Organised Crime & Crime Prevention - what works? - Scandinavian ...

Organised Crime & 

Crime Prevention - what works? 

Rapport fra NSfK:s 40. forskerseminar 

Espoo, Finland 1998 

Nordisk Samarbejdsråd 

for Kriminologi 

Scandinavian Research 

Council for Criminology

Nordisk Samarbejdsråd for Kriminologi 

Scandinavian Research Council for Criminology 

http://www.ibt.ku.dk/NSfK 

Retsvidenskabeligt Institut D, Københavns Universitet 

Sankt Peders Stræde 19, DK-1453 København K 

Formand: Sekretariatsleder: 

Flemming Balvig 

flemming.balvig@jur.ku.dk nina.krarup@jur.ku.dk 

Tel: +45-35 32 33 25 Tel: +45-35 32 33 32 

Fax: +45-35 32 33 34 Fax: +45-35 32 33 34 

Sekretærer: 

Rikke Gut Jesper Stecher 

rikke.gut@jur.ku.dk jesper.stecher@jur.ku.dk 

Tel: +45-35 32 33 44 Tel: +45-35 32 33 44 

Fax: +45-35 32 33 34 Fax: +45-35 32 33 34 

Kontaktsekretærer 

Finland: Danmark: 

Aarne Kinnunen Anne-Stina Sørensen 

Delegationen for brottsförebyggande Retsvidenskabeligt Institut D 

P.O. Box 1200 Københavns Universitet 

FIN-00101 Helsingfors Sankt Peders Stræde 19 

Tel: +358-9 1825 7863 DK-1453 København K 

+358-50 5928 703 Tel: +45-35 32 33 44 

Fax: +358-9 1825 7518 Fax: +45-35 32 33 34 

aarne.kinnunen@om.vn.fi anne-stina.sorensen@jur.ku.dk 

Grønland: Island: 

Elisæus Kreutzmann Karl Steinar Valsson 

Kriminalforsorgen i Grønland Löfreglan i Reykjavik 

Box 139 Hverfisgötu 115 

DK-3900 Godthåb IS-150 Reykjavik 

Tel: +299-24 988 Tel: +354-569 90 80 

Fax: +299-24 979 Fax: +354-569 90 99 

karlsteinar@police.is 

Norge: Sverige: 

Evy Frantzsen Helena du Rées Nordenstad 

Institutt for kriminologi Kriminologiska institutionen 

Universitetet i Oslo Stockholms Universitet 

P.B. 6872, St. Olavs plass, S-106 96 Stockholm 

N-0130 Oslo Tel: +46-8 674 70 55 

Tel: +47-22 85 01 19 Fax: +46-8 15 78 81 

Fax: +47-22 85 02 52 helena.durees@crim.su.se 

evy.frantzsen@jus.uio.no

Rådsmedlemmer: 

Flemming Balvig, Danmark (formand) Anette Storgaard, Danmark 

flemming.balvig@jur.ku.dk as@jura.au.dk 

Retsvidenskabeligt Institut D Afdeling for proces- og kriminalvidenskab, Juridisk Institut 

Københavns Universitet Aarhus Universitet 

Sankt Peders Stræde 19 Bartholins Allé 34, Bygning 340 

DK-1453 København K DK-8000 Århus C 

Tlf.: +45-35 32 33 25 Tlf.: +45-89 42 13 59 

Fax: +45-35 32 33 34 Fax: +45-86 19 44 63 

Britta Kyvsgaard, Danmark Kauko Aromaa, Finland 

bky@jm.dk kauko.aromaa@om.vn.fi. 

Justitsministeriet, Adm. Afd. Rättspolitiska forskningsinstitutet 

Slotsholmsgade 10 PB 1200 

DK-1216 København K FIN-00101 Helsingfors 

Tlf.: +45-33 95 41 84 Tlf.: +358-9 1825 7850 

Fax: +45-33 93 35 10 Fax: +358-9 1825 7865 

Raimo Lahti, Finland Jukka Lindstedt, Finland 

raimo.lahti@helsinki.fi jukka.lindstedt@om.vn.fi 

Juridiska fakulteten Justitieministeriet, lagberedningsavdelningen 

Helsingfors Universitet Södra Esplanaden 10 

PB 4 PB 1 

FIN-00014 FIN-00131 Helsingfors 

Tlf.: +358-9 1912 2448 Tlf.: +358-9 1825 7725 

Fax: +358-9 1912 3090 Fax: +358-9 1825 7737 

Erlendur S. Baldursson, Island Ragnheidur Bragadóttir, Island 

erlendur.baldursson@skima.is rb@rhi.hi.is 

Fangelsismálastofnun Háskóli Islands 

Borgartdni 7 Lagadeild, Lögberg 

IS-105 Reykjavík v/Sudurgata 

Tlf.: +354-520 5009 IS-150 Reykjavik 

Fax: +354-520 5019 Tlf.: +354-525 43 86 

Fax: +354-525 43 88 

Ragnheidur Hardardóttir, Island Sturla Falck, Norge 

ragnheidur.hardardottir@isgatt.is sturla.falck@isaf.no 

Rigsadvokaten Norsk institutt for forskning om oppvekst, velferd og aldring (NOVA) 

c/o Ragnheidur Hardardóttir Munthesgt. 29 

Hverfisgata 4-6 N-0260 Oslo 

IS-150 Reykjavik Tlf.: +47-22 54 13 13 

Tlf: +354-530 1600 Fax: +47-22 54 12 01 

Fax: + 354- 530 1606 

Hedda Giertsen, Norge Ellinor Houm, Norge 

hedda.giertsen@jus.uio.no Ila landsfengsel 

Institutt for kriminologi PB 1, Røa 

Universitetet i Oslo N-0701 Oslo 

PB 6872, St. Olavs Plass Tlf.: +47-67 16 11 93 

N-0130 Oslo Fax: +47-67 14 98 40 

Tlf.: +47-22 85 01 44 

Fax: +47-22 85 02 52 

Jerzy Sarnecki, Sverige Marie Torstensson, Sverige 

jerzy.sarnecki@crim.su.se marie.torstensson@phs.pi.se 

Kriminologiska Institutionen Polishögskolan, Forskningsenheten 

Stockholms Universitet Sörentorp 

S-106 96 Stockholm S-171 92 Solna 

Tlf.: +46-8 16 21 02 Tlf.: +46-8 401 67 46 

Fax: +46-8 15 78 81 Fax: +46-8 655 44 20 

Annika Brickman, Sverige 

annika.brickman@justice.ministry.se 

Justitiedepartementet 

Rosenbad 4 

S - 103 33 Stockholm 

Tlf.: +46-8 405 46 30

Fax: +46-8 405 48 95

ISBN 87-987103-0-3

Forord 

NSfK’s 40. forskerseminar, Espoo, Finland 1998 

Da Nordisk Samarbejdsråd for Kriminologi den 21.-24. maj afholdt dette års forskerseminar 

på Hotel Matinlahti i Espoo, Finland, havde nordiske kriminologer for 40. gang anledning til 

at præsentere deres forskning og diskutere forskellige kriminologiske temaer. 

Omkring 60 nordiske kriminologer mødtes med inviterede gæster fra de baltiske lande, 

Rusland, England og USA under hovedtemaerne "Organised Crime" og "Crime Prevention - 

what works?". Aktuel og igangværende forskning fra de nordiske lande blev derudover 

præsenteret under temaerne: "Crime Trends", "Økonomisk kriminalitet", "Alternativ til 

straffsystem", "Straffsystem", "Fängelseforskning" og "Crime Prevention". 

Denne rapport består af arbejdspapirer, der blev præsenteret på seminaret. Seminarets 

internationale skær afspejler sig i en god del engelsksprogede papirer. 

Papirerne er samlet i den rækkefølge, de blev præsenteret på seminaret, sådan som det 

fremgår af programmet, der er optrykt først i rapporten. Oplæg fra Lawrence W. Sherman 

(USA) er bilagt bagest i rapporten i form af artiklen "Preventing Crime: What Works, What 

Doesn't, What's Promising", Research in Brief, National Institute of Justice, July 1998, som 

NSfK har fået tilladelse til at trykke i rapporten. Artiklen er, såvel som hele den 

bagvedliggende forskningsrapport, tilgængelig på internettet på adressen 

http://www.preventingcrime.org. 

Årets forskerseminar var rigt på gode oplevelser. Det gælder for det første gode faglige 

oplevelser. En væsentlig del af de faglige oplevelser videregiver NSfK til rapportens læsere. 

Men en anden væsentlig faglig del af seminaret udkommer ikke i skriftlig form. Det gælder de 

vigtige spørgsmål, der blev rejst og diskuteret i tilknytning til de enkelte foredrag. 

For det andet var seminaret rigt på oplevelser, der finder sted i et samspil med faglige og 

sociale elementer. Det gælder de nye personlige og faglige kontakter, der knyttes imellem 

forskere på tværs af de nordiske kriminologiske miljøer, samt de etablerede kontakter, der 

holdes vedlige. En særlig mulighed for at knytte kontakt til fjernere kriminologiske miljøer 

bød sig i år. Den mulighed greb mange. 

Forskerseminaret blev i 1998 arrangeret af de finske rådsmedlemmer og kontaktsekretær i 

samarbejde med rådsmedlemmer og kontaktsekretærer fra de øvrige nordiske lande samt med 

NSfK's danske sekretariat. 

Tak for en stor indsats til alle foredragsholdere og bidragsydere. Tak til de finske arrangører 

og til sekretariatets medhjælpere! 

København, november 1998 

Nina Löwe Krarup, 

Sekretariatsleder for Nordisk Samarbejdsråd for Kriminologi 

1


NSfK•s 40. forskerseminar 1998 

21. - 24. maj 1998 på Matinlahti konferencecenter, Espoo, Finland 

Torsdag 21. maj Organised Crime - Plenum 

Ordstyrer: Kauko Aromaa 

Side 5 Michael Levi (U.K.): Analysing 'Organised Crime' and State 

Responses: Some Reflections on Murky Waters 

Side 20 Joi Bay (DK): Definition of Organised Crime in the European Union - 

A Criminological Perspective 

Side 35 Johan Bäckman (FIN): The inflation of crime in Russia 

Side 46 Anna Markina (EST): On Profiling Organised Crime in Estonia 

Fredag 22. maj Aktuel forskning 

Session I Crime Trends 

Ordstyrer: Britta Kyvsgaard 

Side 54 Maya Rusakova (RUS): Organised Crime and the Narcotics Business 

in 

St. Petersburg 

Side 57 Andri Ahven (EST): Crime Trends in Estonia 

Side 61 Ârija Lodzina (LAT): Crime Trends in Latvia 

Side 68 Genovaitë Babachinaitë (LIT): Comparative Survey of Criminality in 

Lithuania 

Session II Økonomisk kriminalitet 

Ordstyrer: Jan Georg Christophersen 

Side 77 Nicolay B. Johansen (N): Konflikter i næringslivet 

Side 85 Paul Larsson (N): Kontroll av økonomisk kriminalitet innen det 

internasjonale verdipapirmarkedet 

Side 90 Anne Alvesalo (FIN): “They are not honest criminals” 

Session III Crime Trends (continues) 

Ordstyrer: Britta Kyvsgaard 

Side 99 Erik Terp (GR): Den seneste kriminalitetsudvikling i Grønland 

Side 106 Hedda Giertsen (N): Crime trends and trends in the criminal policy in 

Norway 

Jan Andersson (S): Crime Trends in Sweden1 

Side 114 Kauko Aromaa (FIN): Crime Trends in Finland in the 1990´s 

Session IV Alternativ til straffsystem 

Ordstyrer: Erlendur Baldursson 

Side 117 Lise-Lotte Rytterbro (S): En studie av brott som blivit föremål för 

medling och vilka organisationer som interesserat sig för medling i 

Sverige 

Side 125 Jukka-Pekka Takala (FIN): Mediation and moral emotions II: 

observing 

mediation sessions 

Side 130 Erlendur Baldursson (IS) og Jón Friðrik Sigurðsson (IS): Alcohol and 

1 NSfK har ikke modtaget en skriftlig version af oplægget fra oplægsholderen. 

2


Drug Abuse Treatment and Recidivism. 

Lørdag 23. maj Aktuel forskning 

Session V Diverse 

Ordstyrer: Marie Torstensson 

Side 139 Timo Korander (FIN): Speculations on the Finnish Police Murders 

Side 144 Nina Jon (N): Biseksuelle menn og hiv-forebygging 

Side 149 Elisabeth Næss (N): Vold er ære, kriminalitet er penger 

Session VI Straffsystem 

Ordstyrer: Joi Bay 

Side 153 Malcolm Davies (UK): Comparative sentencing project - Using focus 

group methodology 

Side 157 Timo Ahonen (FIN) og Tarja Kauppila (FIN): Tracing the basis of 

“constructive punishment”- Some answers to some unanswerable 

questions? 

Side 170 Gorm Gabrielsen (DK): The increasing number of forensic psychiatric 

patients in Denmark, 1980-96. Causes and perspectives 

Session VII Crime prevention 

Ordstyrer: Aarne Kinnunen 

Side 180 Mårten Landahl (S): Crime Prevention and Criminological Theory 

Side 197 Íris Böðvarsdóttir (IS) og Anna Kristín Newton (IS): Research Results 

of Sexual and Violent Offenders in Iceland 

Session VIII Fängelseforskning 

Ordstyrer: Anette Storgaard 

Marie Indahl (N): Bruk av varetekt i Norge, Sverige og Danmark 

19962 

Side 204 Ilppo Alatalo (FIN): Våld och hot om väld mot fängelsepersonalen - 

situationelt perspektiv 

Side 208 Ragnhild Sollund (N): Voldsdømte flyktninger 

Crime prevention - Plenum 

Ordstyrer: Per-Ole Träskman 

Lawrence W. Sherman (USA): Preventing Crime - what works?3 

Side 213 Karsten Ive (DK): Crime Prevention in Denmark 

Jan Andersson (S): Crime Prevention in Sweden4 

Side 217 Hannu Takala (FIN): Crime Prevention in Finland 

Side 221 Jan Georg Christophersen (N): Aktuelle kriminalitetsforebyggende 

tiltak i Norge 

Side 228 Karl Steinar Valsson (IS): Crime Prevention in Iceland 

Side 229 Bodil Karlshøj (GR) og Elisæus Kreutzmann (GR): "Grønlandskort 

med angivelse af byer og bygder" og "Kriminalpræventivt arbejde i 

2 Dette foredrag var programsat af NSfK uden forudgående tilsagn fra oplægsholderen. Det er derfor i fuld 

overensstemmelse med NSfK, at en skriftlig version af dette oplæg ikke foreligger. 

3 Oplæg fra Lawrence W. Sherman (USA) er bilagt bagest i rapporten i form af artiklen "Preventing Crime: 

What Works, What Doesn't, What's Promising", Research in Brief, National Institute of Justice, July 1998, som 

NSfK har fået tilladelse til at trykke i rapporten. Artiklen er, såvel som hele den bagvedliggende 

forskningsrapport, tilgængelig på internettet på adressen http://www.preventingcrime.org . 

4 NSfK har ikke modtaget en skriftlig version af oplægget fra oplægsholderen. 

3


Grønland" 

Søndag 24. maj Brottsprevention - Plenum 

Ordstyrer: Kauko Aromaa 

Side 232 Ingrid Sahlin (S): Inverterad prevention 

Side 251 Nils Christie (N): Forebyggelse 

Side 261 Deltagerliste 

Bilag Sherman, Lawrence W. et al.: "Preventing Crime: What Works, What 

Doesn't, What's Promising". In: Research in Brief, National Institute of 

Justice, July 1998. 

4

Michael Levi, Professor of Criminology 

University of Wales, Cardiff 

50 Park Place, CF1 3AT, Wales, UK 

e-mail: Levi@cardiff.ac.uk 


Analysing ‘Organised Crime’ and State Responses: 

Some Reflections on Murky Waters 

The author is grateful to the Scandinavian Research Council for Criminology for the grant 

that made attendance at the Criminology conference possible. 

General Introduction 

It has become commonplace to observe that the term ‘organised crime’ is frequently used but 

difficult to define, shifting as it does between discourses about activities – as in the term 

‘crime’ – and discourses about evil associations, as refracted through the common usage of 

the term ‘Mafia’, which has long since lost its purely Italian origin and can be prefixed by a 

nationality such as Russian, Colombian, or Chechen. (Interestingly, the Chinese are typically 

described as ‘Triads’ and the Japanese as ‘Yakuza’, demonstrating the equal symbolic 

efficacy but cultural differentness from Europe and America.) Organised crime is generally 

applied to describe a group of people who act together on a long-term basis to commit crimes 

for gain though, as A.K. Cohen (1977) observed, it is important to separate out the distinction 

between structures of association and structures of activity. Maltz (1976) gave readers a list 

of ‘organised crime’ distinguishing features, including four essential characteristics: 

violence, corruption, continuity, and variety in types of crime engaged in. As observed by 

Alice in Wonderland, ‘I can make things mean whatever I want them to mean: the questions 

is who’s master – that’s all’, this list is tenable, it has the disadvantage that intelligent people 

who reduce police interest in them by not using violence and who specialise in one form of 

crime thereby cannot be termed ‘organised criminals’. It might make sense to distinguish 

professional criminals from organised ones, but the above seems to be a rather strange result, 

and one that is re-inforced by the binary nature of the ‘organised’/‘not organised’ dichotomy. 

For there may be nothing at all disorganised about professional criminals: they may find it 

simply convenient to side-step the moral panic surrounding organised crime, as well as the 

predatory and often ill-disciplined attentions of psychopathic gangsters. 

The notion of organised crime as a continuing criminal enterprise is embodied in the 

popularly accepted (in Europe) definition employed by the German Federal police, the 

BundesKriminalAmt: 

Organised crime is the planned violation of the law for profit or to acquire power, 

which offences are each, or together, of a major significance, and are carried out by 

more than two participants who co-operate within a division of labour for a long or 

undetermined time span using 

a. commercial or commercial-like structures, or 

b. violence or other means of intimidation, or 

c. influence on politics, media, public administration, justice and the legitimate 

economy. 

5


This BKA definition provides a baseline to determine whether a criminal group ranks as 

‘organised crime’, but ‘major importance’ is undefined, perhaps on the assumption that, to 

quote one senior British officer’s analogy with organised crime, ‘if it quacks like a duck, 

walks like a duck and shits like a duck, it probably is a duck’: an approach to definition that 

satisfied the British Parliamentary Home Affairs Committee (1995). ‘Organised crime’ can 

mean anything from the Camorra to three very menacing burglars and a window cleaning 

business who differentiate by having one as look-out, another as burglar and a third as 

money-launderer, and who sue every newspaper who suggests that their business is 

disreputable! 

The term ‘organised crime’ has an emotional kick which makes it easier to get resources and 

powers in circumstances that are quite vague in their ambit, and sociologists of crime control 

ought to study this labelling process in its own right. Despite the European Convention on 

Human Rights and variations in constitutional and data protections, there is a move 

throughout Europe to enhance police powers, to improve liaison between and within national 

police forces, and to harmonise and review the implementation of money-laundering 

legislation as measures against ‘it’. Even British politicians, who historically have rejected 

the continental model of centralised forces – anything that Napoleon in particular or the 

French in general liked is ipso facto undesirable! – were more than willing to set up the 

National Criminal Intelligence Service and, in 1998, the National Crime Squad, described by 

the media (but denied by the Home Secretary) as being a ‘British FBI’. These are assisted by 

the Security Services (MI5) and the Secret Intelligence Services (MI6), which seek a ‘social 

defence’ role after the collapse of the Soviet Union: the latter was publicly praised by the UK 

Foreign Secretary in April 1998 for its contribution to the fight against organised crime 

(though, not surprisingly, no details were released). There may be those who see this as a 

sinister conspiracy by those wishing to establish a ‘police State’, but one should note that the 

developments of centralised police units are resented and resisted by most regional Chief 

Constables, who are concerned lest this expansion be at the expense of their own budgets and 

prestige. 

In the wider European arena, there has been a flurry of activity in the European Union and the 

Council of Europe, accelerating since the 1996 EU Dublin Summit (itself stimulated by the 

Irish government’s response to the high-profile contract killing of crime journalist Veronica 

Guerin): high level multi-disciplinary groups have sought areas of co-operation, implemented 

a High-Level Action Plan and finally got Europol off the ground by 1999. The EU and the 

Council of Europe are training EU applicant countries and others in anti-laundering 

implementation: EU legislation concerned with organised crime and some machinery for 

putting it into effect is required to be in place before accession to the EU. EU-wide measures 

to criminalise membership of criminal organisations – influenced by the Italian legislation but 

harder to apply in less regimented settings – and tough action against criminal offshore 

finance centres are under contemplation in 1998. 

It is not only the EU and Council of Europe that have been active in outreach programmes. 

The model mechanism for anti-laundering policies remains the Financial Action Task Force 

(started only in 1989 by the G-7 – now G-8, including Russia - élite industrial countries), with 

its system of ‘peer review’ by other countries – a concern with implementation as well as the 

passing of legislation which was novel at the beginning of the 1990s. The UN has also 

become involved increasingly in this arena, especially in the drugs issue but later on all-crime 

anti-laundering measures, as the boundaries between proceeds of different types of crime 

become increasingly blurred. The arrival in the top UN Drug Control and Crime Prevention 

6


post of Pino Arlacchi, a sociologist-turned-politician Mafia expert, placed organised crime at 

the top of the 1998 UN criminological agenda, with a rapidly devised draft UN Convention 

on the subject. This great political confluence has led to international pressure to harmonise 

the fight against organised crime, even if people do not always have a clear understanding of 

what ‘it’ is. 

However, the nature of ‘organised crime’ remains deeply contested terrain, at least in 

academic circles and in those countries who are more worried about loss of independence and 

civil liberties than they are about subservience to organised crime. The role of intelligence 

agencies - regarding which the CIA is the best documented - in covert military operations 

overseas, especially in support of anti-Communist military regimes or guerrilla movements, 

makes ‘State-Organised Crime’ often a more appropriate term1. 

By contrast, the term ‘organised crime’ tends to focus us downwards towards the threat posed 

by some (usually alien) group of low-lifes, and one can see this in the work of the journalist 

Claire Sterling (1991, 1994), who appeared merely to reflect the ideological perspectives of 

US enforcement agencies. However, a note of caution. To explain the bureaucratic and 

ideological functions of the term ‘organised crime’ does not by itself demonstrate that the 

term is inappropriate, nor does it tell us anything about whether or not there are any long-term 

groups of criminals who commit serious offences or even begin to constitute the State. The 

epistemological difficulties are what sort of evidence one uses to account for the structuring 

of criminal behaviour; the range of criminal behaviours that come under the umbrella of any 

group of criminals; how far up the political chain one reaches in one’s delineation of who 

are organised criminals (in Colombia and Mexico, for example); and how valid is the 

‘evidence’ upon which one relies2. 

The nature of organised crime and ‘its’ markets 

It must first be re-emphasised that our construction of how crimes are organised depends on 

our knowledge, and what counts as ‘knowledge’ rather than ideological ‘spin’ is at some 

times less problematic than at others. Take, for example, the following situation (see, further, 

Levi, 1998), which was discovered by accident rather than as a result of conscious police 

targeting. In the early 1990s, the team of Chinese who were gaily distributing their counterfeit 

Gold Cards on a train in the South of England were very distressed when they were spotted by 

an off-duty policewoman who happened to be walking past them. Had they not been 

detected, they probably would have committed hundreds of thousands of pounds worth of 

fraud, and only in retrospect – if at all - would the credit card companies have dealt with it as 

organised crime. Even then, the police – and researchers who were dependent on the police – 

might never have had the case referred to them or might never have investigated it because 

they were too busy (Levi and Pithouse, forthcoming). 

In North-western Europe, organised crime as a criminal economy is essentially a cross-border 

crime-trade (van Duyne, 1993, 1996). Despite the impact of modern horticulture on growing 

cannabis in the inclement weather of the UK, or of synthesising drugs – making importation 

from outside Europe or even the UK unnecessary - some element of cross-border trade is 

1In mid-1998, the trial of senior politicians from the Gonzalez government and senior Civil Guard officials into 

atrocities committed as part of the ‘war’ against the Basque ETA will reveal extensive money-laundering in 

support of the assassinations of those believed to be ETA supporters. This meets all of the BKA definition of 

organised crime, though its adherents doubtless thought that they were doing it for the legitimate State. 

2Without descending too far into post-modernism, it is obvious that what counts as evidence depends partly on 

what one wishes to believe. 

7


inevitable, even if it is only the importation of seeds and precursor chemicals and, perhaps, as 

a stage in the laundering of proceeds of crime. 

