo-bonn.org/wpcontent/uploads/2020/02/carpo_brief_14.pdf (29.02.2020).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
for education is designated to UNICEF and
a cluster of organizations working on educational issues in coordination with Yemeni state institutions. Following donor funding strategies, local organizations’ work in
the sector has become limited to providing
emergency and humanitarian aid only. In addition, the complexity and nature of projects
in the education sector, which requires work
and coordination with multiple local authorities, remains discouraging for many local
organizations. Regardless, Yemeni CSOs and
civil initiatives continue to address significant
gaps in this sector, complementing the larger scale initiatives by UNICEF. The National
Foundation for Development and Humanitarian Response have developed the ‘Education
Watch’ project, an interactive smartphones
application that engages the local communities in the process of monitoring and data
collection. This database serves to support
organizations in providing the support needed in communities.
Parent councils collect money in their committees in order to continue paying the salaries of teachers. Independent youth groups,
with the support of philanthropists and individual donations, have created learning spaces, enabled temporary classes and restored
schools. These initiatives include Aden Reads
Initiative; Hemmat Shabab Foundation for
Development in Sana’a and Ta‘iz; and the
Support Them campaign that assists families and children with school books and
11
uniforms. CSOs provide alternative buildings
and spaces to hold classes, while other CSOs
and civil activists self-organize reading and
math classes for community children. While
these efforts are important at community
level, such initiatives remain infrequent and
face various challenges with local authorities,
as well as ongoing financial constraints.
Environment
The war has caused enormous damage to
the environment. For example, the Saudi-led
coalition bombed the main waste treatment
plant north of Sana’a; as a result, toxic waste,
including medical waste, is no longer managed properly. Roughly 60 percent of Yemen’s waste remains uncollected, and poor
waste management – a problem even before
the war – has led to pollution of water and
air that causes various diseases, including
gastrointestinal diseases and asthma. 26 Only
a few Yemeni CSOs are engaging in waste
management, as water management is a better-funded and more visible public concern.
The ‘Youth Team’ in this project interestingly
found that youth mainly associate ‘the environment’ with “public spaces and public
health (such as garbage collection).”27
According to the study Yemen Civil Society
Organizations in Transition, the number of
CSOs working on environmental issues has
increased since the 1990s. 28 About 15 percent
of the total number of CSOs work – at least
26 Conflict and Environment Observatory (2019): How Yemen’s Conflict Destroyed Its Waste Management System. Available at https://ceobs.
org/how-yemens-conflict-destroyed-its-waste-management-system/ (14.02.2019).
27 Maged al-Kholidy, Yazeed al-Jeddawy and Kate Nevens (27.04.2020): The Role of Youth in Peacebuilding in Yemen, CARPO/YWBOD Brief 17.
Available at https://carpo-bonn.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/carpo_brief_17_27-04-20_AR.pdf (30.04.2020).
28 World Bank (2013): Yemen Civil Society Organizations in Transition. Available at http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/248881468171555118/
Yemen-civil-society-organizations-in-transition (14.03.2020).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
partially – in the field of environmental protection, and an additional 10 percent work
in the management of natural resources. The
interests of CSOs have since broadened to
include reducing chemical and radiological
pollution, preserving land and marine biological diversity, combating desertification and
preventive health, organizing rationalization
of water use, and awareness raising of the
dangers of pesticides and agricultural fertilizers. The majority of environmentally focused
CSOs work in the field of water resources.
Local water users associations, for example,
manage water projects in rural areas, while
beneficiary committees oversee water distribution schedules in neighborhoods. The Yemeni Women’s Union and al-Islah Charitable
Association support citizens‘ initiatives for
rainwater harvesting through building dams
and water barriers, increase drinking water
through the expansion of wells, reservoirs
and water networks. Other organizations
consulted for this paper provide training in
managing shared resources and the resolution of conflicts over resources and services.
12
part of OCHA’s Humanitarian Response Plan.
Besides the issue of water scarcity and conflict over water resources, there is little published knowledge on environmental issues
nor their effect on communities. However, as
the ‘Media Team’ in this project reports, the
Hulm Akhdhar [Green Dream] media platform
attempts to raise awareness on environmental issues across Yemen.30
Cooperation and Conflict between
Civil Society and Other Actors
CSOs interviewed for this Brief believed that
the war has created new opportunities for the
private sector and civil society to cooperate,
seeing that both perceived a need to step
up to fill gaps left by a collapsing state. Organizations established by the private sector,
such as the Yemeni Food Bank and the National Prisoners’ Foundation are a testament
to how the private sector meets its social responsibility. In Aden, Lahij and Hadhramawt,
CSOs in partnership with the private sector
are implementing projects in the field of livelihoods and recovery, and the rehabilitation
of state institutions such as universities, technical institutes, and schools. However, interviewed CSOs believe that the private sector
is still hesitant to work with CSOs, as private
sector companies do not want to be involved
in politics. As such, most private sector contributions are limited to individual donations
and partnerships in emergency assistance.
Although Yemen, like the rest of the globe,
is affected by the consequences of climate
change, environmental issues do not rank
high on the agenda of CSOs. The ‘Youth
Team’ of this project found that most youth
initiatives concerned with the natural environment are concentrated in Hadhramawt,
where environmental concerns are many. 29
Local and international actors have neither a
long-term plan nor an emergency strategy to
respond to critical environmental changes in Since 2011, youth have become increasYemen. Most plans that do exist concern the ingly involved in civil society, either estabwater and sanitation sector and are currently lishing their own CSO, working for one, or
29 Al-Kholidy, al-Jeddawy and Nevens (27.04.2020).
30 Saleh, Preston and Transfeld (17.04.2020).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
13
restrictions on the participation of women in
local affairs have eased. For example, the Social Development Fund, in partnership with
CSOs and local councils, established 700 village cooperation councils in Ta‘iz: Half of the
8,500 council members elected are women.
However, the conditions for CSOs to advance
political participation of women on the local
level are difficult and such initiatives continue to have limited influence, with patriarchal norms remaining unchanged generally.
For example, the Yemeni Women‘s Union
stopped publishing certain educational material, on issues such as reproductive health
or gender, due to opposition from political
groups. As the ‘Women’ and ‘Youth Teams’
highlight through their research, women
have gained both more freedoms and more
restrictions due to the war.32 A coalition of
women leaders and activists in Ta‘iz, the socalled ‘Women for Life’ initiative, is an example of continued women activism in the civil
society realm. This group has supported and
According to a 2018 study, women are more contributed to resolving conflicts, for examlikely than men to work in local CSOs. 31 The ple, by opening corridors.
war has forced women to increasingly generate an income for their families; and given Since the beginning of the war, cooperation
the influx of humanitarian funding to Yemen, between the media and CSOs has declined
women have become particularly active in sharply, mainly for two reasons: First, bethis sector. CSOs interviewed for this Brief cause media came under tremendous presdescribed how women are participating in sure, subject to violent repressive tactics on
distributing humanitarian aid; facilitating ac- behalf of the de facto authorities in the North
cess to services and managing projects re- and other armed groups. Second, given the
lated to gender-based violence; promoting political capture of Yemeni media as a conhygiene; as well as providing psychologi- sequence of a lack of independent funding,33
cal support, livelihoods training and health CSOs are limiting media coverage of their
education. As consequence, socio-cultural activities to avoid coverage of a politicized
volunteering. Youth make a substantial
contribution to civil society, such as in the
form of the Youth Without Borders Organization for Development, Resonate!Yemen or
Bawadir al-Khayr Youth in Shabwa. The war
has had a tremendous negative impact on
youth. Financial hardship and psychological trauma led many youth to withdraw into
their private realm. The need to contribute to
their family’s income also forces many young
people engaged with civil society to opt for
a better paying job, or even to join armed
groups to fight at the front. The humanitarian interventions implemented by CSOs, since
2015, have provided an opportunity to target
young people through cash-for-work programs, and thus improve livelihoods, enable
economic empowerment and increase community participation. In this context, CSOs
are an important avenue to ensure youth
stay active in a meaningful way and in a supportive environment.
31 UNDP (2018): Yemen Multi-Sector Early Recovery Assessment. Available at http://earlyrecovery.global/sites/default/files/yemen-multisectorearlyrecoveryassessment.pdf (14.03.2020).