The Italian (or rather, American-Italian) model has embedded itself in popular culture, 

mediated through Hollywood. Yet rather than being line-managerial, along the Cressey 

(1969)/Godfather model, most social scientists regard organised crime as less total in its 

ambit and as a manifestation of more general patron/client relationships. Thus, because of 

their reputation for violence and discipline, Mafiosi and other ‘gangsters’ play a key role in 

criminal dispute-settlement in the US and Italy. Indeed, Reuter (1983 and subsequently) has 

suggested that the principal function of the Mafia is in contract enforcement, and that one 

should separate out the people and groups involved in the commission of crime from those 

involved in dispute settlement (for which role high information is required). Similarly 

Gambetta (1994), in his book on the Sicilian Mafia, has suggested that the role of Mafia 

comes into play because of the absence of trust in underworld relationships (though the 

absence of trust does not by itself produces ‘Mafias’, for example in Russia). 

Nowadays, there is hardly an Italian name in the FBI ‘most wanted’ list of targets. Cuban 

refugees, Colombians and, increasingly, Mexicans have come to dominate the distribution of 

narcotics in the Southern states, and other ethnic groups - Puerto-Rican, Japanese, and 

Chinese (particularly Fukinese) - as well as white motor-cycle gangs, also are involved in 

organised crime in the US. In the future, such groups will make less use than previously of 

Italian/American Mafia dispute resolution services. Street-level criminals are normally 

independent of major crime syndicates. As Block and Chambliss (1981) suggest, rather than 

being viewed as an alien group of outsiders coming in and perverting society, organised crime 

in America is best viewed as a set of shifting coalitions between groups of gangsters, 

businesspeople, politicians, and union leaders, normally local or regional in scope. Many of 

these people have legitimate jobs and sources of income. Similar observations would apply in 

some Third World countries such as Mexico (Geopolitical Drug Dispatch, 1998), where a 

small élite dominate the economy and political system and share favours out among 

themselves. Similarly, the privatisation of the economy has extended their opportunities in 

many former Communist countries, as well as providing easy avenues for money-laundering 

where the authorities are not too inquisitive about the source of the funds. 

Among advanced industrial nations, the closest similarities to this ‘political coalition’ 

organisational model occur in Australia, where extensive narcotics, cargo theft, and labour 

racketeering rings have been discovered, and in Japan, where gangs such as Yakuza specialise 

in vice and extortion, including extortion by fear of embarrassment on the part of large 

corporations at their Annual General Meetings. Both of these illustrations, however, also 

suggest that the coalition – in which campaign funds also play an important role – is not 

entirely by consent: businesspeople would rather not pay the blackmail if they felt they had 

any realistic alternative. In Britain, by contrast, organised crime groups have not developed 

in this way, partly because of a more conservative social and political system, but principally 

because the supply and consumption of alcohol, the opiates, gambling, and prostitution 

remain legal but partly regulated. This reduces the profitability of supplying them criminally. 

A host of ethnic groups are important in the supply of drugs to and via Britain. But except 

for narcotics importers and wholesalers, cargo thieves who work at airports, and local vice, 

protection, and pornography syndicates, British organised criminals tend to be relatively 

short-term groups drawn together for specific projects such as fraud and armed robbery, from 

a pool of long-term professional criminals on a within-force or regional basis (see McIntosh, 

1975 and Mack and Kerner, 1975, for some early discussions along these lines). 

8


Instead of such uncreative comparisons with the US, it may be better to look at organised 

crime in Europe from its own set of economic and social landscapes in which organised crime 

trade takes place. As van Duyne (1996) observes, Europe has a large diversity of economies, 

extensive economic regulations, many loosely controlled borders to cross, and relatively small 

jurisdictions. This means that the largest illegal profits for European crime-entrepreneurs are 

to be gained in the drug market and in the area of organised business crime. If the normal 

(licit) business nucleus in Southern Italy, Turkey or Pakistan is the (extended) family (Ianni 

and Reuss-Ianni, 1972), in Northern Europe such socio-economic family units are much rarer 

and social bonds more restricted, for example to people bound by loyalties of place, though 

the very fracturing of the social fabric that has led to so much concern about social exclusion 

also paradoxically may inhibit criminal solidarity. The exceptions are the crime-enterprises 

of minorities in Europe whose businesses are family matters, which should not be equated 

with impersonal ‘syndicates’ (Ianni, 1974). 

No profits can be made if potential customers are not aware of the existence of the unlawful 

service, and this generally means that in the long run, the police will come to know about it 

too. To ensure freedom from the law, the criminals must therefore subvert the police and/or 

the courts, and this is a major reason for concern about the impact of organised crime. 

(Though in reality, it is a side-effect of the prohibition of goods and services in popular 

demand.) In the Italian case - though it is always difficult to know who controls whom - there 

are grounds for supposing that the State itself has in some sense been in league with organised 

crime groups: as the trial of former Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti for Mafia offences, the 

jailing (in absentia) of former PM Bettino Craxi for similar offences, and the conviction in 

1998 of recent PM Silvio Berlusconi for tax evasion and bribery might suggest. But arguably, 

whatever the patron-client relationships and the peculiar Italian ‘professional politicians’ that 

permeate Italian society (della Porta and Pizzorno, 1996), few of these things could be done 

without the active complicity of US foreign policy, which consistently has been more 

concerned about defeating communism than about organised crime. It seems entirely 

plausible that without the collapse of Communism, the US would have continued to support 

the traditional Christian Democrat/Mafia coalition in Italy, and the tangentopoli scandal 

might never have developed in the way that it did (see Nelken, 1996 and della Porta and 

Pizzorno, 1996). 

Organised crime in Britain 

Perceptive crime correspondent for The Guardian newspaper Duncan Campbell (1990, p.1) 

starts one of his books on the changing face of professional crime by pointing to the shift in 

25 years of two of the Great Train Robbers "from teams of organised criminals in overalls 

grabbing large bundles of Bank of England notes to quiet, besuited drug-dealers selling white 

powders from Latin America" . However, in principle, this could just as easily be a function 

of their age: they were simply too old to go around threatening people with shotguns. 

According to Campbell, the age of the gangster/family firm was replaced by the age of the 

robber, as cash in transit became the strange object of desire, and, allegedly with some 

assistance from the Metropolitan Police, robbers were relatively free from arrest. However, 

the advent of informants – in the UK, ‘supergrasses’, in Italy, pentiti - and reduction in 

corruption ended this in the early 1970s. As the Age of the Robber ended, the Age of the 

Dealer began. Yet though there is much in this as a general trend, we should not be seduced 

by this periodisation. There were twice as many robberies in the mid-1990s as in the mid- 

1980s, and considerably more than during the Age of the Robber. Although one might expect 

that the Age of the Fraudster represents the apotheosis of British organised crime, 

9


representing high profits and relatively low police interest and sentences, there appear to be 

cultural and skill barriers to entry into many areas of fraud, which have stopped this 

transformation. Several armed robbers turned to long-firm (bankruptcy) frauds, credit card 

fraud, social security fraud, and even to fraud against the European Union - either alongside 

or subsequent to drug dealing - but this move into the moderately upmarket areas of fraud has 

hardly dented those other types of crime. 

The haphazard development of criminological research on serious offenders for gain in 

different parts of Europe means that our understanding of the way in which criminals organise 

themselves is very patchy. There is always a tendency to counterpoint North European forms 

of criminal organisation against the ‘crime corporation’-like structures supposedly existing in 

North America and Southern Italy. British and German work from the 1970s was obsessed by 

distancing North European crime from American organised crime (Mack and Kerner, 1975), 

implying that if crime is not syndicated (and supported by widespread police corruption), it 

cannot be ‘organised’. McIntosh (1975) more usefully distinguishes methods of organising 

crime in terms of the technological and policing barriers the particular crime confronts: 

where prevention precautions are high, organisation shifts from routinised craft groups - 

pickpockets, and even safecrackers - to looser, perhaps even one-off, alliances between 

project criminals. But this does not tell us about the conditions under which these modes will 

change or be prevented. 

My interview-based study of bankruptcy fraudsters found substantial variations in the 

organisation of that form of crime during the 1960s and 1970s, but since the sixteenth 

century, fraudsters in particular have found cross-border crime attractive because it creates 

problems of legal jurisdiction, investigative cost, and practical interest by police, prosecutors, 

and even creditors themselves (Levi, 1981). European Union harmonisation does not itself 

make any difference to this, except (1) in providing new pretexts or ‘storylines’ for fraudsters 

to use to get credit or investment, and (2) inasmuch as it changes the structures of control, e.g. 

reducing customs paperwork makes VAT evasion easier, or the UK’s ratification of the 

European Convention on Mutual Assistance makes co-operation and conviction easier (see 

Passas and Nelken, 1993). 

The lack of a research base on patterns of criminal relationships in most European countries - 

including, regrettably, the UK - means that we have little information about how domestic 

criminals meet and decide what to do, let alone how and to what effect/lack of effect Eurocriminals 

meet. Major offenders do not advertise their services in the media, and apart from 

common holidays in Spain, marinas, and casinos, such contacts - mediated no doubt by 

language difficulties which British criminals may experience in more acute form than most - 

may often be tentative, hedged around with the problem of negotiating trust in an ambience in 

which betrayal (perhaps by an undercover agent, especially an American or British one) can 

have very serious consequence not just for freedom but for retention of proceeds of crime. 

Most plausible is the notion that Euro-criminals are either crime entrepreneurs who already 

exploit international trade for the purposes of fraud and/or smuggling, or money-launderers 

who put their clients in touch with each other. Beyond that, in the area of serious crime for 

gain, there is only speculation or the ‘annual reports’ compiled for the EU and the Council of 

Europe, largely on the basis of official police and intelligence sources. More recently, 

Ruggiero (1996) has argued that both corporate and organised crime can be understood as 

variations on the same theme. 

10

The Control of Organised Crime in the UK 


There are two dimensions of shifts in approach to the control of organised crime in the UK. 

The first is substantive legislation, relating especially to money-laundering and proceeds of 

crime legislation (see Gold and Levi, 1994; Levi and Osofsky, 1995). Essentially, the 

unpopularity of bankers and of drugs traffickers has enabled the State to regulate certain areas 

of activity that otherwise might have been very difficult, and in this sense, the demonology of 

‘organised crime’ has been very ‘useful’. The second includes (i) the more commonly 

understood area of ‘policing powers’, including the powers not only of the police but also of 

the Security Services and corporate crime investigation bodies such as the Department of 

Trade and Industry and the Serious Fraud Office; and (ii) the real resources devoted to 

controlling ‘organised crime’. There is no space to discuss these in detail here, but despite 

some inhibiting effect from the European Court of Human Rights, the exchange of 

intelligence internationally and the depth of proactive surveillance – with the UK at the 

permissive extreme and Germany, because of its federal structure and data protection laws, at 

the other – have transformed the potential for intelligence-led policing (and disruption) of 

organised crime activity. 

However, apart from questions of demand for illegal goods and services, one factor acting as 

a brake upon this European or Global Panopticon is limited resources. One of the 

consequences of the fear of centralised policing in Britain is that, though not quite to the same 

degree as in the nineteenth century, reformers have to approach their task with caution, 

addressing questions of ideology as well as of technical efficiency. Thus, although there has 

been frequent comment by detectives I have interviewed in the Metropolitan and other forces 

over the past twenty years to the effect that it is madness not to have a national force 

(particularly, as in fraud, when even routine investigations take them all over the country), 

this found few overt echoes at senior officer level. With the birth of ‘organised crime’ as a 

social problem, the time for such moves seemed propitious, and a crucial propellant was the 

report of the Home Affairs Committee (1995) on Organised Crime3. Cynics may suggest 

that the proposers of a national force (and the Security Services, who arguably may need such 

an entity with whom to work) have simply invented the problem, but there is a difference 

between opportunism and invention. One could characterise much of the debate about how 

much organised crime there is ‘in’ the UK - and this is a conceptually important issue, for 

‘affecting the UK’ might be a better way of looking at it - as being between ‘believers’ who 

see a risk (whether short or long term) and want to prepare our system to meet it and the 

‘unbelievers’, who see simply a plot to undermine their local or regional autonomy by a 

Southern English clique of the National Criminal Intelligence Service (NCIS), City of London 

Commissioner and Metropolitan Police Assistant Commissioner (Special Operations), plus 

the Security Services. Thus, by analogy with the functional effects of Cressey (1969) in the 

US, the construction of ‘the nature of the problem’ is crucial to what one does about it. 

Though contrariwise, as with serial killings and rapes, the mode of organising knowledge has 

a key effect on whether one actually picks up patterns that ‘objectively are there’. 

The former Home Secretary Michael Howard observed (lunchtime BBC News, 2/7/1996): 

3Readers might like to note that unlike the US, for example, British Parliamentary Select Committees have very 

little independent research backing, no equivalent of Senate Counsel, and invite evidence, which they can crossexamine 

orally if they wish. I and Barrie Irving, the Director of the Police Foundation, were the only academic 

researchers who gave evidence to the Committee. 

11


12 

‘Organised Crime is a multi-million pound industry. The new National Crime Squad 

will be targeting drugs traffickers and other serious professional criminals who 

threaten the integrity of our financial system by fraud and money-laundering. We are 

not establishing a British equivalent of the FBI. There will be no federal crimes. 

Second, no direct recruitment: police officers will continue to be seconded from their 

local police forces. All crimes will still be reported locally. Tripartite accountability 

arrangements will remain.’ 

The Liberal Democrats had great reservations about the proposals, and Labour, at least in 

opposition, wanted more accountability, while agreeing that everything possible should be 

done about the menace of organised crime. The future of organised crime policing depends 

partly upon what resources the Security Services and the Secret Intelligence Services actually 

have available for this task (and how many ‘problems’ are caused in other areas, such as 

Northern Ireland); partly on the avoidance of scandals of corruption and improper use of 

power; and partly on how far any beefing up of the value of the National Criminal 

Intelligence Service (NCIS) can achieve legitimacy in the eyes of operational police officers, 

in the internecine quarrels that are as prevalent among anti-organised crime agencies as they 

are elsewhere in the criminal justice system and in academia. To this extent, the fears of many 

on the liberal left about the totalitarian dangers posed by the Organised Crime-fighting State 

are misconceived. On the other hand, these fights among organised crime-fighters over ‘rep’ 

and ‘turf’ constitute a cost in terms of effectiveness for those who believe that the real enemy 

is the mixed set of crime entrepreneurs who are sometimes collected up under the label of 

‘organised crime’. 

Judgments about the ‘need’ for centralised police squads are greeted with suspicion as an 

attempt to shift resources away from local concerns (and the political expression of those 

local concerns) towards the London Metropolitan interests manifested in the Home Office. 

Yet one of the beauties of the system of police accountability in Britain is that responsibility 

can always be shifted when desired. Let us take as an example the proposal of the Home 

Affairs Committee (1995: para 124) that the Home Secretary should use his power to 

nominate Key Performance Indicators under the Police and Magistrates Courts Act 1994 to 

prioritise the following up on suspicious transaction reports by bankers (which Gold and Levi, 

1994, found to be very modestly undertaken). The response of the government was (Home 

Office, 1996, para 25): 

The government accepts that difficulties can be caused by delays in the suspicious 

financial transaction reporting system. However, we do not consider it appropriate to 

use the powers ....The Police and Magistrates’ Courts Act 1994 devolves greater 

responsibility to police authorities and chief constables for the control and use of the 

resources available, and for determining their local priorities. The Government 

considers that the processing of suspicious transactions is a matter for local forces to 

manage. 

Admittedly, it is difficult to envisage a formula that would permit the logical transformation 

of local into national issues, but there are no reasons given here other than that the Home 

Secretary did not consider this to be a key area. Yet at the same time, there is pressure from a 

London coalition to go for a tougher centralised approach that will be mandated. 

The National Crime Squad will be paid for by a levy upon existing police authorities, and it 

remains to be seen how happy they will feel about being required to give up part of their


resource to fund a squad over which they will have no control. What happens, for example, if 

the South Wales police consider that a group of travelling criminals is causing them a lot of 

problems: the sort of issue currently dealt with by the Regional Crime Squad or by the force 

itself. Will the new NCS take it on? There is always a problem about differences in seriousness 

perspectives between London and the regions (an issue that crops up also in uniform 

national prosecution criteria): how will these be played out? This is the sort of issue that is 

critical to many local police authority representatives and citizens who are making serious 

local demands on the police. But this very parochialism of perspective enables the ‘take 

organised crime seriously coalition’ to argue that it is vital for central authority to impose 

collective benefits. 

The role of the security services in relation to ‘organised crime’ 

This is not the place for a discussion of the role of the security services in sustaining Pax 

Britannica (or, in the case of the CIA, Pax Americana), fruitful though such a review would 

be. Suffice it to observe that despite the fact that the collapse of the Soviet Union is unlikely 

to bring an end to anti-capitalist terrorism, there is a felt need to find a new role for the sort of 

expertise that is unlikely to have a significant niche outside multinational corporations (and 

therefore faces a difficult time ‘on the dole’). There is also a common feeling in some 

Establishment circles that most police are too parochial and frankly too dull and unsophisticated 

to play a major role in dealing with brighter criminals: there is a certain class and 

educational barrier between ‘cop culture’ (however changing in the light of teamwork and 

proactive policing) and ‘spook culture’. (Although the latter may be more akin to normal 

thought processes in government and civil service, the police - possibly responding to social 

legitimacy - do appear to have an extraordinary hold on Home Office ministers.) 

The Security Service Act 1996 inter alia gave MI5 a potentially important role in the fight 

against organised crime (or, in the terms of the Act, ‘serious crime’: an important piece of 

terminological slippage). Section 1 refers to the function of the Service to act in support of the 

activities of police forces and other law enforcement agencies in the prevention and detection 

of serious crime. 

In Opposition, the ‘new realist’ Labour Party - keen to be tough on crime as well as the causes 

of crime - acquiesced in the role and the greater part of the Bill. However, stimulated by 

criticism in the Observer and Guardian newspapers that these important constitutional 

changes had been passed with only the most cursory debate in the House of Commons (and 

with very modest debate in the House of Lords’ Second Reading), some objection was made 

by Labour peers in the Committee Stage in the House of Lords to the breadth of definition of 

‘serious crime’ in what is now Section 2, in the context of the basis on which warrants to 

enter and seize property and interception warrants were to be granted. In sub-section 4, 

conduct is serious crime if it constitutes (or, if it took place in the United Kingdom, would 

constitute) one or more offences, and either - 

(a) it involves the use of violence, results in substantial financial gain or is 

conduct by a large number of persons in pursuit of a common purpose; or [my 

italics] 

(b) the offence or one of the offences is an offence for which a person who has 

attained the age of twenty-one and has no previous convictions could be 

expected to be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of three years or more. 

13


There was no suggestion in the wording that the violence has to be serious: it could be 

common assault. The response of the (then) Minister Baroness Blatch is illuminating 

(Hansard, 10 June 1996 HL cols. 1497-1539): 

14 

Crime does not always come in neat packages clearly labelled "serious" or "not 

serious". That is particularly true of the kind of work the Security Service will be 

doing. With its particular skills and experience, the service will be most effective 

gathering intelligence and infiltrating organised crime groups, who may extend 

tentacles into a wide range of activities. The very nature of the work means that the 

service will not always know what it is dealing with, particularly in the exploratory 

stages. Inevitably, some leads will be turn out to be blind alleys and criminal 

organisations may find novel forms of criminal activity which were on the margins of 

a rigidly defined serious crime. There is a need for a degree of flexibility...and 

common sense in determining what lies within the function, without transgressing on 

inappropriate areas of inquiry. 

....a rigid definition of serious crime...would hamper the service’s effectiveness and 

create endless opportunities for unscrupulous defence lawyers to challenge the 

legitimacy of the Security Service’s involvement on technical grounds. It is much 

better that the Security Service should initially have a degree of freedom to develop 

investigations but, at the point when the service wishes to employ intrusive 

investigative techniques...it should be required to demonstrate that it is involved in 

combating serious crime as one of the controls over the issue of warrants.... 

That is not to say that the Security Service will end up dealing with trivial cases. 

Indeed, ministers have given repeated assurances that, in practice, the service is to be 

tasked with the investigation of organised crime, as it is commonly understood [my 

italics]. This means that the service’s principal targets under its new function will be 

drug traffickers, money launderers and racketeers. 

In other words, trust us! Objections to English legislation are made more difficult by the 

practice of amending complex sets of prior legislation, making it hard to formulate changes 

clearly in ways that can be followed by others. Nevertheless, as the first female Commander 

in the Metropolitan Police, (now) Baroness Hilton, replied: 

It is a very slippery slope down the path of non-accountability and potential injustice, 

not only to the public and the police but also the security services....This amendment 

is an important restraint on what could be an extremely dangerous situation and a 

constitutional impropriety. 

Baroness Blatch sought to reassure by stating that the Security Service will not in any event 

act independently of the police. It will be tasked by the police, or the work will be done in 

support of the police or the other agencies mentioned in the course of the debates. 

She added that this Bill conferred no new powers on the Security Service: merely its use of 

existing powers in a new area! This is verbal conjuring of a high order. As Labour peer Lord 

McIntosh observed:


We want an assurance that when it acts in support of the activities of police forces - in 

other words, in dealing with the criminal law in this country - it does not have powers 

that the police do not have. 

As for co-ordination of the police and the Security Services, the head of the NCIS will 

decide what should be done about operations where there is a conflict between 

keeping informants safe and making arrests. 

Further conflict arose on the issue of warrants by the Executive. One of the Law Lords, 

Browne-Wilkinson, observed that the Bill proposed a major constitutional shift towards the 

Executive in dealing not with espionage but with ordinary police duties ‘to invade the privacy 

of the Englishman’s home’. Minister Baroness Blatch responded that the Bill was merely an 

extension of existing powers. But as Lord McIntosh noted: 

We land up with the worst of all possible worlds on warrants. We land up with an 

extension of powers for the Security Service, not because they are new powers but 

because they are applied for the first time to the people of this country. We land up 

with inconsistent powers as between police and Security Service in pursuit of the same 

objective. We have a different trigger for the exercise of these powers...not an 

extension of the judicial trigger...but an extension of the trigger of the executive 

power.... There is no provision...for adequate accountability and scrutiny.... 

The predictable response to this was that the Security services have a security tribunal and 

commissioner and that warrants ‘will be secured on the basis of meeting the serious crime test 

set out in detail in Clause 2’ (which test is very easy to satisfy). 

Despite the attempts of authors from Sutherland (1983, originally 1939) to Ruggiero (1996) to 

argue that ‘white-collar crime is organised crime’, the UK enforcement agencies have been 

far more reluctant than their US counterparts to treat white-collar and organised crime as 

related phenomena, to be dealt with by policing methods such as ‘Sting operations’ : this is 

due partly to legal but mainly to cultural differences (Levi, 1995). Differences between the 

‘performance indicators’ of police and customs, as well as bureaucratic rivalries, inhibit cooperation. 

The grafting on - or not - of the security services who are used to disruption and 

other extra-criminal justice tactics are likely to prove intriguing: such methods are seldom 

susceptible to review by the courts, especially when the suspect party does not know that 

there has been some intervention such as loss of potential business contract. 

The new financial policing: measures against money-laundering and asset forfeiture 

The other major plank of anti-organised crime activity involves greater scrutiny of persons 

and – to a lesser extent – transactions entering the global financial system. The regulation of 

financial institutions for other than financial prudential purposes embodies an intriguing 

political paradox. On the one hand, those interested in the political anatomy of Britain take it 

for granted that it is ‘finance capital’ that dominates the political economic landscape. On the 

other, we have first, bankers, and then a large range of other financial media in most advanced 

and many Third World and former Communist countries being compelled to accept a fairly 

open-ended set of commitments to co-operate in an increasingly active process of searching 

out and reporting those seeking to launder the suspected proceeds of crime (or to require them 

to report large quantities of cash and wire transfers, in those systems such as the USA and 

Australia that have routine cash reporting requirements). 

15


Is this designed to favour the large, established financial institution against the marginal one? 

Perhaps, but though the international and local prohibitions against laundering shift from 

de-authorisation following the controversial exercise of ‘supervisory discretion’ to criminal 

law mandates the entitlement to anathematise and incapacitate the BCCIs of this world, and to 

put at risk marginal private banks which encourage a ‘no questions asked’ approach to ‘serve’ 

well-heeled clients to the advantage of large firms - I do not find it plausible that this is 

simply a mainstream hegemony-sustaining exercise. For, one may ask, why did such large 

institutions not clamour for anti-laundering legislation to be initiated, and even if these 

‘financial sweatshops’ benefited from laundering, did the large institutions themselves not 

benefit significantly from a morally neutral (or wilfully blind) attitude to the origins of 

money? And does the legislation not require them to spend large amounts of money enforcing 

banking systems that they would not do for their own financial benefit? Surely the regulatory 

(and lawyer-dominated) bureaucratic empires that have been created as a result were not so 

powerful that they could overcome the sales and marketing-oriented dominant groups within 

the financial services industry? Why concede at all such a slippery-slope principle as that it is 

the business of bankers to look at the moral origins of money, even in the face of a law-andorder 

onslaught whose uncontainability itself shows the limitations of an explanatory 

approach to social control based around economic interests? These are questions that any 

political economy approach to accounting for anti-laundering legislation ought to face. 