32 Al-Kholidy, al-Jeddawy and Nevens (27.04.2020); Al-Gawfi, Zabara and Philbrick Yadav (27.02.2020).
33 Saleh, Preston and Transfeld (17.04.2020).
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
and distorted manner and to avoid unwanted attention from the de facto authorities
in Sana‘a. For example, when Youth Without
Borders Organization for Development organized an event in al-Hudayda, a city under
Houthi control, local media framed its coverage in the context of “rejecting the Saudi-led coalition against Yemen”. Days later,
the organization held the same event in an
area in Ta‘iz, which is formally controlled by
the internationally-recognized government;
here, local media contextualized the event
as in support of the Ta‘iz resistance. Due to
such politicization, CSOs avoid the traditional media and rely on social media as their
primary means of communication. Nevertheless, CSOs do have a pronounced interest in
a relationship with the traditional media to
publicize their work and as a communication
channel to communities. CSOs thus invest
into improving the conditions for media. For
example, the Studies and Economic Media
Center, a CSO based in Sana‘a, trained more
than 2,000 journalists in various fields, and
has 80 correspondents in all governorates.
The Center also established a media freedoms observatory, which monitors and advocates for cases of violations.
Meeting the Needs of Civil Society
CSOs in Yemen face a plethora of challenges.
Since the beginning of the war, CSOs have
come under increased risk of repression and
have faced numerous violations including arrest, attacks, and the confiscation of property. While Yemen has never been free in
terms of civic rights, the restrictions on the
freedom of assembly and expression are now
especially harsh. In order for them to be able
to continue their work, CSOs must cautiously
14
avoid attracting negative attention that provokes repressive reactions. Many CSOs do this
by avoiding work on risky topics, such as the
promotion of peace, security or transitional
justice. With most funding going into the humanitarian sector, many CSOs thus work in
aid distribution, which is considered less risky
in terms of repercussions. Organizations not
directly under threat are affected by insecurity in other ways. The restricted mobility due
to closure of roads, security checkpoints and
tightened security measures can cause hours
of delay or force CSO activists to walk or use
donkeys. Restricted mobility has also made
it difficult for CSOs to reach out to communities. Although there are some positive examples, CSOs often see themselves isolated
from the state institutions they are trying to
cooperate with. After the 2011 countrywide
uprising, Yemeni civil society organizations
took the initiative in building networks and
coordinating their civic efforts with state actors. The war shattered these networks and
made coordination difficult.
While these external challenges in themselves are immense, they are compounded
by capacity weaknesses that many CSOs in
Yemen exhibit. With the war driving human
capital out of the country, CSOs are losing
experienced experts of project management, monitoring and evaluation, impact assessment, analysis and more. This weakens
an already weak civil society. Small organizations in particular have no experience in
communicating with donors or writing project proposals, making funding, and capacitybuilding opportunities virtually inaccessible
to them. In addition, donor requirements are
difficult for small organizations to meet, such
as having previous experience in implementing projects with large budgets. At the same
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
time, donors lack strategies to make small
funds accessible to small CSOs. Civil society
activity is also less effective, due to a lack
of information sharing. Most information on
projects and donors is shared and exchanged
online, but many CSOs working on the subnational level do not have regular access to
the internet. Larger CSOs that do have access see themselves competing over donor
funds, which prevents them from building
strong alliances with each other. The end result of all these factors is a lack of a shared
peace-building vision among Yemeni CSOs.
15
engagement, and through advocacy in their
encounters with the Hadi government and
the de facto authorities. As the international community advocates for civic rights and
spaces, it should always prioritize the safety
of civic figures in humanitarian and development work.
Support Partnerships Between
Civil Society and State Institutions
Beyond defending civic spaces, international organizations should contribute to facilitating constructive relationships between
Yemeni CSOs and local authorities. While
Recommendations
partnerships in some areas emerged as a
result of projects, in other areas incentives
Support Coordination and
for cooperation need to be created. What is
Networking of Civil Society Organizations missing is a comprehensive understanding of
Create and support opportunities for CSOs the interests and needs of local authorities,
to unite their efforts, coordinate their proj- as well as ways to incentivize them to coopects and form advocacy networks. This can erate with local CSOs.