Some of the findings of Gold and Levi (1994) will doubtless disappoint those ‘law and order 

fanatics’ who had hoped that the diminution of banking secrecy would magically unlock the 

secrets of ‘organised criminals’, whether these be drugs traffickers, sophisticated fraudsters, 

or terrorists. Paradoxically, the same findings might reassure those who feared that such 

changes would simply make it easy for the police to catch large numbers of merely petty 

offenders: this has not happened either to any significant degree, when compared with street 

policing operations and with arrests and compoundings - i.e. financial penalties without 

prosecution - by customs officers at sea and airports. 

These observations about the modest effect to date on drugs trafficking and other serious 

crime arrests of these fast-growing exceptions to the principle of customer confidentiality 

should be placed in the context of the difficulties that are experienced by investigators of any 

set of major offenders. Given these more general difficulties - in identifying who ‘the 

criminals’ are, in keeping surveillance, and in developing & making use of informants - any 

‘untainted’ and unself-interested source of information is important, particularly when the 

information is ‘proactive’ (i.e. it arrives - at least in principle - before the police have gleaned 

the news that a crime has been committed or that the person whose transactions are reported 

upon is a suspected offender). Another important dimension is that - given the relative 

impermeability of Afro-Caribbean and Asian drug subcultures to undercover surveillance by 

almost entirely white police forces - using (except for BCCI and several other Asian-run 

banks that have been closed down by the Bank of England, mainly white-employing) 

financial institutions as information sources goes some way to breaking through some of the 

data-gathering barriers. (Though in the case of Asians - whether Indo-Pak or Chinese- there 

are well established underground banking mechanisms that also are relatively immune from 

surveillance by the police and, probably just as relevantly, from surveillance by the tax 

authorities.) 

So how do we theorise these developments in what I would like to term ‘the new policing’? 

At one level of explanation, we can produce interesting but fairly prosaic analyses of the ways 

in which disillusionment with the ability of conventional methods of reactive and patrol 

16


policing to cope with major criminal markets and ‘crime entrepreneurs’ has prompted the 

search for more structured and ‘cost-effective’ approaches to policing. The Audit 

Commission’s pressure for proactive ‘offender targeting’ has led to ‘intelligence-led policing’ 

becoming a dominant theme in British policing. In theory, suspicious transaction reporting by 

bankers offers the possibility of doing so in a less prejudiced way than by use of police discretion, 

via dispassionate computer-modelled neural network analysis. But in practice, we are 

down to the same criteria of suspiciousness - of out-of-context behaviour - that the police use, 

only operated this time by bankers. 

The trend, at least in rhetoric, has been to aim to use financial institutions’ proactive reports 

to generate information to 

(a) pick out individuals who may be involved in crime who were not previously 

suspected. (Of course, these could include political dissidents, but I do not believe 

that this is a core objective.) 

(b) provide greater substantiation of the activity trail of ‘known offenders’ in ways 

that would be too expensive and time consuming to collect via traditional police 

means. 

But in practice, the police resources devoted to this have been very modest in Britain, even in 

Northern Ireland which is the traditional experimenting ground for social control measures: if 

one investigator can get through six routine enquiries a day, this makes around 30 a week, 

perhaps 1,200 a year (out of national UK total of currently about 17,000 annually), without 

doing anything other than check to see if the person is already ‘known to the authorities’. In 

the UK, NCIS are completely overwhelmed by this reactive processing, and local forces are 

similar - many do not even trawl their local intelligence databases. Elsewhere, the ‘yield’ of 

reports is likewise the grounds for concern. 

It is important to appreciate that regulatory as well as criminal law mechanisms are used to 

control laundering, but there are practical and political/legal problems. What, for example, 

does the Bank of England intend to do if a particular bank, building society or - newly 

regulated - bureau de change does not report any suspicions one year? In the real world, are 

the cops going to show any more interest than in the past in prosecuting bankers and lawyers 

who have acted as intermediaries in major trafficking or fraud cases? Monitoring compliance 

with anti-laundering procedures provides a constant justification for inspection of Third 

World and other governments’ financial systems, but it also does lead to mutual pressure to 

raise standards of commercial integrity, at least in relation to wilful blindness in accepting 

funds that could only have come from crime. 

Concluding remarks 

Gradually (and see Sutton, 1998, for a valuable analysis of this in relation to stolen property 

markets), criminologists have begun to see ‘the causes of crime’ as including an analysis of 

how crime is organised socially and technically. This fuses the neglected traditions of 

gang/subculture theory with situational opportunity theory, especially in its improved recent 

formulations (Clarke, 1997; Clarke and Homel, 1997) in showing how the forms of crime are 

shaped by the motivational and cultural environments in which they occur, which facilitate 

and/or inhibit the development of highly organised crime, whether or not accompanied by 

offender versatility. To understand how this is possible, we need to examine crime as a 

business process, requiring funding, technical skills, distribution mechanisms, and moneyhandling 

facilities. The larger the criminal business, the more likely all these elements will be 

17


required, with the special business problem that what they are doing is illegal and, if caught 

and convicted, they – and their bankers or lawyers - could all go to jail for very long times as 

‘organised criminals’. In short, we are not arguing that no-one forms international groupings 

that commit very serious social harms: though not all of them are labelled ‘organised 

criminals’ (Ruggiero, 1996), there obviously are such groups and networks. However, for all 

but those who simply want to develop a moral panic to get more powers and resources, what 

is important (for crime control as well as academia) is to appreciate the subtlety, complexity 

and depth of field of the organisation of crime. 

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Home Office: Response to the Report of the Home Affairs Select Committee on Organised 

Crime, HMSO, London 1996. 

Ianni, F.A. and E. Reuss-Ianni: A Family Business; Kinship and social control in organised 

crime. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London 1972, 

Ianni, F.A.: ‘Authority, power and respect: the interplay of control systems in an organised 

crime "family"’. In: Rottenberg, S. (ed.): The economics of crime and punishment. 

American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington D.C. 1974. 

Levi, M.: The Phantom Capitalists: the Organisation and Control of Long-Firm Fraud, 

Gower, Aldershot 1981. 

Levi, M.: ‘Covert policing and the investigation of 'organized fraud': the English experience 

in international context’. In: C. Fijnaut and G. Marx (eds.), Police Surveillance in 

Comparative Perspective. Kluwer, The Hague 1995. 

Levi, M.: ‘Organising plastic fraud: enterprise criminals and the side-stepping of fraud 

prevention’. In: M. Levi (ed.) Special Issue of the Howard 37-4-1998, pp.423-438. 

Journal of Criminal Justice, November 1997. 

Levi, M. and Osofsky, L.: Investigating, seizing and confiscating the proceeds of crime, 

Police Research Group Paper 61. Home Office, London 1995. 

18


Levi, M. and Pithouse, A. (forthcoming): White-Collar Crime and its Victims: the Media and 

Social Construction of Business Fraud. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 

McIntosh, M.: The Organisation of Crime. Macmillan, London 1975 

Mack, J. and H. Kerner: The Crime Industry. Saxon House, Lexington 1975. 

Maltz, M.: ‘On Defining Organised Crime: The Development of a Definition and a 

Typology’. In: Crime and Delinquency, 22-1976, pp. 338-346. 

Nelken, D. : ‘The judges and political corruption in Italy’. In: Levi, M. and D.Nelken (eds.), 

‘The Corruption of Politics and the Politics of Corruption’: Special Issue of Journal 

of Law and Society, 23-1996, pp. 95-112. 

Passas, N. and D. Nelken: ‘The thin line between legitimate and criminal enterprises: subsidy 

frauds in the European Community’. In: Crime, Law and Social Change, 3-1993, pp. 

223-244. 

Reuter, P.: Disorganized crime: Illegal markets and the Mafia. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. 

1983. 

Ruggiero, V.: Organised and Corporate Crime in Europe. Dartmouth, Aldershot 1996. 

Sterling, C.: The Mafia. Grafton, London 1991. 

Sterling, C.: Crime without Frontiers. Warner, London 1994. 

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Research Study 178. Home Office, London 1998. 

19


Joi Bay, Research Fellow 

Institute of Legal Science, D, University of Copenhagen 

Sankt Peders Stræde 19, DK-1453 København K 

e-mail: joi.bay@jur.ku.dk 

20 

Definitions of Organized Crime in the European Union 

A Criminological Perspective 

The Harmonization of Concepts 

Throughout the 1990’s organized crime has been a strong motivation for and driving force 

behind the constant effort to expand cooperation in the legal and law-enforcement aspects of 

the European Union. Thus, organized crime has been cited repeatedly as a justification for 

decisions and agreements on police and legal cooperation. 

“Organised crime is increasingly becoming a threat to society as we know it and want to 

preserve it. Criminal behaviour is no longer the domain of individuals alone, but also of 

organisations that pervade the various structures of civil society, and indeed society as a 

whole. Crime is increasingly being organised across national borders, also taking 

advantage of the free movement of goods, capital, services and persons” (Action plan, 

1997: preamble). 

As indicated, the principles of the Union Treaty concerning an open market for capital, goods, 

services, and labor force have been the main source of the expectation that criminals would 

utilize these new possibilities for trans-border activities. It is feared that organized criminal 

networks will not only benefit from free movement within the Union, but also abuse 

differences in national laws. Thus, criminal organizations could be viewed as capitalist 

enterprises that wish to organize on the international level, establish illegal activities, 

transport illegal goods and illegal earnings from one country to another, and establish bases in 

or move to the country in which the illegal sector suffers the least—economic and punitive— 

consequences (Adamoli et al., 1998: 107)1 

To date a number of EU member states—including the Scandinavian countries─have had no 

national definitions of organized crime•neither penal definitions nor legal classification 

systems that include organized crime. Of course, this absence of definitions reflects the fact 

that these countries have not had or only seldom have had criminality of a magnitude and 

character that would necessitate concepts of organized crime or criminal organizations. By 

virtue of ever-increasing EU cooperation in the legal field, however, the concept of organized 

crime has not only been introduced into the debate over criminal policy in recent years, but it 

will also be imported into the criminal law and legal administration of these countries. In 

countries where organized crime is more an abstract concept than a concrete experience•such 

as the Scandinavian countries•import of organized crime as a concept is coincident with the 

implementation of organized crime as a phenomenon, where organized crime is constructed 

1 Even though it is correct in principle that an open market for goods, services, and work force provides 

betteropportunities for criminals to move around, it is doubtful that organized crime has the ability to operate in 

accordance with such cost-benefit pronciples, thereby freeing itself from its local, national, or ethnic base.


as a social and criminal problem (see Bay, 1998). Consequently, it is important not only to 

evaluate these efforts toward harmonization from a penal perspective, but also to assess how 

these EU initiatives will affect the comprehension of organized crime in the national debate 

over legal policy and in the scientific discourse. 

This paper will discuss three key EU definitions•definitions that have been developed and 

used in recent years by the European Parliament, the European Council, and the so-called K4 

Committee, which is a coordinating committee in the legal area comprising high-ranking 

officials and which is appointed in accordance with Article K.4 of the Union Treaty (Treaty, 

1992). 

Organized Crime as the Driving Force behind EU Cooperation in the Legal Area 

As mentioned above, organized crime is serving as a generator to intensify police and legal 

cooperation and harmonization within the EU and, thus, to establish the future European 

Police Office (Europol). 

The initiative for establishing Europol was taken in 1991 when Germany proposed setting up 

a central European police unit in order to intensify the joint struggle against drug crimes and 

other organized crime. To accelerate the establishment of a joint police unit, however, a 

Europol predecessor was established: the Europol Drugs Unit (EDU), whose initial task was 

to exchange police information on narcotics and money laundering. The EDU’s mandate was 

later expanded to include the exchange of information and intelligence on certain forms of 

illegal, organized activities that include two or more member states and to assist police and 

other authorities in the battle against organized crime (Article 2 in Joint Action, 1995). The 

types of crime initially covered by the EDU agreement include the illegal drug trafficking, 

illicit trafficking in nuclear substances, illegal immigrant smuggling, and illegal trading in 

stolen motor vehicles; but this list has since been expanded to include trading in human 

beings (so-called white-slave traffic) (Joint Action, 1996b: article 1). The focus of the 

Europol Drugs Unit on organized crime was later emphasized in the decision that this police 

unit would gather information concerning expertise on combatting international organized 

crime (Joint Action, 1996a). 

Organized crime also plays a central role in the Europol convention. In its statement of 

purpose, Europol’s field of activity is defined as: “terrorism, unlawful drug trafficking and 

other serious forms of international crime where there are factual indications that an 

organized criminal structure is involved” (Europol Convention, 1995: article 1). Thus, 

organized crime is a prerequisite for the operation of Europol, but the Europol convention 

does not define organized crime in greater detail. 

The convention on extradition between member states of the European Union (Convention, 

1996) is also grounded in the effort against organized crime. In accordance with this 

convention, criminals shall be extradited when a “conspiracy or an association” is involved 

whose purpose it is to commit various types of crimes, including “drug trafficking and other 

forms of organized crime” (Article 3, Paragraph 1), but neither of the terms ‘conspiracy’ or 

‘an association to commit offenses’ or ‘organized crime’ is defined in greater detail. 

However, participation in a criminal organization is defined as follows: 

“(...) the behaviour of any person which contributes to the commission by a group of persons 

acting with a common purpose of one or more offenses in the field of terrorism as in Articles 

1 and 2 of the European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism, drug 

21


22 

trafficking and other forms of organized crime or other acts of violence against the life, 

physical integrity or liberty of a person, or creating a collective danger for persons, punishable 

by deprivation of liberty or a detention order of a maximum of at least 12 months, 

even where that person does not take part in the actual execution of the offense or offenses 

concerned; such contribution shall be intentional and made having knowledge either of the 

purpose and the general criminal activity of the group or of the intention of the group to 

commit the offense or offenses concerned” (Convention, 1996: article 3, paragraph 4). 

In this and similar documents concerning police and legal cooperation within the EU, it is 

always an explicit assumption that the overall goal is to combat “international organized 

crime,” which is a standard formula that is often repeated in the preambles to legal documents 

in this area. But the language is inconsistent. Sometimes reference is made to “international 

crime,” in other cases it is “organized crime” or “transnational crimes”. Even though these 

terms are not synonymous, they are used as such, without being defined in greater detail. It is 

assumed that their meaning is known and there is an implicit assumption that the concrete 

forms of criminality that the EDU and Europol are to be involved in, such as the smuggling of 

drugs, automobiles, people, and radioactive materials, are by their very nature organized or 

international. 

That these terms alone figure in the preambles of EU documents clearly indicates their 

function. They are nonbinding and imprecise designations that primarily serve ideological 

and justificatory functions. 

The Political Definition of Organized Crime 

A first attempt at a more precise and binding definition comes from the European Parliament. 

The European Parliament has been working for a long time to place organized crime on the 

EU agenda. It was, in particular, those countries that have long and extensive experience with 

serious organized crime that took the initiative in this area. Most of the numerous documents 

on criminality that the European Parliament has approved contain direct references to the 

danger represented by organized crime. The parliament’s Resolution on Criminal Activities in 

Europe points to organized crime as the most serious crime problem in Europe and it states 

that “organized crime, with its strong destabilizing and corrupting influence, is a political, 

social and cultural problem which undermines public institutions and democracy itself” 

(European Parliament’s resolution, 1994: preamble). In close accord with this concern, the 

European Parliament defines organized crime as follows: 

“(The European Parliament) defines organized crime as an organized criminal association 

operating at international level, the activities of which range form actual criminal offenses 

to the direct or indirect control of economic activities, public works concessions, licenses, 

contracts and services” (European Parliament’s resolution, 1994: article 1) 

Thus, this definition is based on three primary qualifications—the type of organization, the 

geographic field of operation, and the extent of the criminal activities, whereby particular 

emphasis is placed on corruption of the business sector and, consequently, those elements of 

organized crime that threaten the principles of societies based on market economy. However, 

this broad, politically oriented definition of organized crime has had neither practical nor 

legislative significance and the parliament itself later abandoned the use of this definition 

(e.g. in Committee on Civil Liberties and Internal Affairs, 1997).


As the desire to expand Union-wide cooperation in the battle against organized crime has 

been operationalized by central officials and judicial authorities, the understanding of 

organized crime has become more concrete, but at the same time it has also been diluted, so 

that the fundamental and salient features of organized crime as underscored in the European 

Parliament’s definition have been obliterated. 

The Police Definition of Organized Crime 

In the early 1990’s the Drugs and Organized Crime Group began issuing annual joint EU 

situation reports on the extent and directions of international organized crime. The EU reports 

were and are based on national reports, but these were not standardized until 1994 when an ad 

hoc Working Group on International Organized Crime developed a proposal for the 

systematic reporting of national organized crime (Appendix 2 to K.4-udvalget, 1993). The K4 

Committee used this to produce a number of instructions on how the annual national reports 

should be made: what subjects the reports should cover (Appendix B to K.4-udvalget, 1995) 

and a list of characteristic features of organized crime (Appendix C), i.e. operative directions 

indicating how organized crime can be identified, classified, and distinguished from other 

forms of crime. 

Based on these criteria, the national police forces have prepared annual reports on organized 

crime in their country during the past year and these reports have been combined to form 

annual situational reports on organized crime in the European Union (Arbejdsgruppen 

vedrørende Narkotika og Organiseret Kriminalitet, 1995a; Arbejdsgruppen vedrørende 

Narkotika og Organiseret Kriminalitet, 1995b; Arbejdsgruppen vedrørende Narkotika og 

Organiseret Kriminalitet, 1996; Arbejdsgruppen vedrørende Narkotika og Organiseret 

Kriminalitet, 1997). 

The K.4 Committee’s list of features of organized crime includes eleven characteristics: 

“At least six of the following characteristics shall be present, three of which shall be nos. 1, 5, 

and 11 below, for a crime or criminal group to be characterized as organized crime: 

1. Collaboration of more than two people; 

2. each with own appointed tasks; 

3. for a prolonged or indefinite period of time; 

4. using some form of discipline and control 

5. suspected of the commission of serious criminal offences; 

6. operating on an international level; 

7. using violence or other means suitable for intimidation; 

8. using commercial or business-like structures 

9. engaged in money laundering 

10.exerting influence on politics, on the media, public administration, judicial 

authorities, or the economy; 

11.determined by the pursuit of profit and/or power.” (Appendix C of K.4- 

udvalget, 1995).2 

2. The official English version of the eleven criteria was not available. Consequently this quotation is based on 

an unofficial translation from the Danish version. 

23


According to this list of features, organized crime can be both a crime and a criminal 

organization, as indicated in the introduction to the eleven characteristics. This dual nature is 

important because it opens up the possibility that a series of criminal acts in itself can be 

characterized as organized criminality, even if there is no actual organization involved. This 

means that ad hoc cooperation in crimes, such as bank robberies or smuggling expeditions, 

can be characterized as organized crime if the other required criteria are met. 

1. Collaboration of more than two people. The first condition for the presence of organized 

crime is the existence of a (rudimentary) organization, assumed here to mean more than two 

persons, i.e. a group of persons. However, this introductory and obligatory characteristic 

contains no requirement of an organization in the traditional sense: with a division of labor 

among various functions, with formalized relations among participants, or with a ranking of 

the participants. Thus, cooperation can include all forms of social organization from the 

loosest and most temporary form of cooperation to the most traditional forms of hierarchic 

and continuous organizations. 

This primary condition of cooperation among a group of persons is an important criterion 

for distinguishing between a specific and a common sense form of organized crime. While in 

everyday speech we may speak of a planned and continuous form of criminality that is carried 

out by individuals, such as repeated, unlawful smuggling of foreign women for prostitution, 

as crime that is (well) organized; it is clear here that such criminality can be designated as 

organized crime only under certain conditions. Thus, it is not sufficient for crime to be 

organized. It must be committed within (as opposed to by) an organization—understood here 

to be cooperation by a group of more than two persons. 

The wording of the first criterion for classification as organized crime is in close accord 

with criminological research on this type of criminality. This research shows that organized 

crime is not necessarily committed by or within bureaucratic structures, but it is carried out 

just as frequently in loosely structured networks (Potter, 1994). 

2. Each with own appointed tasks. Division of labor is the expression normally used in 

organizational sociology to indicate “predetermined tasks” and it is customary to view an 

organization with a division of labor as more advanced or developed than an organization 

without a division of labor. After all, the division of labor indicates that the tasks the 

organization undertakes are so varied and specialized that the individual tasks must be 

divided among persons with various qualifications, functions, or rankings. In this context, the 

division of labor should be understood in a broad sense, meaning that a hierarchical system 

within an organization can also be seen as a kind of division of labor. This hierarchical form 

of the division of labor means there is a power structure and a built-in inequality within the 

organization. 

Both the functional and the hierarchical division of labor are well known in the 

international literature on criminal organizations, but there is hardly agreement among 

researchers, however, as to what form of power structure is characteristic of organized crime. 

Abadinsky maintains that organized criminal groups have a vertical power structure with 

three or more permanent levels and that authority is linked to ranking and that this is true 

regardless of which person assumes a position (Abadinsky, 1994: 6). Kenney & Finckenauer 

also stress the structural aspects. Organized criminals have a well structured hierarchy with 

leaders and subordinates, but also a number of “hangers-on” and people who are loosely 

connected to the organization (Kenney & Finckenauer, 1995: 4). Maltz, on the other hand, 

asserts that even though a well-defined (albeit informal) hierarchy maintained by force is 

usually in place, a definition of organized crime cannot be based on a particular form of 

structure, since these structures can be rather volatile (Maltz, 1985: 28). 

24


3. For a prolonged or indefinite period of time. This characteristic entails an expectation that 

the criminal organization comprises a stable structure that is permanent or at least is not ad 

hoc in nature. As with the second criterion, the purpose is to qualify the organized aspects. 

We are not dealing here with temporary or spontaneous working forms, but more permanent 

formations. 

Both Abadinsky and Kenny & Finckenauer assume in their definitions of organized crime 

that the organized groups comprise a stable and continuous conspiracy, meaning there is an 

organization that can exist independently of its actual members—when leaders die or are 

imprisoned the organization does not collapse because they are replaced by others. 

Continuity is not crucial for Maltz. He stresses that there are both noncontinuous and 

continuous forms of organized crime. The noncontinuous forms are situational ad hoc groups 

that appear in order to profit from individual situations. For stable criminal organizations, 

however, it is their continuous activity, such as narcotics distribution, extortion, or illegal 

gambling that is the cohesive element (Maltz, 1985: 28). 

4. Using some form of discipline and control. This characteristic of organized crime describes 

internal social control within the criminal organization. However, it is difficult to imagine 

any form of social organization without “some form of discipline and control.” A “particular 

form of discipline or control” would have been more meaningful, since without question it is 

a means of maintaining an organization and protecting the organization against legal 

measures that is meant. 

Abadinsky maintains that, like legitimate organizations, an organized criminal group has 

rules and regulations that its members are expected to follow (Abadinsky, 1994: 8), and 

Kenney & Finckenauer point out that membership, initiation rites, rules and regulations, 

activities, and leadership in an organized criminal group comprise the formal aspects of 

internal social control. These rules and rituals are surrounded by an oath of secrecy that, if 

broken, results in expulsion or death (Kenney & Finckenauer, 1995: 6). Maltz points out, 

however, that the use of force as an internal disciplinary means within criminal organizations 

has been on the decline and that the oath of secrecy mentioned above has been far from total, 

since there are numerous examples of members who have witnessed against their 

organization. Maltz also stresses that discipline in an organization in which most members 

are armed and ready to use their weapons must be based on a high degree of acceptance on 

the part of its members. Although there must, of course be some form of internal social 

control before a group of individuals can be called an organization, it is not—for Maltz—a 

decisive factor in the definition of organized crime (Maltz, 1985: 29). 

5. Suspected of the commission of serious criminal offences. The fifth characteristic, which is 

one of the three obligatory ones, contains three significant elements. First of all, it is 

sufficient if there is suspicion of illegal activity, i.e. the lowest degree of crime assumption by 

police. Moreover, it is not specified as to how such suspicion is grounded, but since these 

criteria are based on international police cooperation, it may be assumed that the usual 

requirements in provisions regarding suspicion must be met: the suspicion must have a certain 

strength, the suspicion must be directed against a certain action, the suspicion must be 

directed against a certain person (or perhaps an organization in this case), the suspicion must 

be directed against an action that has been committed (Koch, 1980: 89). The latter condition 

is dubious, however, since “commission” may vaguely refer to either a criminal act already 

committed or the assumption of future criminality. 

Secondly, there are some (unspecified) requirements on the seriousness of the crime. It 

may be assumed, however, that there is a concept of proportionality built into these criteria. 

25


Being registered and reported for organized crime is a form of police surveillance that can 

have serious consequences for those implicated, so it is assumed here that the criminal 

offences must be commensurate with the form of power exercised. The guidelines for national 

reporting of organized crime mention the following forms of serious crime: drugs, fraud, 

counterfeiting, armed robbery, kidnapping, extortion, theft and fencing of automobiles, hitand-run 

robbery, art theft, illegal arms trafficking, traffic in human beings, prostitution, child 

pornography, environmental crimes, illegal gaming systems, and money laundering 

(Appendix B of K4-udvalget, 1995). 

Thirdly, it is assumed that crimes, i.e. punishable offences, are involved, which is an 

obvious premise. More importantly, the plural form is used, so that there must be a series of 

serious crimes and, thus, more than one individual act. 

6. Operating on an international level . The nature of trans-border crime is indicated by this 

characteristic, which is an extension of the organizational characteristics under points 1-4. 

The fact that an organization operates transnationally is an indication of the organization’s 

qualifications, scope, and professionalism, since it may normally be expected that 

international operations raise greater demands than national ones. 

A characteristic such as trans-border activity is not typically included in scientifically 

formulated criteria for organized crime. Crime on the national level can be just as organized 

as international crime. It is included in the EU’s list of the features of organized crime 

because this list was compiled as a result of international cooperation: if trans-border crime, it 

is legitimate for it to be dealt with by EU police cooperation. 

7. Using violence or other means suitable for intimidation. There is general agreement that 

one feature common to all types of organized crime is the willingness to use or to threaten the 

use of force, both against other criminals and against clients who cannot repay their debt. 

Concerning the background for the use of physical force, Maltz writes that the conflicts that 

arise, of necessity, within an organization and between said organization and its clients or 

business contacts that, in the legal world, would be settled (as a rule) in the courts, must be 

solved by other means in illegal business operations (Maltz, 1985: 27). 

The EU’s language is noteworthy in that the motive behind the use of violence and 

similar means - intimidation - is of key importance. It is not a prerequisite, however, that 

intimidation has actually occurred or that anyone has felt intimidated, but only that the means 

that are used can have an intimidating effect. Presumably, in this context violent behavior 

includes both violence and the threat of violence. Other means capable of intimidation may 

include economic methods and symbolic forms of violation. 

8. Using commercial or business-like structures. Organized crime is - or can be - a mix of 

legal and illegal enterprises. Initially legal enterprises can develop more and more illegal 

aspects, while the opposite occurs when organized crime invests its profits in legal businesses 

or gains joint ownership of legitimate businesses. There can also be other reasons for 

organized crime to be involved in legitimate businesses. They can be used to launder the 

proceeds of crime and legitimate businesses can also serve as a good front. 

The wording of item 8 of the EU criteria is also very broad and unspecified on this score. 

When it refers to commercial or business structures, this presumably does not necessarily 

refer to businesses in the legal sense. 

9. Engaged in money laundering. Integrating the proceeds of crime into the legal financial 

system is inextricably linked to all forms of property crime, particularly on the grand scale, 

such as is the case with certain forms of organized crime. The money laundering criterion is a 

26


direct extension of the above-mentioned characteristic concerning the use of commercial or 

business-like structures - one can hardly imagine money laundering without the use of such 

legal structures. 

10. Exerting influence on politics, on the media, public administration, judicial authorities, or 

the economy. Corruption in the form of bribery, attempted bribery of public officials and 

politicians, or the use (or threatened use) of force toward persons involved in the judicial 

system is an important feature of organized crime in the criminological literature. To some 

criminologists it is the most important criterion (Cressey, 1969: 319). Corruption enables 

organized crime to achieve a certain form of immunity against being reported to the police, 

investigated, arrested, charged, and tried and bribery can be an attempt to gain a competitive 

advantage, for example in obtaining orders (Maltz, 1985: 25). 

However, instead of the well-defined term corruption the EU criteria uses a broader 

term—the exercise of influence. The crucial difference between these two terms is that 

corruption is of necessity an illegal form of influence or attempted influence, while the 

language that was chosen also includes legal forms of influence, which raises a number of 

questions. Can legal political activity or lobbying be the “exercise of influence at the political 

level?” Is participation in the political or cultural publicity “influence on the media?” Is the 

use of attorneys, for example, to defend one’s interests the “exercise of influence on public 

administration or justice authorities?” Are business activities the “exercise of influence on 

socioeconomic conditions?” 

This characteristic can be interpreted quite broadly and comprehensively, so that 

practically any form of participation in society can be included, but it can also be interpreted 

narrowly, so that the “exercise of influence” is identical to corruption, i.e. either bribery or the 

use of power as a means of influencing public officials. 

11. Determined by the pursuit of profit and/or power. Criminological research often stresses 

the nonideological nature of organized crime. The objectives of organized crime are power 

and profit—not political or ideological goals. Thus, this feature distinguishes those in 

organized crime from political extremists groups that may be organized in the same manner 

and commit the same types of crime, but are driven by political motivation (Abadinsky, 1994: 

6; Kenney & Finckenauer, 1995: 3). Since this criterion is one of the three obligatory ones in 

the EU list of characteristics, politically motivated crimes in the form of terrorism are not 

normally classified as organized crime. 

The Legal Definition of Organized Crime 

The joint legal definition of organized crime is a result of the action plan for combating 

organized crime that was approved at a Council meeting in April 1997 (Action plan, 1997). 

The action plan was developed by a so-called High Level Group comprising representatives 

of the prosecutory authorities of the member states. This plan of action consists of 15 

political guidelines and 30 specific recommendations, as well as a timetable and 

implementation plan for each of the recommendations. The desire for a joint legal 

comprehension of organized crime and joint criminalization of participation in criminal 

organizations has a high priority in the action plan. It is the first of the political guidelines: 

“The Council is requested rapidly to adopt a joint action aiming at making it an offense under 

the laws of each Member State for a person, present in its territory, to participate in a 

criminal organization, irrespective of the location in the Union where the organization is 

concentrated or is carrying out its criminal activity” (Action plan, 1997: 4) 

27


Otherwise, the action plan is a mixture of far-reaching program declarations and short-term 

recommendations. The main goal of the action plan is to make the fight against organized 

crime at the European and international levels more effective and this overall goal is used as 

an argument for expanding EU cooperation in the legal area. It is proposed, for example, that 

Europol’s authority be extended beyond the present convention (Article 6, Paragraph f) and 

the Europol be given operational power (Political Guideline No. 10). It is proposed to relax 

the requirements of double criminality in connection with mutual legal assistance and 

extradition between EU countries (Political Guideline No. 4) and there are several proposals 

concerning how judicial authorities can coordinate their actions to combat organized crime: 

establishing a network for legal cooperation at the European level, appointing 

interdisciplinary groups, and developing cooperation among judicial authorities and tax 

authorities (Political Guidelines Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 12). 

The specific instructions for action are divided into a number of general conditions, proposals 

for preventing organized crime, recommendations for new legal instruments, ideas for 

practical cooperation among police, judicial authorities, and customs authorities for 

combatting organized crime, proposals for expanding Europol’s mandate and tasks, and 

finally suggested measures to prevent money laundering. With certain exceptions, the action 

plan advocates implementing all 30 recommendations by the end of 1998, which indicates, 

first of all, the high priority the action plan places on the effort against organized crime and, 

secondly, the intensity of the expanded legal cooperation within the EU. 

On the basis of this action plan, the Council for Legal and Internal Affairs approved a joint 

action on making it a criminal offence to participate in criminal organizations (Joint Action, 

1998).3 The joint action sets forth joint definitions for criminal organizations and requires 

that all member states criminalize membership in such organizations. The object of this joint 

action is to introduce a common strategy regarding participation in the activities of criminal 

organizations: more uniformity in legal proceedings against such participation and easier 

extradition of persons accused of participation in criminal organizations to member states 

demanding such extradition. 

A criminal organization is defined as: 

“Within the meaning of this Joint Action, a criminal organization shall mean a lasting, 

structured association of more than two persons, acting in concert with a view to 

committing crimes or other offences which are punishable by deprivation of liberty or a 

detention order of a maximum of at least four years or a more serious penalty, whether 

such crimes or offences are an end in themselves or a means of obtaining material benefits 

and, if necessary, of improperly influencing the operation of public authorities. The crimes 

or other offences referred to in the first paragraph include those mentioned in Article 2 of 

the Europol Convention and in the Annex thereto and carry a sentence at least equivalent 

to that provided for in the first paragraph” (Joint Action, 1998: article 1). 

The crimes referred to in Article 2 of the Europol convention include illegal drug trafficking, 

illegal trade in nuclear and radioactive materials, organized illegal immigration (smuggling of 

3. At the meeting of the Council for Legal and Internal Affairs on 19 March 1998, agreement was reached on the 

formulation of this joint action. It will be given final approval at the meeting on 28-29 May 1998. 

28


humans), trade in human beings, illegal trade in stolen motor vehicles, and terrorist 

activities.4 

4. Article 2 of the Europol Convention states: 

•1. The objective of Europol shall be, within the framework of cooperation between the Member States pursuant 

to Article K.1(9) of the Treaty on European Union, to improve, by means of the measures referred to in this 

Convention, the effectiveness and cooperation of the competent authorities in the Member States in preventing 

and combating terrorism, unlawful drug trafficking and other serious forms of international crime where there are 

factual indications that an organized criminal structure is involved and two or more Member States are affected 

by the forms of crime in question in such a way as to require a common approach by the Member States owing to 

the scale, significance and consequences of the offenses concerned. 

In order to achieve progressively the objective mentioned in paragraph 1, Europol shall initially act to prevent 

and combat unlawful drug trafficking, trafficking in nuclear and radioactive substances, illegal immigrant 

smuggling, trade in human beings and motor vehicle crime. 

Within two years at the latest following the entry into force of this Convention, Europol shall also deal with 

crimes committed or likely to be committed in the course of terrorist activities against life, limb, personal 

freedom or property. The Council, acting unanimously in accordance with the procedure laid down in Title VI of 

the Treaty on European Union, may decide to instruct Europol to deal with such terrorist activities before that 

period has expired. 

The Council, acting unanimously in accordance with the procedure laid down in Title VI of the Treaty on 

European Union, may decide to instruct Europol to deal with other forms of crime listed in the Annex to this 

Convention or specific manifestations thereof. Before acting, the Council shall instruct the Management Board to 

prepare its decision and in particular to set out the budgetary and staffing implications for Europol. 

Europol•s competence as regards a form of crime or specific manifestations thereof shall cover both: 

1) illegal money-laundering activities in connection with these forms of crime or specific manifestations thereof; 

2) related criminal offenses. 

The following shall be regarded as related and shall be taken into account in accordance with the procedures set 

out in Articles 8 and 10: 

- criminal offenses committed in order to procure the means for perpetrating acts within the sphere of competence 

of Europol; 

- criminal offenses committed in order to facilitate or carry out acts within the sphere of competence of Europol; 

- criminal offenses committed to ensure the impunity of acts within the sphere of competence of Europol. 

(Europol Convention, 1995). 

29


The above-mentioned appendix to the Europol convention contains a long list of crimes, the 

most important of which are murder and aggravated assault, racism and xenophobia, 

kidnapping, illegal restraint and hostage-taking, organized robbery, embezzlement and other 

crimes against property, forgery of money and documents, and illegal trafficking in arms, 

human organs, endangered plant and animal species, and hormonal substances. Moreover, 

Europol’s jurisdiction also includes money laundering and other punishable actions 

originating in the above-mentioned forms of crime.5 

The Joint Action against participation in criminal organizations, defines participation in a 

criminal organization in two different ways (Article 2, Paragraphs 1 and 2), and the individual 

member states can choose whether they wish to criminalize participation in criminal organizations 

in accordance with one or both definitions: 

1. “Conduct by any person who, with intent and with knowledge of either the aim and general 

criminal activity of the organization or the intention of the organized group to commit the 

offenses in question, actively takes part in: 

30 

− the criminal organization’s activities referred to in Article 1, even where that 

person does not take part in the actual execution of the offenses concerned 

and, subject to the general principles of the criminal law of the Member State 

concerned, even where the offenses concerned are not actually committed, 

− the organization’s other activities in the further knowledge that his 

participation will contribute to the achievement of the organization’s criminal 

activities as referred to in Article 

2. Conduct by any person consisting in an agreement with one or more persons that an 

activity should be pursued which, if carried out, would amount to the commission of such 

5. List of other serious forms of international crime which Europol could deal with in addition to those 

already provided for in Article 2(2) in compliance with Europol´s objective as set out in Article 2(1). 

Against life, limb or personal freedom: 

- murder, grievous bodily injury 

- illicit trade in human organs and tissue 

- kidnapping, illegal restraint and hostage-taking 

- racism and xenophobia 

Against property or public goods including fraud: 

- organized robbery 

- illicit trafficking in cultural goods, including antiquities and works of art 

- swindling and fraud 

- racketeering and extortion 

- counterfeiting and product piracy 

- forgery of administrative documents and trafficking therein 

- forgery of money and means of payment 

- computer crime 

- corruption 

Illegal trading and harm to the environment: 

- illicit trafficking in arms, ammunition and explosives 

- illicit trafficking in endangered animal species 

- illicit trafficking in endangered plant species and varieties 

- environmental crime 

- illicit trafficking in hormonal substances and other growth promoters. (Europol Convention, 1995)


crimes or offenses as referred to in Article 1, even if that person does not take part in the 

actual execution of the activity” (Joint Action, 1998: article 2). 

This definition is intended to reconcile three different legal traditions: the continental 

tradition according to which it is possible and desirable to punish participation in the 

activities of a criminal organization, the Anglo-American tradition which views a conspiracy 

as punishable and according to which an agreement between two or more persons is sufficient 

for indictment, and the Scandinavian tradition of far-reaching regulations on participation and 

attempt, which are general in nature and not specifically directed against criminal 

organizations or criminal conspiracies (Rådet for Den Europæiske Union - 

Generalsekretariatet, 1997). Depending on how this joint definition and the obligation to 

make it a criminal offence to particiapate in a criminal organization is implementet in national 

legislation, this way of criminalizing membership of an organization will be a crucial 

departure from legal traditions in Scandinavia. 

But the definition of illegal participation in a criminal organization also expresses an 

attempt to include the participation of - for example - an attorney or abookkeeper, in the 

activities of an organization, when those involved act intentional and with the understanding 

that their participation helps promote the criminal organization. 

Why Organized Crime as a Joint Concept? 

In both of these EU definitions emphasis is placed on the organizational aspects of organized 

crime. This becomes clear when, in its Joint Action, the Council for Legal and Internal 

Affairs first defines a criminal organization and then defines how participation in such an 

organization is to be viewed. It is also clear in the way the various features of organized 

crime are balanced. In the Council’s legal definition the organizational aspects and 

seriousness of the criminal action are obligatory elements and in the K4 Committee’s eleven 

characteristics the organizational attributes, together with the seriousness of the crimes and 

the motives, are also obligatory. 

When the emphasis is placed on organizational relationships and on the seriousness of the 

crime, the result is definitions or categorizations that are unable to distinguish between 

organized crime and other forms of collective criminality that are organized, such as gang 

crime, white collar crime, and organizational crime. Thus, there are no attempts to identify 

distinctive features of organized crime. Instead of defining organized crime as an 

independent and distinctive form of crime, organized crime becomes a catch-all term for a 

number of serious crimes that already have other designations. 

This conceptualization of organized crime as an overriding category which, in principle, 

can include all forms of collective crimes and organizations, results in a heterogeneous 

classification system. The category of organized crime comes to encompass motorcycle clubs 

such as the Hell’s Angels and the Bandidos, but also corporate embezzlers and organized 

fraud against EU funds. Such a broad classification system tends to be devoid of specific 

meaning or, in any event, of comprehension. Instead, the term organized crime is reduced to 

an evaluation of the seriousness and organizational features of certain types of crime. 

Organized crime as a concept is inappropriate and should actually be avoided, since it 

contains the linguistic possibility of several meanings. First of all, it is difficult to define and 

delineate organized crime from other types of crime such as professional crime, criminal 

subcultures, career crime, gang crime, criminal networks, criminal conspiracies, 

organizational crime, corporate crime, and white collar crime (Bay, 1995). Secondly, it is 

difficult to distinguish between crime that is organized and organized crime, i.e. between a 

common sense meaning of organized crime and a narrower legal or criminological meaning. 

31


To avoid confusion of organized crime per se and crime in a broader sense, various 

researchers have developed methods for distinguishing them. Donald Cressey places 

organized crime in quotation marks when he speaks of it in the popular sense, but omits the 

quotation marks when he uses the term in its scientific sense (Cressey, 1969). Michael Maltz 

distinguishes between organized crime (general meaning) and organized crime (specific 

meaning) (Maltz, 1985). Joseph Albini has proposed using the term syndicated crime for the 

specific form of organized crime (Albini, 1971). None of these proposals have caught on, 

however. 

If one wishes to use the term organized crime, he must isolate the distinctive features of such 

crime that will distinguish it from other forms of collective crime. Such a definition would 

focus on the power aspect of organized crime. The conclusive feature which distinguishes 

organized crime from all other forms of collective crime and makes organized crime a serious 

social problem is that organized crime comprises an economic and physical power factor that 

can place itself above customary laws and legal principles, either by the use of corruption or 

by threatening the authorities’ monopoly on the exercise of power. Thus, it can form a 

parallel power and authority that appropriates the official authorities’ tools of power and 

monopoly position in the areas of legal proceedings, the physical exercise of force, and 

taxation. 

It is these community-threatening traits that comprise the distinctive feature of organized 

crime and that actually make the case for the concept of organized crime: the establishment of 

a parallel social power structure with special rights and means of force, as well as the 

corruption of the judicial system and other authorities by means of economic or violent force. 

It is in these traits of organized crime—i.e. the methods used to commit and conceal criminal 

activity—that a descriptive and analytical definition should concentrate on. 

Why has the EU chosen to use such a broad and imprecise definition of organized crime? It is 

primarily for political reasons. By raising a number of broad criteria for organized crime, this 

type of crime is made to appear more extensive and serious than it would if more precise and 

limited criteria were used. And since organized crime has been defined previously in only a 

few member states and since, in general, it is difficult to define organized crime, it has been 

possible to define the scope of the joint concepts more freely than it would have been for 

criminal forms that had already been defined specifically. 

Presumably, the previously existing definitions have also helped dilute the criteria. 

Countries such as Italy, France, Portugal, and Germany already had national, penal definitions 

and, moreover, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom had operational definitions used by 

the national police authorities.6 Since the joint criteria were supposed to be based on—and, to 

a certain extent, to integrate previously existing national definitions and classifications, it was 

probably necessary to reach compromises that stand in the way of a more optimal form of 

classification and definition. 

A third reason is that this way of understanding organized crime has achieved 

international acceptance—presumably by virtue of United States’ influence on international 

police work, on legal cooperation, and particularly on the myth making of crimes. By using 

the concept of organized crime and linking the efforts against organized crime to the police 

and penal authorities within the EU, it is possible to tie into the popular, mass media-based 

myths of the Mafia, criminal syndicates, and an underworld that is an illegal copy of the 

law-abiding world (Bay, 1992). 

6 The national definitions and classifications of organized crime are indicated in (Statewatch, 1994); 

(Arbejdsgruppen vedrørende Narkotika og Organiseret Kriminalitet, 1995) and (Adamoli et al., 1998). 

32


Notes 

Part of this paper - in Danish - will later be published in (Bay, 1998). 

References 

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Action plan no 97/C 251/01 adopted on 28.4.1997. Action plan to combat organized crime. 

Official Journal, 1997, C 251, 1. 

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HEUNI, Helsinki 1998. 

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NY 1971. 

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om organiseret kriminalitet i Den Europæiske Union i 1993, Bryssel, EU. 10166/4/94 

ENFOPOL 144 REV 4. 27.2.1995. 

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om organiseret kriminalitet i Den Europæiske Union i 1995, Bryssel, EU. 10555/96 

ENFOPOL 155. 

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ENFOPOL 219 REV 1. 1.12.1997. 

Bay, J.: ‘Myter og virkelighed omkring rocker-kriminalitet’. In: Lov & Ret, 2-1992, pp. 17- 

21. 

Bay, J.: ‘Organiseret kriminalitet - definitioner og begreber i amerikansk forskning’. In: 

Kriminalistisk Instituts Årbog 1994. Balvig, F. (ed.). Kriminalistisk Institut, 

København 1995. 

Bay, J.: ‘Da organiseret kriminalitet blev indført til Danmark’. In: Nordisk Tidsskrift for 

Kriminologi. (Forthcoming) 1998. 

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making it a criminal offence to participate in a criminal organization in the Member 

States of the European Union, Strassburg, European Parlimant. A4-0349/97. 

5.11.1997. 

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European Union. Official journal, 1996, C 313, 11ff. 

Cressey, D.: Theft of the Nation: The Structure and Operations of Organized Crime in 

America. Harper & Row, New York, NY 1969, 

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criminal activities in Europe. Official Journal, 1994, C 61, 235. 

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of the treaty on European Union, on the establishemnt of a European Police Office 

(Europol Convention). Official Journal, 1995, C 316, 1-33. 

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Drugs Unit. Official Journal, 1995, L 62, 1. 

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maintenance of a directory of specialized competences, skills and expertise in the fight 

against international organized crime. Official Journal, 1996, L 342, 2f. 

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Joint Action no 96/748/RIA adopted on 16.12.1996. Joint Action extending the mandate given 

to the Europol Drugs Unit. Official Journal, 1996, L 342, 4. 

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organization in the member states of the European Union’, 2075th Council meeting - 

Justice and Home Affairs, Brussels, 19 March 1998, Annex. 

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af efterretninger om international organiseret kriminalitet, Bruxelles, Den Europæiske 

Union: Rådet. 12247/1/94. 28.2.1995. 

K.4-udvalget, D.E.U. (1993), Rapport til Rådet fra Ad hoc-gruppen vedrørende International 

Organiseret Kriminalitet, Bruxelles, K.4-udvalget. 9908/2/93 - CRIMORG 1. 

22.11.1993. 

Kenney, D.J. and Finckenauer, J.O.: Organized Crime in America. Wadsworth, Belmont, CA 

1995 (1. Edition). 

Koch, H.: (1980), ‘Politiovervågning og -indgreb - nye mål og midler’. In: Koch, H. and 

Lorentzen, H. (eds.): Politiselektion - Politiprævention: en rapport om kvalitative 

ændringer i 1980'ernes politi. Nordisk Samarbejdsråd for Kriminologi,Oslo 1980. 

Maltz, M.D.: ‘Toward Defining Organized Crime’. In: Alexander, H.E. and Caiden, G.E. 

(eds.): The Politics and Economics of Organized Crime. Lexington Books, Lesington, 

MA 1985. 

Potter, G.W.: Criminal Organizations: Vice, Racketeering, and Politics in an American City. 

Waveland Press, Prospect Heights, IL 1994. 

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samling i Rådet, Retlige og Indre Anliggender den 4. og 5. december 1997, Bruxelles. 

12888/97 (Presse 375). 

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191, 1. 

34

Johan Bäckman, Researcher 

National Research Institute of Legal Policy 

PB 1200, FIN-00101 Helsinki 

e-mail: johan.backman@om.vn.fi 


The inflation of crime in Russia 

Ladies and gentlemen, dear participants of this conference. 

The production of a new threat is one of the fundamental principles guiding the new European 

security agenda. The menaces of the Cold War seem to haunt Europe, this time in the form of 

so-called “organized crime” seen to be proliferating mainly from the countries of the former 

East block. As a new external enemy, East European crime - especially the “Russian Mafia” - 

serves in the creation of a common identity, as well as arousing calls for the implementation 

of centralized police bodies. 

Over the last five years I have studied the influence of the Russian crime situation on Finland. 

My work has consisted of field work in Finland, Russia and Estonia. I have collected a store 

of thematic interviews and other materials in connection with law enforcement officials, 

liaison officers and other specialists. In the following, my intention is to depict the hypothesis 

I have been working on to explain the impact of Russian crime on Finland, as well as to make 

the crime situation in Russia more understandable. 

The title of my presentation is “The Inflation of Crime in Russia”. 

The starting point for constructing the hypothesis is a paradox. Briefly, if the Russian crime 

situation is as alarming as various sources claim, the growing interaction between Finland and 

Russia should result in serious criminal consequences for Finland. However, this simple logic 

has not held true so far. In the following, I shall briefly attempt to illustrate the empirical 

aspects of this paradox. 

Most of the information concerning crime in Russia paints a very black picture of the present 

situation. According to question polls, one Russian in three actually believes that “the mafia” 

governs the Russian Federation. Both foreign and domestic sources often claim that semilegal 

and mafia-type organizations control a crucial part of the Russian state, society and 

markets. Some students of the Russian markets insist that it is quite natural for all Russian and 

foreign businesses to pay protection fees to extortion-orientated mafia-organisations, known 

as “roofs” (kryshi) in local parlance. Certain Russian law enforcement officials claim that 

most of the money flowing out of Russia is in fact being laundered by organized crime. The 

Russian law enforcement agencies are plagued by inefficiency, low or delayed wages, and 

corruption; the Ministry of the Interior annually fires approximately 30,000 employees for 

abuses of office. In such circumstances it is hardly surprising, that the phenomenon described 

as “organized crime” has been defined as the principal public enemy of the Russian state and 

society. Especially as the number of exposed criminal groups has multiplied from 

approximately 800 in 1990 to over 8,200 in 1995. 