be achieved through workshops and conferences, but can also be incentivized through
conditioned funding and the institutional- Support Development
ized exchange of practices. Further, interna- of Human Capital in the Civic Sector
tional supporters can create platforms that Against the backdrop of the link between
would allow CSOs to develop unified visions, human development and peace, internastrategies or roadmaps for achieving peace tional organizations and donors must create
and post-conflict development.
real opportunities for capacity development
within Yemeni organizations. In the context
of a significant brain drain the country has
Defend Civic Spaces
been experiencing over the past years and
With space for civil society engagement a devastated educational system, many CSO
shrinking, international donors and orga- staff need technical knowledge to improve
nizations should continue to defend civic their approach to their projects and their
engagement. They can do this by ensuring outcomes. This includes analytical skills, renon-humanitarian work, such as in the field port writing, approaches to peacebuilding,
of economics, politics, security and justice, or monitoring and evaluation. International
culture, the environment and education, donors can also assist in creating platforms
is not neglected in favor of humanitarian to transfer expertise from similar conflict
BRIEF
The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen
contexts, such as Somalia, Afghanistan, Libya
or Syria.
Build the Organizational
Capacity of Civil Society
International organizations and donors should
support organizational development within Yemeni CSOs. This can be done through
training in administration and management
processes, time management classes and the
introduction of project coordination tools.
Organizational development should have the
goal to strengthen the CSO’s governance, accountability and internal institutional capacity.
Diversify Funding Opportunities
for Civil Society Organizations
International financial support is mainly directed at large CSOs and those with international partners. Donors should ensure
that a diversity of organizations can benefit
from their support through different funding
schemes, also making small-scale funding
available for small initiatives.
16
About the Authors
About CARPO
Dr. Abdulkareem Qassim is Senior Researcher at Itar Foundation and Professor
of Philosophy at the Faculty of Arts, Sana‘a
University.
Contact: a.qasim@itar.ngo
CARPO was founded in 2014 by Germany-based academics
trained in the fields of Near and Middle Eastern Studies, Political Science and Social Anthropology. Its work is situated at
the nexus of research, consultancy and exchange with a focus
on implementing projects in close cooperation and partnership
with stakeholders in the Orient. The researchers in CARPO’s network believe that a prosperous and peaceful future for the region can best be achieved through inclusive policy making and
economic investment that engages the creative and resourceful
potential of all relevant actors. Therefore, CARPO opens enduring channels for interactive knowledge transfer between academics, citizens, entrepreneurs, and policy-makers.
Website: carpo-bonn.org
Facebook / Twitter: @CARPObonn
Loay Amin is Program Officer at Itar Foundation. Loay is a social entrepreneur and founder of various initiatives, including Yemen Archive and the Yemen Historical Library.
Contact: l.amin@itar.ngo
Mareike Transfeld is pursuing a PhD at the
Freie University of Berlin. She is a researcher
at the Yemen Polling Center, and previously
worked at the German Institute of Foreign
and Security Affairs (SWP) in Berlin. She is
also an Associate Fellow at CARPO.
Contact: transfeld@carpo-bonn.org
Dr. Ewa K. Strzelecka is Associate Professor at the Department of Political Science
and Public Administration at the University
of Granada.
Contact: ewa@ugr.es
About the Project
This project, which is implemented on behalf of GIZ, seeks to develop the capacities
of Yemeni and international researchers
and organizations in researching and advising on peacebuilding in Yemen. Within
its framework, a CARPO Report on peace requirements in Yemen, as well as five policy
briefs, each resulting from a Yemeni-international research partnership, on the role
of the following actors in peacebuilding
in Yemen, are being developed and published: civil society, women, youth, media
and the private sector. For more information, please visit our website.
About
Itar for Social Development
Itar for Social Development Foundation is a non-governmental
organization founded in 2011 with a mission to empower Yemen’s
civil society by enhancing partnership, accountability, capacity,
impact, and influence. Itar‘s vision is to ensure that the needs,
interests, and rights of Yemeni people, regardless of their gender,
age, disability, social or economic backgrounds, are at the center
of social, economic, and political development efforts in Yemen.
Website: itar.ngo
Twitter: @itarngo
© 2020, CARPO – Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient e.V.
All rights reserved.
ISSN 2364-2467
CARPO – Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient e.V.
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Email: info@carpo-bonn.org
www.carpo-bonn.org
Ewa K. Strzelecka