The situation in the city of St. Petersburg, which lies only a few hundred kilometers from the 

35


Finnish border, seems to be the most alarming. From 1990 to 1995 the murder rate grew from 

5,8 to 20 per 100,000 inhabitants. And when one looks at the statistics concerning causes of 

death, one may observe that only 60-70 percent of actual murders were ever registered! The 

law enforcement officials of St. Petersburg estimate that there are up to 200 leaders of 

“organized crime”, and up to 15,000 participants in “criminal organizations” living in the city. 

Annually the authorities expose over 500 “criminal organizations” and around 2,000 crimes 

and dozens of murders committed in the context of “organized crime”. At the same time, the 

Finnish law enforcement officials do not even know how to register such categories. 

Confiscations from the criminal groups of St. Petersburg include firearms, narcotics, 

explosives and hard currency worth hundreds of thousands of U.S. dollars, and the numbers 

are increasing. 

Several Russian law enforcement officials, criminologists from the Ministry of the Interior, 

academics and reporters share the view that Russia is in a state of criminal chaos, 

contaminated and infested with the phenomena that they describe as “organized crime”. 

Meanwhile, the interaction between Finland and Russia has grown considerably in the 1990´s. 

The flow of people, goods and capital has increased over the 1,300 kilometer border that 

Finland, alone in the European Union, shares with the Russian Federation. In St. Petersburg 

and its surroundings, only a few hundred kilometres from Helsinki, there are more people 

than in the whole of Finland. The number of visits paid by Russian visitors to Finland has 

skyrocketed up to one million people annually, which is an exceptional figure for a country of 

five million. On their shopping sprees in Finland, the Russian tourists annually spend approximately 

600,000 U.S. dollars. Annually over 300,000 Russian automobiles cross the border 

and hit the Finnish roads. The volume of Finnish-Russian trade has grown considerably over 

the past few years, exceeding the massive Soviet-Finnish clearing trade. A majority of the 

75,000 foreigners living in Finland originate from the former Soviet Union, and their number 

is expected to double over the next 10-15 years. Over 20,000 people living in Finland report 

that they speak Russian as their mother tongue. 

This economic, cultural and social interaction between Russia and Finland has reached levels 

unknown in the history of the two countries. 

Knowing the dangerous dimensions of crime in Russia, one may well ask about the criminal 

consequences of the interaction between Finland and Russia. What kind of evidence does the 

Finnish law enforcement have about crime originating in Russia? What kind of quantitative 

and qualitative changes has the Finnish crime situation undergone? How is “Russian crime” 

discussed in Finland? How is Finnish law enforcement reacting to crime originating in 

Russia? What kind of security agenda has been established for combating this crime? 

Rather paradoxically, the evidence produced by Finnish law enforcement does not reveal any 

considerable quantitative growth or qualitative change, which could be attributed to Russian 

influences, in the Finnish crime situation. 

In spite of the annual volume of one million visitors from Russia, the statistics of crime and 

conviction show that annually only about one percent of suspects and convicts are citizens of 

Russia. The majority of the crimes committed by Russians are traffic offences and petty 

larcenies, which applies to the general population equally. For instance, in 1996 only three 

Russians and four Swedes were suspected of murder in Finland, while the number of Finnish 

suspects was over 500. 

36


If the Russians are just about visible in the crime figures with their one percent, they are even 

less visible in the prison statistics. On the average, slightly more than three percent of those 

incarcerated in Finnish prisons are foreigners. Out of 3,200 prisoners, only six individuals are 

citizens of Russia. The Russians committing crimes in Finland are less likely to get a prison 

sentence than Finns in general. 

This situation may be compared to Sweden in the early 1970´s, when more than 1,000 Finns 

were annually sent to Swedish prisons for serious crimes, such as assaults and homicides. The 

growth of professional crime in the Finnish emigrant community was far more serious than in 

the case of Russians in Finland today. The prominence of the criminal element in the Finnish 

emigrant community was probably a major reason for the persistent discrimination against the 

Finnish-speaking minority in Sweden. In the most drastic instances, this has resulted in some 

Finns being treated as deviants because of their inability to learn to speak Swedish with a 

proper accent. 

The image of Finland being infiltrated by Russian mafia-style criminal activity certainly lacks 

evidence, though of course we have to define what we mean by mafia-activity. The Finnish 

police has not uncovered a single case of organized extortion of protection fees from Finnish 

businesses, corruption of public officials initiated by Russian business circles, or 

assassinations attributable to Russians. A few cases of Finnish-Russian economic crime and 

drug-trafficking have been exposed and investigated by the police, but these include incidents 

of Finnish businessmen cheating Russians, Finnish citizens associating with Russian drug 

organizations, and Finnish and Russian businessmen jointly misleading the customs and tax 

officials of the Russian Federation. 

Even the statistics concerning suspected money laundering - compiled by the Financial 

Supervision Authority of the Bank of Finland - offer no evidence of serious Russia-related 

problems. Only three percent of the inflow of suspected laundered money originated from 

Russia in 1997, and over the past four years Russia´s share has been 10 percent of the average 

volume. Nevertheless, the National Bureau of Investigation reports that a fifth of the investigated 

cases of money-laundering are in some way connected with Russia, but this may have 

something to do with the fact that most Finnish businesses have Russian contacts of some 

kind. 

The dramatic increase in the number of Russian motorists traversing the roads of Finland has 

not resulted in the expected massacre: in 1997 over 700 individuals died in the Finnish traffic, 

but only nine deaths were attributable to Russian drivers. With the dismal reputation of 

Russian drivers and vehicles, one would expect some depressing side-effects to an invasion of 

the Finnish roads by hundreds of thousands of Russians. The Finnish traffic police believe 

that the publicity concerning the dangers of Russian traffic has increased safety on the roads, 

as people drive more slowly and carefully in the presence of a Russian car, especially a truck. 

As you can see, although the facts of the Russian crime situation are alarming, the evidence of 

its wide-spread consequences in Finland is extremely hard to find. 

There are two simple and logical answers to this paradox. First, some may claim that Russian 

criminals are able to operate in Finland without fear of being detected, because Finnish law 

enforcement lacks the professional skills for uncovering qualitatively new and dangerous 

crime phenomena originating abroad. The second hypothesis for explaining this paradox 

37


forces us to investigate the crime situation in Russia, and the control mechanisms that shape 

it, more critically. 

The first explanation, blaming the inadequacies of law enforcement, has its advocates. They 

tend to emphasize the qualitatively specific nature of most of the crime originating in Russia, 

which makes it hidden, and thus difficult to expose by using conventional methods of law 

enforcement. According to this school of thought, the Russian criminal organizations create 

various contacts in Finland, but operate on a purely legitimate basis at first, switching to 

criminal operations once they are well-acquainted with the environment and have established 

contacts with Finnish bulvans. Those emphasizing the hidden nature of Russian crime seem to 

share a common prejudice: they are certain that Russian criminality is much more 

professional, intelligent and experienced that Finnish criminality. 

One is reminded of the conclusions drawn by the criminologist Otto Pollak in the 1960´s. 

According to Pollak, the criminality of women is of minor statistical significance, because 

women are cunning and treacherous, and thus less prone to being exposed by officials than 

men. Pollak believed that there are differences in the criminality of men and women, and as 

women tend to commit crimes in their homes, their crimes often go unreported and uninvestigated. 

Women are able to cover their crimes by using their feminine role: they may kill under 

the guise of providing shelter and comfort, or manipulate passion in order to betray and 

deceive. In addition, Pollak was of the opinion that women are punished less severely than 

male criminals, as the justice system tends to treat women more softly. 

Why is it, that many Finns imagine Russian criminality to be more hidden, and latent, than 

our domestic criminality? It does seem, that the Finnish public consciousness tends to view 

Russians much as Otto Pollak viewed women. 

The crime originating in Russia has one very odd dimension. Several of my informants in the 

Finnish and Swedish police forces - and also from other countries where Soviet emigrants 

have formed prominent communities - have claimed that crime originating in Russia often has 

a Jewish predomination. 

One leading Swedish expert of Swedish-Russian economic crime told me that the majority of 

the Russian-speaking economic criminals operating in Sweden are Jews, and that their ethnic 

characteristics make them naturally adept at economic crime. Several experts of Finnish law 

enforcement have told me that the country most infested with Russian crime is Israel, which 

has received the largest community of Russian Jewish emigrants. 

A very slight rhetorical tendency to blame the Jews runs through some of my research 

material. As some of the exposed criminals really are of Jewish descent, the information 

collected by the police may acquire dodgy elements of ethnic stereotyping. According to a 

Finnish policeperson, the leader of the biggest Russian-speaking drug organization exposed in 

Finland was indeed a Jew; a citizen of Israel, who only spoke Russian. According to my 

source, the man´s ethnic character facilitated his criminal career. 

At the same time, my informants in St. Petersburg law enforcement did not refer to Jews at all 

when discussing the principles of ethnic organization in the context of “organized crime”. 

They emphasized the role played by people of Caucasian origin, while stressing that most 

criminal organisations are not ethnically homogenous. Anti-semitic sentiments may be 

widespread in Russian society, but not among the police. 

38


However, going all the way to Canada, according to the Criminal Intelligenence Service of 

the Royal Canadian Mounted Police a particularly infamous criminal group of Russianspeakers 

in Ontario - tagged “Caucasians” - consisted purely of Jews. The Ontario criminal 

intelligence reported that the Jewish group was widely known as “The Beast”. It was also 

reported that the Jewish background of the group enabled the members to travel more easily 

in and out of the former Soviet Union. According to the Ontario police, Jews are present in 

the most powerful “Russian” criminal group as well. 

Why are Finnish, Swedish and Canadian law enforcers blaming Jews for the growth of 

Russian-speaking criminality on their soil, while the Russian officials make no such claims? 

Statistics do testify to the fact that Jews have been one of the most predominant nationality in 

emigrating from the former Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet regime, over three 

million ethnic Russians returned to Russia, but at least one million ethnic Jews emigrated to 

Israel from the former Soviet Union. The statistics of the Israeli immigration ministry clearly 

show that the majority of the Soviet-Jewish emigrants have managed to find work as 

academics, researchers, physicians and teachers. The fact that Jews emigrate from Russia, 

while Slavic emigrants return to Russia, goes some of the way to explain the paradox above. 

The following hypthesis may be constructed: While the criminal activities prolifirate in 

Russia, most of the individuals emigrating to Finland and Sweden in fact represent the minor 

nationalities, among them Jews and Ingerian Finns, instead of actual Russians. While the 

police information indicates that many of the most serious criminals are in fact of Jewish 

descent, this becomes more understandable when one views the proportion of Jews among the 

emigrant population. This is one possible explanation why there is no evidence of Finland 

being infiltrated by criminality originating in Russia: The bulk of Jewish and other minority 

nationalities are more orientated to intellectual professions, and thus less prone to criminality. 

In addition, the minority nationalities have a long experience of harassment and intimidation 

by both Soviet and Russian officials, and thus may wish to keep out of trouble. 

On the other hand, blaming Jews for Russian-speaking crime has darker historical precedents. 

In addition to traditional Christendom and Nazi-Germany, recent history provides many 

examples of political campaigning when Jews have been associated with criminality. In the 

political rhetorics of several countries, communists, Jews and Russians have often formed a 

homogenous national security threat. For instance, in the United States of the 1950´s Senator 

Joseph R. McCarthy launched an anti-communist campaign, in the name of national security, 

which contained xenophobic and anti-semitic accents, aimed at prominent Jews as well, the 

majority of whom were of Eastern European origin. The scholar Daniel Goldhagen (1996) has 

illustrated the ways in which the labelling of Jews and their businesses as criminal and 

dangerous facilitated the persecution and eventual genocide of Jews by Nationalist Socialist 

Germany. 

Contemporary history-writing tends to isolate anti-semitism as a historical phenomenon, alien 

to our time, but my in my research I found the old prejudices alive and kicking. The 

association of dishonesty and crookedness with Russian-speakers, often defined as Jews, may 

well facilitate developments familiar from the beginning of the century. Uncertainty about the 

influence of the Russian markets on Europe may well contribute to scapegoating the Jews for 

economic and social instability, once again. The Swedish example of processing information 

concerning actual criminals of Jewish descent is evidence of this worrying trend. 

39


The racist hate crimes committed against Russian-speakers in Finland is another alarming 

phenomenon. In the ealy 1990´s the Finnish media engaged in a spectacular campaign of 

xenophobic, even racist, scaremongering against the Russian-speaking minority and Russian 

tourists. After the Soviet Union collapsed and the borders were opened, there were actual 

cases of Russian-speakers practicing efficient shoplifting and prostitution; the media pounced 

on these few instances and blew everything out of proportion. The popular image of Russian 

speakers as “thieves and prostitutes” was created very quickly, and this resulted in the 

creation of a culture of hate crimes. The assaults and attempted murders against Russianspeakers 

have not been committed by young fanatics or skinheads, but by ordinary, “mature” 

individuals. The typical stimulus has been the act of speaking Russian in a public space. The 

following examples registered by the Finnish police in 1996 and 1997 illustrate the nature of 

these hate crimes. 

- A 55-year-old Finnish male pensioner heard a woman speaking Russian in the centre of 

Helsinki after midnight. Suddenly he loudly called her “a whore” and struck her in the face 

- A 49-year-old Finnish Lutheran priest heard two young boys speaking Russian at the 

Helsinkin railway station. The priest said that “Russians are shit” and hit one of the boys on 

the head with a plastic bag full of glass bottles. 

- In the provincial town of Jaala, a 25-year-old Finnish woman wildly opened fire with a 

shotgun at a motel accommodating Russian tourists. Later she explained to the police that she 

had been overcome by “holy wrath” against the Russians, whom she considered to be 

prostitutes. 

- In Helsinki, a middle-aged Finnish man believed he had been robbed by a Russian the night 

before, and decided to kill the first Russian in sight. When he heard three men talking to each 

other in Russian on the street, he went to buy a Mora-knife and stabbed one of the men. 

In addition to the violent hate crimes above, Russian-speakers are under a constant barrage of 

public verbal abuse, with the words “whore”, “thief” and “mafia” being bandied about by the 

Finnish citizens. It is hardly surprising, that the over 20,000 Russian-speakers resident in 

Finland tend to avoid speaking Russian in public places. 

When two Finnish policemen were murdered in the centre of Helsinki in 1997, public opinion 

was instantly convinced that the murderer was Russian, because the man had spoken English, 

and because newspaper reports claimed that the man had carried his bag “in a Russian 

manner”. All those concerned about Finnish-Russian relations breathed a sigh of relief, when 

the murderer turned out to be a Dane. 

The activities instigated by the public hysteria about Russian criminality are a deeper cause of 

worry for the police than Russian criminality itself. Besides the hate crimes, the Finnish 

public is working up a demand for illegal or semi-legal goods and services, such as smuggled 

alcohol, cigarettes, drugs, sexual services and stolen goods. Similar public demand is 

promoting such supply in Northern Norway as well. The following example sheds some light 

on this problem. 

In 1997, investigative journalists revealed the existence of a couple of small brothels 

operating in Eastern Finland. There were claims that the “Russian Mafia” is entering the 

40


country via the brothels. The public called for a quick investigation, prosecution and 

sentences, but the publicity had quite the opposite effect. Hundreds of men from all over 

Finland flocked to one of the brothels, which closed down because of the attention. However, 

another brothel operated during the investigation, continued to operate after the prosecution 

and was doing well after the sentences. The fact that individual prostitution is not illegal, and 

the fact that evidence of procuring is difficult to produce, fade into insignificance where the 

wide demand for prostitution is concerned. 

The moralistic crusade initiated by the press, resulting in minor riots and assaults on the 

Russian-speaking population, may yet cause more work for the police than the actual 

suspected crimes. On the other hand, the more responsible segments of the Finnish media 

have reacted to the negative developments, trying to remind the public that being a Russianspeaker 

does not justify being branded as “a thief” or “a prostitute”. 

Accordingly, we should question the necessity of categorizing crime in terms of nationality, 

ethnicity or citizenship when dealing with “Russian crime”, as such categorizations tend to 

produce xenophobic and racist sentiments among the public. 

In preventing criminality resulting from the opening of the borders during the 1990´s, Finnish 

law enforcement has developed a sort of a security agenda for conceptualising the phenomena 

and for focusing the preventive measures. This agenda, based upon experience, claims that 

qualitatively the Russian-speaking criminality has brought practically nothing new to the 

Finnish crime scene, except for the new possibilities that have opened up for Finnish 

criminals. Cases resembling organized crime have included the illegal trade in alcohol and 

tobacco and prostitution, as well as more severe cases of organized automobile thefts, 

international drug-trafficking, procuring and economic crime over the Finnish-Russian 

border. Although such cases receive wide public attention, they are not numerous in 

comparison with Finnish domestic crimes. 

Individuals of different citizenships and ethnic backgrounds have usually collaborated in such 

crimes, without emphasis on nationality of ethnicity. Finnish citizens have worked together 

with Estonians and Russians, Finnish citizens of Russian or Estonian origin, or with the 

Ingerian Finns who hold Russian passports but have residence permits in Finland because of 

their ethnic background. In addition, the criminals of different nationalities operate in 

different territories. 

Finnish professional criminals are known by the police to control parts of the Estonian drug 

trade together with their Estonian and Russian counterparts, and dodgy Finnish businessmen 

are known to operate in both North-West Russia and the territory of Finland, operating 

together with the Russians by cheating each other and evading taxes in both countries. Some 

Finnish businesses are cheating the Russian tax officials by systematic double-billing, but 

Finnish officials have not been willing to report their names to the Russian officials, since the 

crimes have not been committed on Finnish territory. Moreover, as some have said, cheating 

Russian tax officials is beneficial for the Finnish national economy. 

All this undermines the significance of citizenship-based or geographically defined statistical 

measurements of crime, and its reliability when investigating the crime phenomena in 

question. In general, one should speak of internationalizing networks of Finnish, Russian and 

Estonian criminals, who communicate by speaking English, Finnish or Russian. 

41


The police generally agree that in the framework of ordinary crime prevention and its 

development, the crime originating in Russia can be successfully prevented, which means that 

there is no need for a special unit for combating crime originating in Russia. Instead, the 

police are calling for developing and strengthening cooperation with Russian law enforcement 

in the framework of developing the implementation of the intergovernmental crime 

prevention agreement, and developing the activities of the liaison officers working in Russia. 

The liaison officials begun their work on Russian territory in 1991, and the crime prevention 

agreement was ratified in 1993. However, the establishment of positions for liaison officers 

and signing crime prevention cooperation agreements is not enough. Effective 

implementation calls for the development of long-lasting personal ties between the officials of 

the two countries. Such development needs time. With such extensive, long term crime 

prevention between Finland and Russia, the possibilities of Russian crime influencing Finland 

remain minute. 

The problem remains, that not all countries are open to such development. Some countries 

will not develop cooperation, because their officials and politicians view their Russian 

counterparts as being immoral, criminal and corrupt. They suspect Russian officials of being 

in thrall to organized crime, of extorting bribes, or working as spies, or deceiving their 

Western counterparts in other ways. This is especially true of some Estonian officials. The 

Estonian member of parliamemt Ando Leps has written that “organized crime” of Estonia is 

purely a Russian import, and that the activities of the “Russian mafia” are actually directed 

and approved by “corrupt chauvinist officials in Russian bodies of power”, who want to keep 

Estonia in the Russian sphere of influence at any cost. Such sentiments are obviously a 

hindrance to cooperation. 

What are the problems ecnountered by Finnish law enforcement officials when cooperating 

with their Russian colleagues? In my interviews I tried to cover every possible aspect of the 

cooperation between Finnish and Russian law enforcement officials, trying to find the 

problems related with inefficiency on the Russian side, as well as more general problems of 

cooperation. None of the present or former Finnish liaison officers were able to report a single 

case of suspected abuse of office on the Russian side. On the whole, the Finnish liaison 

officers praised the efficiency of the Russians, thus debunking several old myths about the 

Russians. The problems tended to be mutual; red tape and language problems. 

The reluctance of some countries to take part in such cooperation may simply result in the 

actual growth of Russia-related crime problems in such countries. We may well ask why 

some of the leading criminal figures of St. Petersburg have been well represented in Sweden, 

but not in Finland. It is possible that “organised crime” originating in Russia may enter 

Finland in the future, but this time from the West. 

In addition to the problems prevented in the framework of the ordinary crime prevention 

agenda, the Finnish Security Police has also defined the actual national security threats caused 

by crime originating in Russia. The central focus of the Security Police is on economic security, 

and the security of “the structure of society”, as defined by the police. By “the structure 

of the society” the officials of the Finnish Security Police mean mainly the members of the 

political, economic and administrative elites of Finland. The fact that the members of the 

ruling elite often have complex connections of an economic nature to various instances or 

among themselves, is a cause of worry for the police, as such connections may be used by 

criminals in influencing and corrupting political, adminstrative or economic decision-making. 

42


This is a major concern of the police, as such relations are generally unhealthy and pose a 

threat to national security, as Russian professional criminals, as well as instances representing 

non-criminal interests, may easily utilise the inadequacies of the “structure of society”. The 

informants from the Security Police also said that such connections of economic nature 

among the ruling elites of Finland closely resemble the equivalent situation in Russia, which 

adds to the paradoxical nature of the situation. 

I will now come back to the paradox mentioned in the beginning. Why is it that the explosive 

growth of crime in Russia, and the qualitative and quantitative changes, along with the 

growing interaction between Finland and Russia, have not affected the Finnish crime situation 

to a greater extent? Here we encounter the phenomenon of cultural differences in policing, 

especially differences in the control mechanisms that shape crime. What is evident, is that the 

control mechanisms of Russia produce a much higher crime rate than the equivalent system in 

Finland. Crime rates are higher in Russia, and the crimes are qualitatively more serious. 

Understanding the paradox calls for a critical evaluation of the Russian crime situation, and 

this includes a study of the control mechanisms that produce crime, as well as moral codes in 

general. 

Many distinguished scholars, such as Louise I. Shelley (1996) and Peter H. Solomon (1996), 

have shown how the Soviet Union did succeed in the creation of a monolithic police state, 

authorizing the police to intervene in most aspects of the lives of the citizens. All elements 

that contradicted the state interests were considered criminal, especially profit-making and 

private business were condemned as seriously damaging to society. 

When the regime collapsed, the function of policing faced various changes, which resulted in 

changes in the production of crime. However, the main hypothesis is not the fact that the 

crime control, in the context of producing crime, changed more than the actual crime 

situation, but that the mechanisms of crime control and crime production remained relatively 

constant. This resulted in the inflation of crime, and the relative growth in the production of 

crime, compared to the actual crime situation. 

Several factors may be isolated when studying the sources of the inflation of crime in 

contemporary Russia. I shall now briefly explain how the function of policing accordingly 

changed the practices of crime registration, the implementation of the theory of criminal law, 

the general anti-market sentiments, the growth of private policing, and the undefined sphere 

of emerging relations between the public and private spheres. All these contributed to the 

inflation of crime. 

The crime rate increased not only because of actual crime, but with the change in the position 

and function of the police. My informants revealed how the police under the old regime 

attempted to minimize the amount of registered crime because of administrational, political 

and practical reasons, but after the changes they begun to register as many crimes as possible, 

also for various reasons. The result was a growth in crime, or a growth in the production of 

crime by crime control, which resulted in the inflation of crime. 

One important factor is the theory of Russian criminal law. According to the theoretical 

principles, all phenomena that run counter to the interests of the state are defined as “socially 

dangerous”, and all socially dangerous phenomena are defined as crime by the crime control 

system. The system of crime control does not attempt to integrate the deviant elements, but 

works to isolate elements that oppose state interests, and eventually to eliminate them. Backed 

43


by the theory of criminal law, and motivated by a resistance to change, Russian law enforcement 

has succeeded in implementing exceptional measures, and in producing more crime. 

This is reflected in legal reforms and their implementation, presidential decrees, and the 

establishment of new law enforcement agencies which reveal considerable growth in the 

production of crime. In comparison to the European Union, for instance, the Russian 

Federation has been highly effective in defining the phenomena described as “organized 

crime” as the principal enemy of state and society, and also in the context of producing 

“organized crime”. 

The Russian moral codes that condemn private enterprise and profiteering are also 

contributing to the inflation of crime. As business and profit-making was criminalized 

speculation, and punished as such, during the eight decades of Soviet rule, it is hardly 

surprising that the majority of the people have negative attitudes towards private business and 

its players, condemning them as criminal. Profit-making is causing social tension because of 

the drastically increasing social inequality. This is naturally considered a threat to state 

interests, and in effect criminal. Ironically, the crime-orientated interpretations of Russian 

capitalism that are being offered to the world consciousness draw their inspiration from the 

dregs of Soviet moral codes. The vulgar leftist background of some Western social scientists, 

especially in Scandinavia, works to bolster such interpretations. 

One of the factors promoting the inflation of crime is the emergence of private security 

policing in Russia. Such activities are often seen as a form of criminal extortion, but more 

critical evaluation of such sentiments speak for the inflation of crime. Private security 

companies are the principal cause of the collapse of monolithic state control, thus constituting 

the principal threat to the state agencies. Producing an image of criminal threats in the 

emerging markets is ultimately in the best interests of the private security businesses themselves, 

as such images increase the demand for security services. This also works to promote 

the inflation of crime. 

The concept of corruption has also fallen victim to inflation. The newly established relations 

between private businesses and state officials have become an object of inflated discussion, as 

the old moral codes condemn the dabblings of state officials in commercial affairs as 

criminal. In Finland such revelations are a part of everyday life. In addition, corruption 

scandals are extensively utilized in the solving of political conflicts of interest. 

Even prostitution has become inflated. Several of my informants said that prostitution is 

proliferating in Russia at an alarming rate, but when asked what they meant by prostitution, 

they included in the concept all immoral practices made possible by the market economy, 

such as the housewife institution or cohabiting adolescents. Of course there are huge numbers 

of actual prostitutes as well, but categorising all housewifes in the same group does seem 

inflated. 

The word “mafia” is also used very liberally by many Russians. Mafia often refers to all 

possible aspects of contemporary society which contradict the past. 

The ultimate result of the inflation of crime is, that as the legistlators and enforcers react to 

such public concerns, the autocratic model of policing becomes predominant. 

Ladies and gentlemen. 

44


The impact of Russia´s crime situation on the crime situation in Finland clearly shows that 

there is a cultural division between the two national traditions that produce crime and 

criminals. In accordance with my hypothesis, the crime-infested image of Russia being 

produced for our consciousness is fundamentally a product of Russian societal processes that 

promote inflated arguments about the crime situation. The mechanisms of crime control work 

to result in the inflation of crime. The information produced in Russia tends to become 

inflated, especially when projected onto the Finnish, or European forum. 

Although understanding the differences in systems of crime control, the new European 

security agenda is prone to exploiting this process of inflation. Thus it may be turned into an 

inflation of security, and help in the construction of a common threat, and in the forging of a 

common identity. This would naturally promote the creation of a central system of control in 

Europe. 

However, in the Russian Federation the centralized control systems for combating “organized 

crime” are highly developed and severe, and the inflation of crime has resulted in discussion 

about actual human rights violations. In addition, nationalistic, xenophobic and anti-semitic 

tendencies are being nurtured by the inflation of crime. 

Ultimately it depends on European political conjectures, especially economic policy, how and 

where the societal processes producing inflatory crime concepts are being utilized. 

Thank you for your attention. 

45


Anna Markina, Lecturer 

Department of Criminology and Sociology of Deviant Behaviour 

National Defence and Public Service Academy 

61 Kase tee, 00020 Tallinn, Estland 

e-mail: anna@endpsa.ee 

46 

On Profiling Organised Crime in Estonia 

Introduction 

One and a half year ago I prepared my first paper on organised crime that was presented here, 

in Espoo. The data sources I then used were interviews with law enforcement officials, 

mainly the members of the Estonian Crime Prevention Committee. Since, I have concentrated 

my research on organised crime problems. I have tried to collect information on organised 

crime from any official data source. Besides the interviews with law enforcement officials, I 

have used memos issued by the Estonian Criminal Police, the responses to the organised 

crime surveys from the Europol. Finally, I have composed my own very short questionnaire. 

In this paper I will give the overview of the sources and try to compose the whole picture of 

organised crime as it is seen by the Estonian Law Enforcement agencies. 

I am completely aware that the data from the police or prosecution are not the only sources 

for information about organised crime. Interviewing criminals and mass media analysis are 

the other possibilities. 

What is profiled? 

First of all, we should agree on what is profiled when one is talking about 'organised crime'. It 

is necessary to start with the clarification of the terms used. Although starting every paper 

with the definition of organised crime seems to be boring, the definition of the phenomenon 

could not be omitted since it varies from country to country and even from expert to expert. 

The notion 'organised crime' is not mentioned in the Estonian Criminal Code or any other 

legal act in Estonia. The only appropriate definition is given in paragraph 196'1 in the 

Estonian Criminal Code in which 'criminal alliance' is defined as: "a stable group of three or 

more persons with division of labour, associated for the purpose of committing offences of 

the first and second degree". 

The expression 'criminal group' (which is not the same as a group of criminals) is often used 

synonymously for the 'criminal alliance'. When talking about organised crime, Estonian 

experts as a rule talk about criminal groups. In this way, the definition of organised crime how 

Estonian policemen use it could be roughly re-formulated as "Organised crime is a sum of 

criminal groups". Therefore, following this definition, one should describe all the groups in 

order to describe organised crime in Estonia. From a criminological point of view the 

phenomenon of organised crime and criminal groups are not the same. A simple description 

of the organised crime groups does not take into account societal consequences of organised 

crime. 

It is worth to mention that in fact, criminal alliance, in turn, is treated as a number of 

criminals acting together. Often the number of groups per 100,000 population measures the


extent of organised crime in a region and the number of members in it estimates the group.1 

Although I use data about the number of groups and the size of groups in this paper, I ask the 

reader to be critical. This simplification is probably unavoidable and even necessary while it 

is one of the possibilities to describe somehow this complex latent phenomenon. The usage of 

numeric data gives us some estimation of the number of professional criminals rather than 

describes organised crime. 

Organised crime story 

The conclusions below are made on the basis of more than 10 interviews and talks with highranking 

law enforcement officials from the Estonian Police Board and the Estonian Security 

Police during 1996-1997, and several memos written by the departments to the Ministry of 

Interior. 

Short history 

The emergence of organised crime in Estonia could be dated to the eighties, when the first 

criminals, who could be considered organised, came to Estonia. Some law enforcement 

officials suggest that the rise of organised crime started in the very beginning of the 1980s. 

The preparation work for the 1980 Olympic Games caused one of the biggest waves of 

migration into Estonia during the years of the Soviet occupation. Along with construction 

workers, a number of criminals came to Estonia. Ordinary people as well as criminals were 

attracted to the Baltic States by proximity to the West, higher living standards and a more 

liberal regime compared to the other parts of the Soviet Union. The activities of these newly 

arrived criminals included fraud, pickpocketing, and illegal money exchange. 

The majority of experts, however, suggest that the first organised crime groups appeared in 

Estonia during the subsequent period of perestroika that opened up new opportunities for 

business. The first organised criminal association formed and acting on the territory of 

Estonia was a group of sportsmen operating a protection racket. The first outside criminal 

group came to Estonia from the Russian part of the Soviet Union in the end of the 1980s. The 

activity of newcomers was mainly gambling on the streets, a new phenomenon in Estonia. At 

the end of the 80s there were already several organised groups of criminals in Estonia that 

were mainly engaged in illegal gambling and racketeering. 

Although some economic reforms started earlier, the re-establishing of Estonian 

independence in 1991 could be considered as the crucial point of transition from socialism to 

a market-oriented economy. Of various kinds of entrepreneurial activities, trade in nonferrous 

metals, either legal or illegal, became most popular in Estonia. Metals were exported 

mostly from Russia to the West. During that period, often referred to as the Estonian ‘Metal 

Age’, several organised crime groups made their initial capital. To estimate the scope of the 

trade and the profit made, it should be mentioned that in 1993 Estonia became one of the topten 

exporters in non-ferrous metals in the world. To the extent that enormous profits were 

involved, the battle between organised crime groups about the spheres of interest became 

extremely violent. Homicide statistics show considerable growth in 1992-1994. The money 

that organised crime groups gained from the metal export trade was eventually invested into 

both legal and illegal business. 

1 See, for example: ‘Organised Crime in the Baltic Region. Collected Articles’, Criminological Research Centre. 

Riga, November 1997, p. 235. 

47 

Kommentar [FL1]: (Можно 

провести паралель с 

экономикой. Число занятых в 

данной организации(компании) 

также как и число предприятий в 

регионе может как-то описать 

экономическое положение, но 

ничего не скажет о том, 

преуспевает ли предприятие, не 

даст возможность ничего сказать 

об экономике данного региона.)


Since 1994 Estonia and Russia passed several laws to regulate the metal export trade: Russia 

introduced 100 percent taxation, and Estonia declared a state monopoly on metal exports. 

Also the border between the two states became stricter. The metal trade was no longer so 

profitable. Organised crime groups moved their money into new business areas: economic 

crimes, tax evasion, and smuggling, mainly in drugs. As one Estonian law official expressed 

it, “organised criminals started to move towards a purely Western type of thinking.”2 At that 

time also Estonian-speaking criminal groups and authorities appeared. 

The current activities of criminal groups 

The formative stage of Estonian organised crime is by now more or less completed. 

According to the police, the main reason for this is the end of the inflow of criminal groups 

from the outside, usually from Russia. This is, on the one hand, due to improved police work 

and stricter border regime, and, on the other hand, the desire of local criminal groups not to 

allow new competitors into Estonia. Although at the earlier stages some of the groups have 

been led by groups from Russia, these relations have recently weakened considerably.3 It is 

possible to recognise this trend by looking at the names of the groups. If in the late 1980s and 

early 1990s the groups were named according to the origins of their leaders (for example, 

Krasnodar, Perm, Solekamsk, etc.), today groups are usually called by the names of their 

leaders living in Estonia. The structure and nature of relations between criminal organisations 

from Russia and Estonia has changed. Russian groups communicate no longer directly with 

particular Estonian groups, but through the recognised Estonian leaders. The relations of 

subordination and control between groups are thus replaced by economic links. 

Police reports identify about 10-20 organised crime groups operating in Estonia today. It 

should be mentioned that organised crime groups in Estonia are “divided” by the police into 

Russian groups and Estonian ones. Taking into account the changes in relations between the 

Russian and Estonian underworld, the term "Russian" refers to the Estonian criminal groups 

mainly composed of criminals whose ethnic background is Russian, Ukrainian, etc. The 

activities of “Russians” and “Estonians” are different. Russian gangs’ traditional activities are 

racket, theft of auto vehicles, violent crimes. Estonian criminal groups are engaged in 

economic crimes, tax evasion, and smuggling. This division is not only according to the 

ethnic composition of the groups. To some extent this is a differentiation between "old" and 

"new" crime. Violent crimes, theft, racketeering, illegal gambling and prostitution are types of 

crimes that are already familiar to the police, and there are traditions and skills to detect and 

combat them. In contrast, corruption, money laundering, tax fraud, and transnational criminal 

links are relatively new phenomenons. The Estonian police lacks necessary skills, equipment, 

legislation, and even knowledge about these types of crimes. 

Exploiting its geographical position, the traditionally strong links between Estonian organised 

crime and criminal groups from Russia, and new links with criminal groups from the Western 

countries, Estonia became a transit point for illegal goods, especially drugs and alcohol. The 

main partners in drug smuggling are groups in Russia, Finland and Sweden. The role of 

organised crime groups from Russia was already discussed. However, criminal organisations 

from Sweden and Finland are performing on the Estonian stage as well. Estonian police has 

solved a case in which smuggling of illicit drugs through Estonia to Sweden was organised by 

Swedish criminals. It is also a recent trend that not only transit of narcotics to Finland but also 

2 Anvelt Andres, Interview conducted in Tallinn 23.09.1997. 

3 Estonian Police Board, Information on Organised Crime , in manuscript (in Estonian, 1997). 

48


production of drugs in Estonia is organised by Finnish criminals. The next links in the chain 

include drug transportation to Finland, and money laundering in Estonia.4 

To sum up, in the situation when official statistics on criminal groups does not exist, the 

narratives from the law enforcement officials give an opportunity to follow the dynamics of 

groups and their activities. The generalised approach, where not separate groups but criminal 

activities are discussed, gives the possibility to differentiate several stages in the development 

of organised crime. The following stages could be distinguished: 

1. Formational stage "Racket and gambling" 

2. The stage of collecting initial capital, so called "Metal Age" 

3. The division of spheres of interest, "Bloody Autumn" 

4. Drug trade and smuggling, "Western crimes" 

While expert interviews are the best to describe the qualitative changes in organised crime, 

they do not provide the base for an estimation of the extent of organised crime and does not 

allow any comparison between countries. If a quantitative estimation or comparison is the 

goal, more formal data are usually needed. In that case criminal statistics and surveys could 

help. 

Questionnaire 

All the questionnaires on organised crime I have seen describe organised crime groups 

according to some common criteria, in order to create a basis for systematic analysis. In the 

explanatory notes to the questionnaire on criminal organisations active in the Netherlands it is 

said, that this form of profiling criminal groups "makes it possible to typify the known 

criminal groupings in a short time on the basis of a number of essential characteristics"5. The 

Expert Group on Organised Crime of the Council of Europe has developed a set of criteria 

through which organised crime could be defined. These criteria (1 through 4 are mandatory, 

the other optional) include: 

1. Collaboration of three or more people; 

2. For a prolonged or indefinite period of time; 

3. Suspected or convicted of committing serious criminal offences; 

4. With the objective of pursuing profit and/or power; 

5. Having a specific task or role for each participant; 

6. Using some form of internal discipline and control; 

7. Using violence or other means suitable for intimidation; 

8. Exerting influence on politics, the media, public administration, law 

enforcement, the administration of justice or the economy by corruption or 

any other means; 

9. Using commercial or business-like structures; 

10. Engaging in money laundering; 

11. Operating on an international level6 

4 Anvelt, Op.Cit. 

5 A contribution of the Netherlands Delegation to the World Ministerial Conference on Organised Transnational 

Crime, Naples 21-23 November 1994, p. 63. 

6 Criteria are listed in: Sabrina Adamoli, Andrea Di Nicola, Ernesto U. Savona, and Paola Zoffi. "Organised 

Crime Around the World", HEUNI Publication Series No. 31, Helsinki 1998, p. 9. 

49


These criteria were included into a short questionnaire distributed to the Estonian Police 

Board and Security Police in April 1998. At the moment I have responses from the Security 

Police, but am still waiting for responses from the Police Board. The Security Police reported 

data about 9 criminal groups. Each group satisfies all criteria listed above.7 For details I also 

used information from the PC-CO questionnaire completed by Security Police and the Police 

department. 

In addition to the information obtained from the interviews, it could be said that two thirds of 

the reported groups are associated either with the Estonian capital Tallinn or its 

neighbourhood. However, groups are operating on a regional, a national (Estonian), as well as 

an international level (mostly in Russia). International links usually include Russia. One of 

the groups co-operates with group(s) from Scandinavia, and the Chechens' group has 

relationships with their compatriots in other countries. The groups also have relationships 

with each other. 

The groups reported in the survey have been operated on a long-term basis. The "oldest" for 

10, the "youngest" for at least 4 years. 

According to the survey results each groups contains at least 10 members. It is quite possible 

that due to the specifics of their tasks the Security Police are not dealing with smaller groups. 

The biggest group reported incorporates more than 100 members. The size of four groups 

could be estimated as 10 to 20 individuals; another 4 groups are bigger, with 30 to 50 

members. The Security Police notify that groups with more than 10 members have a 

hierarchical structure with a "leader", and "inspectors" on specific types of crime. On the 

lower level there are small groups of 3-4 persons, one of whom is "responsible". 

The questionnaire contained questions about the ethnic composition of the groups. Two of 

nine groups are ethnically homogeneous. Those are Estonians and Chechens. The other 

groups have members of different ethnic origins. The Security Police estimates the proportion 

of non-Estonians in criminals to be 75%. 

7 When looking through the report made on the basis of the questionnaire, Security Police commented these data. 

They added that there are more than 9 criminal groups in Estonia. 3 of 9 groups do not exist any more thanks to 

the Security Police effort. 

50

Table 1. Criminal activities groups are involved in. 

Criminal activity The number of 

groups involved 

in 

Extortion 9 

Fraud 8 

Kidnapping 6 

Robbery 5 

Housebreaking 5 

Vehicle theft 5 

Narcotics 5 

Armed robbery 4 

Homicide 2 

Prostitution 2 

Illegal gambling schemes 1 

Counterfeiting 1 

Other types of crime 6 

Source: Questionnaire 


Table 1 gives the overview of the types of criminal activities that the groups are involved in. 

All groups practise extortion and almost all of them are involved in fraud. Quite remarkable is 

the fact that no group was involved in illegal trade in firearms, although this option was listed. 

The results of the questionnaire also showed that all the groups are believed to be involved in 

money laundering. Money laundering, however, is not criminalised in Estonia yet. 

Statistical data 

There is no statistics on how many persons were accused on organising or belonging to a 

criminal alliance (§ 196'1). From the interviews with experts and the questionnaire we could, 

however, conclude what types of crime could be the reflection of organised criminal 

activities. Extortion, as we have seen before, is a type of criminal activity that all the groups 

are involved in. The data on registered cases of extortion should reflect the scope of this 

activity, if we could trust criminal statistics at all. 

The idea is to examine the rate of the types of crime most common for criminal groups. The 

other possibility is to look at the number of persons under prosecution for cleared offences 

together with some other characteristics of offences available from crime statistics. There are 

two parameters I would like to look at. Firstly, if the criminal offence was committed in a 

group or not, and, secondly, the ethnic background of the offender. 

51


Table 2. The number of registered offences and persons convicted in Estonia 1995-1997 

1995 1996 1997 

Extortion 

registered offences 195 169 194 

persons convicted 151 137 138 

- in group 124 111 112 

Estonians (%) 

Fraud 

- 33% 37% 



- in group 73 119 108 

Estonians (%) 

Narcotics 

71% 72% 


persons convicted - 74 85 

- in group - 21 24 

Estonians (%) 

Economic crimes 

- 19% 28% 



- in group 11 11 26 

Estonians (%) - 83% 91% 

Source: Statistical Bureau of Estonian Police Board 

The data on persons who have committed crimes in co-operation with others is interesting 

because it is the only possibility to reflect activities of criminal group members. The 

limitation in this case is, of course, that it is impossible to distinguish between groups of 

criminals and criminal groups. Data presented in table 2 show that the number of registered 

cases of extortion, the activity that all the criminal groupings are involved in, remains more or 

less stable over the last three years. Data on narcotics and economic crimes shows 

considerable growth. 

The data on fraud should be commented separately. The number of registered fraud has 

increased by 109% from 890 in 1996 to 1863 in 1997. Without taking into account data on 

persons convicted, the situation could be alarming. The increase in the number of persons 

convicted of this type of crime is not so dramatic (increase by 12%). Fraud is the type of 

crime that has a rather high clearance rate: according to the Police Board data 68% of 

recorded frauds were cleared in 1997. Putting together data on recorded cases and convicted 

persons we could say that the same number of criminals commit more frauds. From the 

interviews I have learned, that in 1997 a group of criminals involved in numerous frauds was 

caught, and each fraud was convicted (and recorded) separately. 

Organised crime often has an ethnic dimension. In one interview with an expert, organised 

crime was defined as ‘the number of crimes committed by non-Estonians’. From the 

questionnaire we have learned that there are no homogeneous Russian groups and that 75% of 

criminal group members are non-Estonians. It gave me the idea to look at the ethnic 

background of the persons under prosecution. Again, there are the same limitations as in the 

case of offences committed by groups. The percentage of convicted individuals, who have an 

52


Estonian background, is growing in all types of crime. The explanation could be quite simple: 

the proportion of Estonians in the population is growing as well. As we can see, the 

involvement of Estonians is higher in economic types of crime. These numbers support the 

information obtained from the interviews with policemen. 

To sum up, the numerical data on recorded crimes does not provide enough information to 

make any conclusion about the extent of organised crime in Estonia. It could be used, 

however in combination with the information gained from the interviews with law 

enforcement officials to illustrate some trends. On the other hand, interview data could and 

should be used to interpret crime statistics. 

Conclusions 

In the presented paper three sources of information about organised crime were analysed: 

interviews with police officials, questionnaire data and crime statistics. 

The most informative source has with no doubts been the interviews with officials. This is the 

best source for data about the groups, about the history of organised crime and the trends. 

Only interviews could clarify the usage of terms by the police. This, in turn, can help to avoid 

some misunderstandings. 

The questionnaires help when there is a need for quantitative information and there is no 

official statistics available. Questionnaire could, probably, help to follow the changes in the 

activities of organised crime groups in one particular country. I would, however, be critical to 

use these data for comparisons between countries. The questionnaire is also useful to make 

information gained from the interviews more concrete because it does not allow 

generalisations. 

Crime statistics in the way it exists in Estonia now could be used to illustrate the data on 

organised crime group activities that was collected from the other sources. 

53


Maya Rusakova and Yakov Kostjukovski 

Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Science Deviantology Center 

7 th Krasnoarmeiskaya 25/14 

198052 St. Petersburg, Russia 

e-mail: inso@ego.spb.su 

54 

Organised Crime and the Narcotics Business in St.Petersburg 1 

The use of illegal drugs and the role of organised crime in the narcotics market are difficult to 

investigate because these remain hidden to a very high degree. Empirical research employing 

techniques such as participant observation and interviews of drug users, offenders, and other 

informants with first-hand knowledge of the subject, allows you to get into the very center of 

events, to see the underworld from the inside with “aboriginal eyes”. 

Organised crime constantly expands its sphere of influence. “Money-making” remains the 

priority, but it is accompanied with others: crime organisations are interested in access to state 

structures, and in influencing economy and policy. Thus, quantitative change of crime 

succesfully passes to qualitative change. In today´s talk about the criminal elements being on 

the way to “capture” authority, “capture” does not mean “war”. It is rather a matter of fusion, 

criminal structures having abundant experience of cooperation with business, political parties 

and other central elements of society. 

Today´s business world is strongly coordinated with organised crime. This is not a matter of a 

criminal takeover. Crime organisations have for a long time been successfully involved in the 

privatization process, and in banking operations, credits, and the mortgage business. The 

criminal organisations become a kind of hybrids of the criminal-business enterprise. Many of 

them are capable not only of taking a bank “under their wing” but they have also been able to 

open their own bank. Thus “obshak” (criminal organisation money) is turned into money that 

can be invested and turned into productive capital. This structure can be more effective than 

the state because crime organisations have access to a coercion apparatus that is more likely 

to produce results than state operations. 

In comparison with 1993-1994, the situation in the criminal world is rather quiet. There are 

serious reasons to believe that it is “a quiet before thunder”. Year by year, St.Petersburg 

receives more criminal money from Moscow. St.Petersburg is one of the largest business 

centers of the country. With seaport, airport, railway stations, its location close to the border 

(“window to Europe”), the city is extremely attractive for contrabandists, swindlers in the art 

business, antique swindlers and other professional criminals. According to expert opinion, 

Moscow is not only the political but also the criminal capital of Russia. Moscow money 

introduces managers, owners and their interests into St.Petersburg. The conflict in this field is 

inevitable. 

Organised crime as business means supply of goods and services, which are illegal but have a 

large demand. Narcotics trade is one of the most profitable of such activities. Police arrest the 

weakest and less organised narcotics dealers (often with the help of information obtained 

1 Edited by Kauko Aromaa.


from their rivals), thus effecting a kind of selection: those who are better organised stay 

immune to control. The laws prohibiting the use, buying, possession and production of drugs 

contribute to the same result. 

Presently, there are no less than 500,000 drug users in St.Petersburg, and their number is 

increasing. This is corroborated by research carried out in the Center of Deviantology and 

elsewhere. The drugs market is changing because of the influence of many factors: the 

political and economical situation in the countrym, legislation, production opportunities, 

police action, and fashion. 

Leningrad (St.Petersburg) has always been one of the centers of synthetic drug production. 

According to this indicator, it is presently the leading center in the country. 

Barbiturates, amphetamines, PCP, LSD, MDMA, DOP and their modifications differ very 

much from each other according to how complicated and expensive they are to produce. At 

the moment, all necessary opportunities for producing synthetic drugs are available: there is 

practically no control over the necessary chemical components, most of the highly qualified 

chemists are unemployed, and nearly all existing chemical laboratories are not in operation 

and are bankrupt. There is no doubt that widespread narcotics production has already begun, 

intended also for Western European markets. 

The phenomenon of a “new youth culture” has become popular among young people, linked 

to a youth subculture around discotheques. This can explain the increasing number of 

narcotics users with a rather high social status, and with a financial position much higher than 

average. Drugs being fashionable is a very important feature of the present situation. It is not 

only that certain kind of drugs are fashionable, but drug use as such has become a matter of 

prestige. 

Despite the fashionability of synthetic drugs, opiates and cannabis are the principal drugs in 

St.Petersburg. This market is very stable, because of the very well functioning channels of 

distribution. 

Representatives of organised crime penetrate the legal economy because they must invest 

large sums of money obtained by illegal narcotics sales into legal business. All over the 

world, this is the way legal and illegal businesses cooperate and become integrated. 

Of course, Russia is no exception. The result of such integration is the consolidation of legal 

and illegal business in a kind of economic symbiosis. First: large sums of money accumulated 

in the narcotics business allow organised crime to penetrate high levels of the economic, 

political and information sectors, and to invest money into the financial sector. This naturally 

leads to the consequence that whole branches of the legal economy are in the hands of 

organised crime. Second: the influence of organised crime turns legal sources of money into a 

kind of “holes” for money transition into criminal spheres and for criminal purposes. 

The narcotics business makes use of different mechanisms such as fixing prices, expanding 

the market e.g. by multi-level marketing (the main advantage of which is that it induces 

clients to find new clients), by promoting a broad selection of drugs and inventing new 

preparates. Narcotics money is invested in all branches of the legal economy. These are in 

great need of capital, and for example state securities produced by most governments are very 

convenient to turn such money into legal capital. 

55


St. Petersburg, being one of the largest cities in Europe, provides a large market for drugs and 

is not unimportant in the framework of Russia or of Europe, either. 

Organised crime in St.Petersburg, as elsewhere in Russia, is not just business without 

influence on legislation and policy. If laws are unrealistic, “legislation” of an illegal character 

will define a line of behaviour and norms, on which society lives. Policies of prohibition and 

punishment never bring good results. 

56

Andri Ahven, Expert for the Estonian Police Board 

Information and Comunications Department 

Police Board 

Pagari 1, EE-0100 Tallin 

e-mail: andri@sisemin.gov.ee 

e-mail: andri.ahven@mail.ee 


Crime Trends in Estonia 

General overview 

The number of police-recorded crimes has increased during the late 1980s and early 1990s in 

all the Baltic countries. Since 1992, the crime rate has stayed at a relatively high level, mainly 

due to a large number of property crimes. 

In Estonia, 280 crimes per 10 000 inhabitants were recorded by the police in 1997, which is 

the highest level since 1992. The respective figure was 147 in Latvia and 205 in Lithuania. 

(These figures are not entirely comparable due to differences in criminal law and registration 

practice. In the case of Latvia, the decrease in 1994 is to some extent explained by changes in 

the criminal law.) 

Figure 1. Total number of police recorded offences against the Criminal Code 

Per 10 000 of population 

300 

250 

200 

150 

100 

50 

0 

Estonia 

Lithuania 

Latvia 

1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 

In Estonia, 82% of the crimes recorded by the police in 1997 were crimes against property, 

10% were cases of hooliganism, 3% were crimes against persons (homicide, assault, rape, 

etc). The other types of crime were less represented. Domestic burglaries constituted 16% and 

thefts from cars 15% of all recorded crimes. According to the police the most common stolen 

objects were audio and video systems, clothes, jewellery and car parts. 

57


The rate of violent crime is significant in the north-eastern part of Estonia (especially in 

Narva). The rate of property and economic crime is highest in Tallinn. 

According to the survey of the Estonian Institute for Market Research, 26% of the 

respondents or members of their family suffered because of crimes against property and 

against persons in 1997. The most common crimes according to the survey are as follows (% 

victimised during the last 12 months): 

58 

theft from a car - 9% 

theft from a garden or field - 8% 

pickpocketing - 6% 

theft from an apartment (domestic burglary) - 5% 

theft from a premise or summerhouse - 5% 

crime against person - 5% 

Homicide 

The homicide rate has increased in all of the Baltic countries during the years 1989-1994, but 

has decreased substantially during the last three years. The same trend appeared in Russia, 

where the rate has been even higher than in Estonia. During the same period no remarkable 

changes occured in the Central European countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary), and 

their homicide rate has remained at a low level in comparison to Russia and the Baltic 

countries. 

Table 1. Homicide rate per 100 000 inhabitants * 

Estonia Latvia Lithuania Poland Czech 

Republic 

Russia 

1988 6,0 … … … … … 

1989 7,9 … … … … … 

1990 11,0 9,2 7,5 1,9 2,1 14,3 

1991 10,8 11,4 9,0 2,5 2,5 15,3 

1992 19,3 16,1 10,5 2,6 2,4 22,9 

1993 25,6 24,7 12,5 2,9 1,4 30,4 

1994 28,1 23,0 13,4 3,0 … … 

1995 22,1 18,2 11,7 … … … 

1996 19,8 15,4 9,3 … … … 

* According to the data on causes of death 

Drug-related crimes 

The number of registered drug-related crimes has increased in all of the Baltic countries 

during the 1990s. It should be noticed that the number of registered drug-related crimes is 

substantially influenced by police capability and activity. The level of drug-related crime is 

probably much higher than the official statistics show, especially in Estonia.

Figure 2. 

Police-registered drug-related crimes 

Per 100 000 inhabitants 

18 

16 

14 

12 

10 

8 

6 

4 

2 

0 


1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 

Estonia 

Latvia 

Lithuania 

Citizenship of offenders 

According to police data on known offenders, Estonian citizens have been more active in the 

area of economic crimes, and non-Estonian citizens (mainly immigrants) in commiting drugrelated 

crimes and violent crimes (homicides, rapes, robberies). In 1997, the non-Estonian 

citizens’ criminal activity (known offenders per 10 000 of population) was 1,4 times higher 

than the Estonian citizens’ (2,2 times in cases of ‘first degree crimes’ such as homicide, 

assaults etc). 

Victimisation of foreign citizens 

According to the police data, the most common crimes against foreign citizens have been 

property crimes (theft of cash, documents, valuables, etc). The number of violent crimes has 

been small (see table 2). 

The number of registered offences against foreign citizens has been relatively small and stable 

during the last years, although the number of tourists (especially from Finland and Sweden) 

has increased substantially at the same time. For example, only three serious violent crimes 

and one serious robbery against Finnish citizens were registered in 1997, although more than 

2,5 million Finnish citizens visited Estonia in 1997. 

59


Table 2. Police registered crimes against foreign citizens in Estonia, 1997 * 

Finland Sweden Denmark Germany Latvia Lithuani 

a 

Serious violent crimes 3 1 - - - 1 

- intentional homicide 1 - - - - 1 

- assault 1 1 - - - - 

- rape 1 - - - - - 

Robbery ** 1 - - 1 2 - 

Public theft *** 97 10 2 5 2 1 

Theft 353 66 11 14 24 9 

Other 34 12 3 5 7 1 

TOTAL 488 90 16 25 35 12 

* Including data about foreign citizens living in Estonia 

** With the use of serious violence or threat 

*** With the use of minor violence or threat 

Sources: 

Official statistics of the Estonian National Police Board; 

Surveys of the Estonian Institute for Market Research (Eesti Konjunktuuriinstituut)(EKI- 

TEST,1994-1997); 

Data on causes of death of the Statistical Office of Estonia. 

60

Arija Lodzina, Researcher 

Criminology Research Centre 

Meistaru 10, 1050 Riga, Latvia 

e-mail: an-vilks@com.latnet.lv 


Crime Trends in Latvia 

The level of crime in Latvia has increased very rapidly in the period of 1991-92. There are 

several reasons for that: one is the short term improvement of crime registration. Another is 

that the regained freedom and democracy was understood as an allowance of arbitrary 

behaviour and disorder in law. Since 1993, however, the level of crime has considerably 

decreased (table 1). In fact, during the last 5 years crime has decreased by 40.4%. Now there 

is a period of stability. 

The crime rate per 100 000 inhabitants is rather different in the three Baltic states (table 1). 

To continue with the positive trends, we should mention the improving clearance rate 

(detection rate). In 1997, 51.4% of crime was cleared. This is the best clearance rate since 

1990 in Latvia and better than that of our neighbours - Lithuania and Estonia - 42.8% and 

31.7% respectively. 

As concerns the traditional types of crime, let’s draw our attention to the structure of crime 

(table 2). The proportion of serious crimes is especially high - it makes up half of all the 

crimes (51%). 

The level of intentional homicides has decreased by 40% since 1993 (table 3). However, if we 

sum the high number of intentional homicides with the number of bodily injuries with lethal 

outcomes - 176 cases (1997), the picture is not satisfying. Particular concern is caused by the 

increase of some forms of violent crime: intentional serious bodily injuries, aggravated 

injuries and aggravated injuries leading to death. The decrease of registered serious crimes 

mostly happened due to the fall in robberies. There was also a decrease in large scale thefts 

and rapes. At the same time, the number of thefts from cars and trading places increased. 

The number of juvenile crimes rose in 1997. In that year juveniles accounted for 19.2% of all 

crimes committed. It actually is a threatening problem, if we consider the age of young 

perpetrators (15 - 23 years). 

Characteristically, in the latest period, crime trends show not only quantitative, but also 

qualitative changes. New forms of crime are developing in the sphere of finance and 

economics; electronic communication systems experience different kinds of criminal 

manipulations, so does the public opinion - making use of absence of stable values and ideals, 

new non-traditional religious movements and sects gain ground, posing threat to human lives 

and the integrity of society. 

Special attention should be paid to economic crimes. Police statistics show that a great part of 

registered economic crime (41.6%), reflects cases of money counterfeiting. As concerns the 

return of damage, law enforcement agencies show extremely poor performance - only 3.5% of 

losses get returned. None of three Baltic States possess an effective system to face economic 

61


crime which is the especially dangerous for our states given our geo-political, social and 

economic situation. 

One of the indicators of economic crime is so-called ``shadow`` economy. The data of the 

Ministry of Finance prove that 30-32% of Latvia’s GDP has been generated exactly in this 

``hidden`` sphere of economic activities. One form of the ``shadow`` economy is smuggling. 

Authorities estimate that smuggling of different kinds of commodities is considerable and 

amounts to : 50% of all meat products, 60% of precious metals, and about one third of alcohol 

sold in Latvia. The smuggling of food products is destroying local producers. At the same 

time, in 1997, only 19 persons were convicted for smuggling, 12 of them - conditionally. 

This is evidence that the efficiency of measures against smuggling is very low. Smuggling is 

favoured by following conditions: 

• high taxes (income, VAT); 

• inadequacies in legal regulations; 

• insufficient training and activity, as well as poor co-ordination of work in law enforcement 

institutions. 

Illegal operations with privatisation certificates (like ``vouchers`` in Russia) is another type of 

economic crime, causing significant damage to the state, and this significance still hasn’t been 

assessed. Damage by illegal operations in the process of privatisation are not estimable today. 

Unsolved are issues related to organised crime - illegal prostitution services and racketeering. 

Due to lack of time, not all matters related to organised crime are discussed, for example drug 

and arms trafficking. 

The latest feature in the Latvian crime situation in the last 10 years is the appearance of 

crimes with use of explosives. The average number of crimes is around 60 cases per year 

(1995 - 67; 1996 - 60; 1997 - 64) and more than half of them have been committed in Riga. 

Speaking about the latest explosions in Latvia, it must be said that the State has not 

recognised the commission of any terrorist acts, since the concept of terrorism is not defined 

in Latvia (except for highjacking of aircraft). Therefore, amendments to the Criminal law and 

the Criminal Procedural law are needed. 

The number of crimes related to the use of guns is rather unstable (table 4). 

The distribution of offenders (table 5) suggests that the level of recidivism is remarkably high 

(41.2%), as is the share of crimes committed in groups (41.0%) and crimes committed under 

the influence of alcohol (46.4%). 

The level of recidivism is also high among convicted persons (23.8%), as is the tendency to 

commit crime in groups (44.7%) (table 6). 

Contrary to police statistics, victimization survey data from 1996 show no essential difference 

in crime levels in the 3 Baltic States (table 7). Similarity is also observed in the reporting rate 

to the police (table 8). Noticeable discrepancy appears in respect to the corruption level, 

which is three times lower in Estonia than in Latvia (table 9). 

62


One of the achievements of this year is that the new Criminal Law has been finally passed by 

the Parliament. However, it has not been announced by the President, meaning that it is not 

yet in force. The President may be unwilling to sign it because the new Criminal Law retains 

the death penalty which the President wants to be abolished. The discussion of death penalty 

in the Parliament will be continued and the Paliament may implement changes in the Criminal 

Law in favour of abolishing the death penalty if the 6th protocol of the European Convention 

on Human Rights is ratified. 

The beginning of 1998 gives no reason for optimism. There have been cases of extremely 

horrifying murders and aggravated bodily injuries, many of which have been associated with 

alcohol. However, some negative social circumstances effect the crime level, but this is 

beyond the influence of the police. Here the main concern is over the crimes committed under 

the influence of alcohol or narcotic substances. Surveys and press publications claim that 

there is a high level of violence against children, especially sexual abuse of children. There is 

also a rapid increase of drug abuse, particularly among the youth. 

There is a need for co-ordinated efforts of police, social workers, and the medical 

establishment. The attitude and involvement of society as a whole has to be considered as 

well. 

Table 1. Crime level in Latvia as compared to criminality in Estonia and Lithuania 

Indicators 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 

Registered crime 

Latvia 34 686 41 929 61 871 52 835 40 983 39 141 38 205 36 865 

Estonia 23 807 31 748 41 254 37 163 35 739 39 570 35 411 40 972 

Lithuania 37 056 44 984 56 615 60 378 58 634 60 819 68 053 75 816 

Crime rate per 

10 000 population 

Latvia 129 158 235 204 161 156 152 148.7 

Estonia 150 206 267 245 236 265 240 280.2 

Lithuania 99 120 151 161 158 164 183 204.5 

63


Table 2. The distribution of crime (Total/percent distribution by type of crime) 

64 

1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 

Recorded crime 61 871 52 835 40 983 39141 38205 36865 

Of which: 

Violent crime Total 21 611 31 801 23 520 20 244 19 640 18 791 

% 34.9 60.2 57.4 51.7 51.4 51.0 

Economic crime Total 1 169 899 860 1 137 1 287 1 749 

% 1.9 1.7 2.1 2.9 3.4 4.7 

Drug-related crime Total 83 219 278 271 361 428 

% 0.1 0.4 0.7 0.7 0.9 1.2 

Property crime Total 51 639 41 211 28 813 26 281 23 368 21 892 

% 83.5 78.0 70.3 67.1 61.2 59.4 

Homicide* Total 293 429 375 281 256 259 

% 0.5 0.8 0.9 0.7 0.7 0.7 

* Including attempts 

Table 3. Homicide by selected country 

Year Total Per 100 000 

population 

Latvia* 1997 259 10.5 

Denmark** 1993 71 2.0 

Estonia 1997 247 16.7 

Russia* 1994 32 286 21.8 

Lithuania 1997 391 10.5 

Norway*** 1993 47 1.6 

Finland** 1993 129 3.7 

Ukraine*** 1994 4 571 8.8 

Sweden** 1993 173 3.0 

* Including attempts 

** Calculated per population aged 15-67 

*** Calculated per population aged 14-67

Table 4. Distribution of gun crime 


1995 1996 1997 

Total number of gun crimes 435 508 344 

of which: 

gun homicides 66 51 39 

gun assults 246 348 206 

Illegal possession of guns 536 626 591 

Confiscated guns 203 260 267 

Table 5. Offenders: percentage distribution by selected characteristics 

As percentage of the total 

number of offenders: 

1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 

juveniles 19.4 18.9 15.6 13.7 12.6 15.2 15.8 16.0 

no study nor work 65.6 63.8 

with a previous crime 

record 

33.0 35.1 34.6 40.4 40.4 40.1 39.5 41.2 

members of a criminal 

group 

36.6 41.3 49.6 52.3 46.0 44.7 43.7 41.0 

under the influence of 

alcohol 

39.2 41.9 45.4 50.3 52.8 47.6 47.2 46.4 

narcotic drug 

intoxication 

0.57 0.51 

Table 6. Number of convicted persons in 1997 

Total 

of wich: 

12 772 

with previous 

conviction 

3037 23.8% 

crime convicted in 

group 

5703 44.7% 

65


Table 7. Percentage victimised by the different types of events in the course of the past 

year 

66 

Finland** Estonia** Latvia Lithuania 

1992 1995 1996 1997 

theft of car 0.7 1.6 1.8 1.0 

- car owners only 0.8 2.7 4.3 

theft from car 3.0 7.0 4.5 10.4 


car vandalism 5.6 5.2 3.6 7.3 


theft of motorcycle 0.2 0.2 0.4 0.3 

theft of bicycle 4.9 4.7 2.5 7.1 

burglary with entry 0.6 4.2 2.6 7.6 

attemted burglary 0.6 3.9 5.3 5.5 

robbery 1.0 3.4 2.6 3.3 

personal theft 

pickpocketing 

4.7 8.2 12.7 13.2 

sexual incidents* 3.7 1.3 0.7 0.9 

assault/threat 4.1 5.5 2.6 4.8 

* women only 

** Kauko Aromaa, Andri Ahven. Victims of Crime in a Time of Change: Estonia 1993 and 1995 

Table 8. Percentage of crime reported to the police in the past five years 

Estonia Latvia Lithuania 

Car theft 88 92 89 

Theft from car 31 37 45 

Car vandalism 22 35 23 

Theft of motorcycle 100 63 25 

Theft of bicycle 25 29 42 

Burglary 69 71 58 

Attempted burglary 30 23 37 

Robbery 26 31 44 

Personal theft 19 16 23 

Sexual incidents* 12 7 24 

Assault/threat 20 20 30

Table 9. Function of the person who demanded the bribe 


Estonia Latvia Lithuania 

1995 1996 1997 

Government official 0.9 4.6 2.7 

Customs officer 0.9 3.5 2.7 

Police officer 0.7 1.3 3.5 

Inspector 1.3 2.0 0.5 

Other 0.5 1.1 1.4 

Total (of all respondents) 4.3 12.5 10.9 

Table 10. Capital punishment imposed 

1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 

6 5 6 5 9 5 4 4 - - 4 - - 

67


GenovaitëBabachinaitë, Head of the Department of Criminology 

Lithuanian Law Academy 

Ateities 20, 2057 Vilnius, Lithuania 

68 

Comparative Survey of Criminality in Lithuania 

This paper compares the main indicators of criminality in Lithuania with that of the other 

countries - primarily the Baltic states. The neighbouring Baltic states, Latvia and Estonia, 

began their independent social development from the same social conditions as Lithuania, but 

in a slightly different time. All three states are yet in a transitional period, so the comparison 

of their criminality is especially important during all the period of independent development. 

But before this it is important to discuss shortly the main crime indicators at the time when 

the three countries were still incorporated into Soviet Union, but beginning their moves 

towards independence. 

Table 1. Criminality in the Baltic Republics during 1985-1989 

Year 

1985 

1986 

1987 

1988 

1989 

Registered crimes 

Lithuania 

21 363 

20 628 

20 037 

21 337 

31 238 

Latvia 

25 303 

22 307 

21 502 

22 991 

29 676 

Estonia 

14 828 

12 500 

11 465 

12 167 

19 141 

Crime rate per 10 000 inhabitants 

Lithuania 

59,8 

57,5 

55,9 

58,7 

84,9 

Latvia 

97,6 

85,3 

81,4 

86,2 

110,6 

Estonia 

96,9 

81,1 

73,7 

77,4 

121,1 

The period of revival in the Baltic countries began in 1988. Gorbachiov’s “perestroyka” 

began earlier. Limited private economic activity was then allowed, but on the basis of 

socialistic economy in essence. All of these and other (unmentioned here) social - economic 

changes have influenced on criminality in the Baltic states, which was already especially 

striking in statistical accounts by 1989. This is shown in table 1 where the data of registered 

criminality is presented. During the five years before restoring independence, as indicated in 

table 1, the crime level in Lithuania was constantly smaller than in the other Baltic republics. 

In 1985 it was 1,7 times smaller than in Latvia and Estonia, whose crime levels were 

approximately equal in 1985. In 1988 the crime level in Lithuania was 1,5 times smaller than 

in Latvia and 1,3 times smaller than in Estonia, so the gap in crime levels decreased not in 

Lithuania’s favour. 

In 1989, criminality in the Baltic republics increased significantly: in Lithuania the number of 

registered crimes increased by 9901, in Latvia - by 6685, and in Estonia - by 6974. So, in total 

numbers, the greatest increase of registered crimes was in Lithuania. According to the


comparative indicators (rate per 10.000 inhabitants) the situation is a little bit different: the 

crime level in Lithuania increased almost 1,5 times, in Latvia almost 1,3 times, in Estonia 

almost 1,6 times. Thus, the largest percentage increase in crime rates in 1989 was in Estonia; 

in Lithuania. Lithaunia had the second largest increase. Yet despite differences in rates of 

increase, Estonia had the highest crime rate in 1989 (121,1), followed by Latvia (110,6) and 

Lithuania (84,9). 

Thus, it seems that before the restoration of independence the level of criminality was 

smallest in Lithuania as compared with the other Baltic republics (Latvia and Estonia). 

Now it is urgent to examine the situation after Lithuania had restored its independence. 

Table 2. Criminality in the Baltic States during 1990-1996 

Year 

1990 

1991 

1992 

1993 

1994 

1995 

1996 

Registered crimes 

Lithuania 

37 056 

44 984 

56 615 

60 378 

58 634 

60 819 

68 053 

Latvia 

34 686 

41 929 

61 871 

52 835 

40 983 

39 141 

38 205 

Estonia 

23 807 

31 748 

41 254 

37 163 

35 739 

39 570 

35 411 

Crime rate per 10 000 inhabitants 

Lithuania 

99 

120 

151 

162 

158 

Latvia 

129 

151 

235 

204 

161 

Estonia 

During the period of Lithuania’s independence (1990-1996 as shown in table 2), the total 

number of registered crimes (as compared with 1989) increased in Lithuania by 2,2 times, in 

Latvia by 1,3 times, in Estonia by 1,9 times. Thus, the rate of growth in the total number of 

registered crimes was greatest in Lithuania and smallest in Latvia. 

The number of registered crimes in Lithuania increased by 2,2 times, in Latvia by 1,4 times, 

in Estonia by 2 times. So, we can state that the crime development in Lithuania during the 

period of independence was very similar to that in Estonia. In Latvia the rate of growth in 

criminality was significantly smaller than in Lithuania and Estonia. 

In 1996 the crime rate in Lithuania per 10.000 was 183, in Latvia 152,2, in Estonia 240. In 

Lithuania the rates of crime growth during the period of independence were the greatest, but 

the crime level during all this time still remained significantly - by one-third - smaller than in 

Estonia, but became by one-fifth greater than in Latvia. 

164 

183 

155 

152 

150 

206 

267 

245 

236 

265 

240 

69


Comparing the former period (1985-1989) with the present, the crime rate remained the 

highest in Estonia (240); the second highest in Lithuania (183) and the third highest in Latvia 

(152). In other words, the criminality in Lithuania has exceeded that of Latvia, and criminality 

in Estonia has remained the greatest. 

During the period of independence, the state of registration and accountance of crime 

indicators (which during the Soviet period was identical in all Baltic Republics) has changed 

considerably. The Baltic countries have at different times decriminalised deeds, which during 

the Soviet period were criminalized, and have at different times and in various ways 

criminalized "new deeds" that appeared while developing market economy (for instance 

commercial crimes). Therefore it is difficult to compare the crime structure of these states on 

the whole. It is only possible to compare only some indicators of registration of traditional 

crimes during the latest five years - 1992-1996. 

Table 3. Crimes of hooliganism in the Baltic States during 1992-1996 

State 

total numbers 

Lithuania 

Latvia 

Estonia 

70 

Year 

1992 

1424 

1282 

779 

as a percent of all crimes 

Lithuania 

Latvia 

Estonia 

2,5 

2,1 

1,9 

1993 

1444 

1193 

795 

2,4 

2,2 

2,1 

1994 

1699 

1319 

881 

2,9 

3,2 

1995 

2565 

1406 

1215 

4,2 

3,6 

1996 

3003 

1311 

1155 

We can see in table 3 that the registered hooliganism crimes in the Baltic countries were 

constantly increasing during the five year period. The total registered number of hooliganism 

crimes in Lithuania increased more than 2 times, in Latvia remained almost stable (there were 

registered 29 crimes more), and increased by 1,5 times in Estonia. 

Crimes of hooliganism make up only a small part of registered criminality in the Baltic 

countries: from 1,9-2,5 per cent in 1992 to 3,3-4,4 per cent in 1996. In all three Baltic 

countries hooliganism as a proportion of all crime increased by 1,7 times during the last five 

years. 

2,5 

3,0 

4,4 

3,4 

3,3


Thus, a complex evaluation of the data about the status of hooliganism crimes in the Baltic 

states suggests, that the volume and rates of growth of hooliganism crimes are the greatest in 

Lithuania, followed by Estonia, and then Latvia. 

Indicators of the spreading of theft, one more traditional type of crime, are presented in table 

4. 

Table 4. Thefts in the Baltic States during 1992-1996 

Year 

Registered thefts 

Lithuania Latvia Estonia 

total as a percent total as a percent total as a percent 

number of all crimes number of all crimes number of all crimes 

1992 42 708 75,4 48 190 77,9 33 309 80,7 

1993 43 375 71,8 39 356 74,5 27 339 73,6 

1994 40 252 68,6 27 211 66,4 24 719 69,2 

1995 41 619 68,4 24 628 63,0 28 165 71,2 

1996 44 600 65,5 23 368 61,2 24 764 69,9 

Thefts made up the greatest part of criminality in general in the Baltic states in 1992 (75,4% 

in Lithuania, 77,9% in in Latvia, 80,7% in Estonia). The smallest proportion of thefts was in 

1996 (65,5% in Lithuania, 61,2% in Latvia, 69,9% in Estonia). As we see, in Lithuania and 

Estonia theft as a proportion of all crime decreased during the five years by approximately 10 

per cent, and in Latvia by 16,7 per cent. 

Thus, thefts constantly make up the greatest part of registered criminality in the Baltic states: 

in 1992 in Lithuania - 3/4 in Latvia - more than 3/4 and in Estonia - 4/5; in 1996 in Lithuania 

- 2/3, in Latvia - less than 2/3, in Estonia - more than 2/3. 

In general, theft as a proportion of all crimes and its dynamics during 1992-1996 was similar 

in all of the Baltic countries. 

But by total numbers of thefts and their dynamics the Baltic states differ very much. During 

the above mentioned period, the greatest number of thefts was registered in Lithuania in 1996, 

where there were 1892 crimes more than in 1992 but only 1225 more crimes than in 1993. So, 

the number of thefts in Lithuania during the period mentioned above has not increased much 

(by 4,4 per cent). 

In Latvia during 1992-1996 the greatest number of thefts was registered in 1992 and the 

smallest in 1996 (a difference of 24822 crimes, or 51,5% smaller). 

In Estonia during 1992-1996 the greatest number of registered thefts was in 1992; smallest in 

1994 and 1996 (accordingly by 8590 crimes or 25,8 per cent and 8545 crimes or 25,6 per cent 

smaller). 

This analysis shows that the most unfavourable situation and dynamics of thefts during the 

1992-1996 period among Baltic states was in Lithuania: the total number did not increase 

71


much in Lithuania (by 4,4 per cent) and in the other two Baltic states it has significantly 

decreased (in Estonia by one-fourth and in Latvia by half). 

The most widespreaded types of theft in all of the Baltic countries are thefts from dwellings 

and thefts of vehicles. 

Table 5. Thefts from Dwellings in Baltic States during 1992-1996 

Registered thefts from dwellings 

Year Lithuania Latvia Estonia 

total as a percent total as a percent total as a percent 

number of all thefts number of all thefts number of all thefts 

1992 6 610 15,5 9 845 20,4 7 980 23,9 

1993 6 964 16,0 9 075 23,0 7 137 26,1 

1994 7 414 18,4 6 257 23,0 6 878 27,8 

1995 6 344 15,2 5 083 20,6 8 175 29,0 

1996 8 631 19,3 5 068 21,6 6 864 27,7 

Thefts from dwellings now make up about 1/5 of the general number of registered crimes in 

Lithuania and Latvia and more than 1/4 in Estonia. 

The number of registered thefts in the Baltic countries has changed differently. During 1992- 

1996 the total number of registered thefts has increased by 2021 crime or 30,6 per cent in 

Lithuania. In Latvia this number during the aforesaid period decreased by 4777 crimes or 48,5 

per cent. And in Estonia it decreased by 1116 crimes or 14 per cent. 

Evaluating the indicators presented, it is possible to state that the state and dynamics of thefts 

from dwellings is the most unfavourable in Lithuania; in Estonia thefts from dwellings 

decreased by 1/7 and in Latvia almost by one-half during 1992-1996. 

Table 6. Thefts of Vehicles in the Baltic States during 1992-1996 

Year 

Registered thefts of vehicles 


total as a percent of total as a percent of total as a percent of 

number all thefts number all thefts number all thefts 

1992 2 000 4,7 - - 1 735 5,2 

1993 2 879 6,6 4 265 10,8 1 262 4,6 

1994 6 344 15,8 4 266 15,7 1 094 4,4 

1995 6 738 16,2 2 774 11,3 801 2,8 

1996 6 267 14,0 2 215 9,5 666 2,7 

The situation and dynamics of thefts of vehicles during 1992-1996 are especially 

unfavourable in Lithuania. Auto theft as a proportion of the general number of registered 

thefts increased by 3 times. In Estonia, on the contrary, the proportion made up by thefts of 

vehicles decreased by 2 times. In Latvia great fluctuations in the proportion of thefts of 

72


vehicles do not allow an exact (strict) conclusion, however it is possible to assert that auto 

theft as a proportion of all thefts remained relatively stable during the period in question. 

The number of registered thefts of vehicles in Lithuania increased by more than 3 times 

during 1992-1996. At the same time in Latvia this indicator decreased by almost 2 times and 

in Estonia by 2,6 times. 

It is possible to affirm that such an especially unfavourable state and dynamic of thefts of 

vehicles in Lithuania is determined by its geographical position (as a transit state) which is 

rather different from the other two Baltic states•, and that it is not a result of Lithuania•s 

inability to set its affairs in order. It is possible to maintain also that for Lithuania this specific 

position costs much. 

One more traditional and widespread type of crime is robbery. We see the data about 

robberies in table seven. 

Table 7. Robberies in the Baltic States during 1992-1996 

Year 

Registered robberies 


total as a percent of total as a percent of total as a percent of 

number all crimes number all crimes number all crimes 

1992 488 0,9 807 1,3 480 1,2 

1993 737 1,2 1 177 2,2 612 1,6 

1994 4 217 7,2 1 142 2,8 786 2,2 

1995 2 837 4,7 905 2,3 694 1,7 

1996 3 481 5,1 1 031 2,7 577 1,6 

In the dynamics of robberies in the Baltic states during 1992-1996 we notice that the first two 

years coincide with a period during which the of reorganization of law enforcement agencies 

and state institutions as a whole was still under intensive creation, and when the latentiveness 

(the "dark figures") of robberies could be greater. So the state in all Baltic states during the 

years 1992-1993 is analogous. But during the three later years of the explored period we 

observe a stable indicator of the proportion of robberies: in Lithuania the proportion of 

robberies as compared to general criminality is approximately twice that in Latvia and three 

times greater than in Estonia. 

The number of robberies in Lithuania during the three later years is slightly decreasing, in 

Latvia remains roughly stable, and in Estonia is also somewhat decreasing. Therefore it is 

possible to ascertain that the state and dynamics of robberies in the Baltic states is similar. 

Besides traditional property crimes, whose states and changes in the Baltic countries are 

presented earlier, it is very important to compare traditional violent crimes against person in 

the Baltic states: murders, severe bodily injuries, rapes. 

Table 8. Premeditated Murders (with attempts) in the Baltic States during 1992-1996 

73


Registered premeditated murders (with attempts) 

Year 


1992 303 293 223 

1993 480 429 328 

1994 523 375 365 

1995 502 281 304 

1996 405 256 268 

Premeditated murders make up an insignificant part in the criminality of the Baltic states, but 

they are the most serious violent crimes against persons. During 1992-1995 in the Baltic 

states the situation of registered murders (with attempts) was different. In Lithuania the total 

number of these crimes had increased by 1,5 times, in Estonia by 1,4 times and in Latvia the 

annual fluctuations of this number do not show any clear tendency. During the last year 1996 

the number of murders was smaller in all the Baltic states than during the earlier year 1995: in 

Lithuania by 97 crimes, in Latvia by 25 and Estonia by 36 crimes. Could this mean the 

beginning of a tendency towards a decrease of premeditated murders? The statistical data of 

next several years will show. 

Table 9. Rapes (with attempts) in the Baltic States during 1992-1996 

Year Registered rapes (with attempts) 


1992 191 124 72 

1993 196 130 104 

1994 165 129 124 

1995 200 158 102 

1996 168 130 94 

In table 9 we see the state and changes of one more serious traditional violent crime against 

the person • rape. During the examined period of 1992-1996 the number of registered rapes 

(with attempts) in Latvia was stable, in Lithuania there was a slight tendency towards 

reduction and in Estonia was a similar slight tendency towards growth. But in essence the 

situation of these crimes in the Baltic states was similar and in Lithuania the spreading of 

these crimes was the smallest. 

Table 10. Intentional Serious Bodily Injuries in the Baltic States during 1992-1996 

74


Year Registered intentional serious bodily injuries 


1992 346 571 223 

1993 344 725 220 

1994 353 714 248 

1995 299 597 223 

1996 351 467 229 

The state of registered intentional serious bodily injuries in all the Baltic states is stable. Only 

in Latvia during 1993-1994 was there a markedly greater number of serious bodily injuries 

than were registered during the other three years. 

Beyond doubt, the intensiveness of the spreading of these crimes is the smallest in Lithuania. 

In general, serious violent crimes in the Baltic countries make up about 2 per cent of the 

overall number of registered crimes. 

The crime situation in every country is also reliably characterized by the level of clearance 

rates in the Baltic states, which are illustrated in the following table. 

Table 11. Percent of crimes closed in the Baltic States during 1992-1996 

Year Closed crimes (percent) 


1992 35 26 18 

1993 37 28 25 

1994 41 31 27 

1995 40 35 29 

1996 41 44 33 

As shown in table 11, during the investigated period of 1992-1996, the highest clearence rate 

in all years was in Lithuania. In the beginning of the period almost twice as many crimes were 

closed in Lithuania than in Estonia and one • third more than in Latvia. 

Generally, indicators of crime closure were constantly improving in all the Baltic countries, 

but even now they are not high: in Lithuania in 1996, 41 per cent of the registered crimes 

were closed, in Latvia 44 per cent, and in Estonia almost 10 per cent less • only 33 per cent. 

Conclusions 

1. Before the restoration of independence crime level in Lithuania was constantly smaller. In 

1988 the crime level in Lithuania was 1,5 times smaller then in Latvia and 1,3 times 

smaller than in Estonia. 

2. According to the indicators in 1989 the highest crime level per 10.000 inhabitants was in 

Estonia (121,1); in the second place was Latvia (110,6); in the third place Lithuania (84,9). 

3. During the period of independence changes in criminality in Lithuania were very similar to 

changes in Estonia (criminality in Lithuania until the year 1996 inclusive increased 2,2 

75


times, in Estonia • 2 times). In Latvia the rate of crime growth (1,4 times) was 

significantly smaller than in Lithuania and Estonia. 

4. In 1996 the crime level per 10.000 inhabitants in Lithuania was 183, in Latvia 152, and in 

Estonia 240. In Lithuania the rates of crime growth during the period of independence 

were the greatest, but the crime level during all this time, nevertheless, remained 

considerably, by one-third, smaller than in Estonia, but became by one-fifth bigger than in 

Latvia. 

5. The most unfavourable state and dynamics of thefts in 1992-1996 among the Baltic states 

was in Lithuania: the total number in Lithuania increased a little (4,4 per cent) and in the 

two other Baltic states it decreased considerably (in Estonia by one-fourth and in Latvia by 

half). 

6. Premeditated murders make up a small part of the criminality in the Baltic states. In 

Lithuania during 1992-1995 the total number of these crimes increased by 1,5 times, in 

Estonia by 1,4 times and in Latvia annual fluctuations of this number do not show any 

clear tendency. In 1996 in all Baltic countries the number of premeditated murders 

decreased: in Lithuania by 97 crimes, in Latvia by 25, in Estonia by 36. 

7. In all three Baltic states indicators of crime closure were constantly improving, but even 

now they are not high. In Lithuania during 1996, 41 per cent of registered crimes were 

closed, in Latvia 44 per cent, in Estonia only 33 per cent. 

References 

G.Babachinait : Kriminologiniai nusikalstamumo raidos Lietuvoje periodizacijos aspektai. 

Lietuvos teis s tradicijos. Justitia, Vilnius, 1997 pp. 45-54. 

Nusikalstamumas ir teis saugos institucij veikla: Criminality and the Law Enforcement 

Activity. Department of the Statistics to the Government of the Republic of Lithuania, 

Vilnius, 1997, p. 50. 

76

Nicolay Borchgrevink Johansen, Cand. polit 

Privat adresse: Falsnesgt. 16 A 

N-0556 Oslo 

e-mail: n.b.johansen@jus.uio.no 


Konflikter i næringslivet.1 

En grossist for bensinforhandlere klaget til Prisrådet på at Swix Sport ikke ville selge dem 

skismøring. Prisrådet behandlet klagen, grep inn og forbød Swix å nekte forretningsforbindelse 

med bensingrossisten. 

Hvorfor i all verden skulle noen ønske å nekte noen å selge varene deres? I følge vanlig 

økonomisk tankegang skulle en leverandør være interessert i å spre varene sine mest mulig. 

I utgangspunktet vil man selge maksimalt av sitt produkt, det er jo dette som gir inntekt og 

profitt! Videre skulle man tro en produsent, feks Swix, ønsket mest mulig konkurranse blant 

videreforhandlerne, slik at prisen ble minimal, og flere forbrukere fikk råd til å kjøpe varen. 

Dette er grunner som skaper forventning om at produsenter og leverandører vil selge til så 

mange videreforhandlere som mulig. 

Den klagende grossisten hevdet bla a at salg av skismøring utenfor faghandelen vil føre til økt 

priskonkurranse, og viste til et brev der Swix avslørte at de ville beskytte sport- og fritidsforhandlernes 

tilgang på den “betydelige bruttofortjeneste disse representerer” (Pristidende nr. 

6/1992, s 61). De mente således at det gjorde seg gjeldende “almene hensyn” som tilsa at 

nektelsen burde forbys. Økt konkurranse ville føre til lavere priser og mer effektiv utnyttelse 

av samfunnets ressurser. I tillegg hevdet bensinstasjongrossisten at nektelsen var “urimelig” 

for dem, da de i god tro hadde regnet med leveranse og bla a satt av plass til Swix' produkter i 

katalogen sin. 

“Almene hensyn” og “urimelighet” utgjorde de to inngrepskriteriene Prisrådet opererte med.2 

Kriteriene må ses i sammenheng med henholdsvis Prisdirektoratets og Konkurransetilsynets 

hovedgeskjeftigelse, rettledet som de var/er av prisloven og konkurranseloven. Formålet har 

helt siden 1953, mer eller mindre tydelig formulert, vært å bidra til optimal utnyttelse av 

ressurser. Det altoverveiende virkemiddel i så måte har vært konkurranse. Hindringer for 

konkurranse skal fjernes, og der det ikke konkurreres fra før, skal det legges til rette for dette. 

I tråd med denne mål-middel filosofien, som er blitt mer og mer sentral i den “vestlige 

verden” etter den andre verdenskrig, slås det fast i alle tidligere studier av Prisrådets praksis 

at inngrep er forbeholdt markeder uten “virksom -” eller “effektiv konkurranse”3 (Bachke 

1977, Jensen 1991). Konkurranse har således i praksis nesten fungert som et inngrepskriterie. 

Bensingrossisten hevdet at både almene hensyn og urimelighet gjorde seg gjeldende, i tillegg 

til antydninger om at det ikke forekom effektiv konkurranse i markedet. Swix mente på sin 

side at bensinstasjoner ikke kunne tilby den service skismøring krever at betjeningen kan gi. 

De hevdet dessuten at deres valg av distribusjonssystem utgjorde den beste utnyttelse av 

1 Næringsliv = “erhvervsliv”. 

2 Med omleggingen til konkurranseloven i 1994 ble “urimelighetskriteriet” fjernet. Men også av andre grunner, 

som vil fremgå, skal vi i det følgende konsentrere oppmerksomheten om “almene hensyn”. 

3 Uttrykk ofte brukt i behandlingen av disse sakene. 

77


ressurssene. De skulle i så måte ha fulgt en fast distribusjonspolitikk på dette helt siden 1947. 

Prisrådet vurderte det imidlertid slik at denne nektelsen både skadet konkurransen i markedet 

for skismøring og var urimelig for den klagende grossisten, og foretok inngrep. Swix ble 

dermed i praksis pålagt å levere skismøring til grossisten for bensinstasjoner. 

Det er først og fremst på to måter at næringsdrivendes interesser kan komme i konflikt med 

“almene” interesser (hensyn). For det første kan en bedrift ønske å profilere seg på en bestemt 

måte, gjerne som noe eksklusivt, og dermed forsøke å unngå at produktet assosieres med noe 

“billig”, feks forretninger kjent for lave priser. Kanskje ønsker man i denne forretningen ikke 

at produktet skal være billig, nettopp av samme grunner. Det kan også tenkes ressursmessige 

hensyn: I noen tilfeller er transport så kostbart at det å levere til mange vil fordyre distribusjonskostnadene 

i urimelig grad. I andre tilfeller kan man ønske å belønne avtagere som 

markedsfører produktet. Ofte finner man situasjoner der en bedrift (butikk) står for markedsføringen 

av et produkt, mens andre bedrifter ikke tar del i disse kostnadene, men likevel 

høster fortjeneste ved å ha produktet i sitt sortiment. Felles for disse tilfellene er at 

incitamentet til nektelsen kommer fra leverandøren. Så lenge leverandøren kan godtgjøre at 

utvelgelsen av videreforhandlere foretas etter “objektive kriterier” på konsekvent vis, blir 

dette akseptert av Konkurransetilsynet, slik det også ble av Prisrådet. 

For det andre kan nektelsen skyldes at leverandøren eller klagerens rivaler prøver å eliminere 

priskonkurransen. I mange tilfeller er det den nektedes konkurrenter som legger press på 

leverandøren for at vedkommende ikke skal levere til klageren. De kan med trusler om å 

skifte leverandør presse leverandøren til å nekte å forhandle med den som klager. Grunnen til 

å presse leverandøren på dette punktet kan være at klagerens konkurrenter er fornøyd med 

inntjeningen i markedet, og ser profitten truet av klagerens lave priser. Denne typer grunner 

til å nekte forretningsforbindelse er grunnleggende sett av horisontal karakter, og det finnes 

flere eksempler på at leverandører er interessert i å få vedtak mot seg, for derigjennom å få et 

“alibi” for å stå i mot presset fra klagerens konkurrenter. Men dette er langtfra alltid tilfelle. I 

mange tilfeller ser det ut til at såvel leverandøren som vedkommendes faste forhandlere 

motarbeider “effektiv konkurranse” i markedene, slik tilfelle etter all sannsynlighet var i 

markedet for skismøring. 

I tillegg til den sakstypen som ble presentert i det foregående, finner man eksempler på helt 

andre nektelser. Det kan være saker der klageren er forbruker (konflikten vil da ikke være 

mellom næringsdrivende), klager på offentlige reguleringer (som distriktspolitiske hensyn 

eller beskyttelse av spesielle markeder slik som bokmarkedet), klager innen markeder der 

andre myndigheter gir konsesjoner (eksempelvis media) eller at nektelsen dreier seg om så 

små beløp at myndighetene ikke finner å bruke tid på dem. Videre finnes det saker der 

klageren oppfører seg kverulantisk etter hverdagslige kriterier, der nektelse skyldes 

personlige motsetningsforhold, tilfeller der en leverandør har sett seg lei på manglene betaling 

fra klagerens side og nekter videre forbindelse, eller rett og slett oppsigelse/ingen fornyelse av 

kontrakt. 

Leveringsnektelser kan innklages til konkurransetilsynet og behandles etter 

konkurranselovens §3-10. Dette lovverket er imidlertid ganske nytt. Fra 1954 til 1994 gjaldt 

en annen lov, den såkalte “prisloven”. Også her fantes en hjemmel for å gripe inn overfor 

forretningsnektelser (§23). Det rettslige grunnlaget er ikke helt likt i de to lovverkene, og 

dette kompliserer mitt prosjekt her i dag. Jeg har foretatt en liten studie av saker behandlet 

etter inngrepsparagrafene i to lovene, men for å gjøre dette skikkelig, måtte jeg presentert det 

rettslige grunnlaget. Det er det ikke plass til. Her skal jeg nøye meg med å slå fast at denne 

78


type saker tidligere ble behandlet av et domstollignende organ, Prisrådet. Etter 1.1.1994 

avgjøres klager etter konkurranseloven §3-10 av forvaltningen. Mesteparten av mitt materiale 

skriver seg fra tiden under prislovens regime, så i dagens anledning skal vi tilsidesette 

forskjellene i regime og det rettslige grunnlaget. Jeg skal forsøke å kommentere utviklingen 

av forretningsnektelser behandlet i henholdsvis Prisdirektoratet og Konkurransetilsynet i 

perioden 1954-1997.4 

Utviklingen av antallet saker og inngrep. 

Etter dette forsøket på å sette leveringsnektelser i et større perspektiv, skal vi nå se nærmere 

på antallet behandlede saker i Prisrådet og hva slags skjebne disse har fått. 

Antall saker behandlet i Prisrådet 1954 - 1997.5 

35 

30 

25 

20 

15 

10 

5 

0 

54 57 60 63 66 69 72 75 78 81 84 87 90 93 96 

Kanskje det mest bemerkelsesverdige ved denne figuren er det lave antallet saker. Tar vi i 

betraktning antallet firmaer som finnes i Norge, og forestiller oss hvor mange relasjoner disse 

inngår med hverandre vertikalt, er det åpenbart at det må oppstå mange konflikter. Det er 

derfor oppsiktsvekkende at bare ca 20 saker i snitt havner i et offentlig konfliktløsningsorgan. 

Det andre som slår en er kanskje at antallet saker er såpass stabilt. Når vi opererer med så små 

tall som her, skulle man vel forvente at variasjonsbredden ble større? Her opplever vi så små 

tall at tilfeldighetenes uimotståelige utjevningskraft ikke får fult spillerom, likevel ser vi ikke 

større svingninger enn fra 8 til 34, og det som ekstreme ytterpunkter. Og ser vi nøye på 

figuren kan man ytterligere få det inntrykk at saksmengden har stabilisert seg i den siste 

halvdelen av 40-årsperioden. (Vi skal merke oss at 1994 er utelatt, det var det året den nye 

lovgivningen ble satt i kraft, og Konkurransetilsynet er innrømmet en liten 

innkjøringsperiode). 

4 Med det nye lovverket skiftet Prisdirektoratet navn til Konkurransetilsynet. 

5 Kilde for 1983-1993: Prisdirektoratets årsrapporter publisert i Pristidende. 1977-1982 er basert på 

oppsummeringer av Prisdirektoratets virksomhet i de årlige stortingsmeldingene med retningslinjer (St.meld. 53 

(1977-78) s. 17, St.meld. 64 (1978-79) s. 17, St.meld. 44 (1979-80) s. 17, St.meld. 69 (1980-81) s. 19, St.meld. 

58 (1981-82) s. 14, St.meld. 59 (1982-83) s. 20-21, St.meld. 43 (1983-84) s. 11). Disse oversiktene er basert på 

årganger som ikke helt følger kalenderåret; fra 1/11 til 31/10 året etter. Dette medfører at det blir en liten 

overlapp, noen saker blir talt med to ganger, de som ble avgjort i november og desember 1976, mens det 

tilsvarende blir en glipp for de sakene som ble avgjort i november og desember 1982. Dette skulle likevel ikke ha 

betydning for hovedinntrykket, skulle tallene for de enkelte år bli mye forskjellig med “årsskifte” 1. november 

skal dette jevne seg ut. 1954-1976 er basert på Bachke 1977, side 48. 

79


Andel inngrep i sakene behandlet av Prisrådet 1954 - 1997.6 

90 

80 

70 

60 

50 

40 

30 

20 

10 

0 

80 

54 57 60 63 66 69 72 75 78 81 84 87 90 93 96 

Det er vanskelig å slå fast at det har funnet sted en jevn nedgang i andelen inngrep, men det er 

tydelig at Prisrådet etter en litt nølende start var svært hissige på å gripe inn overfor forretningsnektelser. 

Dette kommer særskilt godt til syne sammenlignet med den jevnt lave villigheten 

til å gripe inn man finner i prislovens siste tiår. Foruten toppårene i 83, 85 og 86 har 

andelen vært jevnt under gjennomsnittet (45%) i siste halvdel av prislovens regimetid. Og de 

siste årene sank andelen til i praksis 2-3 saker i året. Etter den nye loven trådte i kraft har det 

vært henholdsvis 1, 0 og 1 inngrep. 

Bachke (1977) kommenterer utviklingen tom 1975, og forbauses av det han forstår som en 

stadig mer forståelsesfull holdning overfor forretningsnektelser. Dette baserer han på en 

overgang fra at flertallet av klager blir tatt til følge, til at mindre enn halvparten blir denne 

skjebne til del. Hans skjønn, om enn mer kvalifisert, er likefullt ikke mindre skjønnsmessig 

enn mitt skjønn. I ettertid synes det litt merkelig at nettopp dette skulle utgjøre en 

grenseverdi, i dag opererer vi jo med 10% inngrep! Sammenlignet med den utvikling han ikke 

kunne vite noe om, den som kom etterpå, er praksisen langt mer “forstående” i dag enn den 

han karakteriserer som “forståelsesfull”. Jeg har selv studert utviklingen og vært i tvil om det 

finner sted noen sig-nifikant endring overhodet. Dette bla a på bakgrunn av det lave antall 

saker. Men når Bachke mener det finner sted en dreining i mer aksepterende retning, på 

grunnlag av et materiale mye mindre preget av endring enn den etterfølgende utvikling, 

legger jeg til grunn at en slik endring har funnet sted. 

Hvordan kan man forklare endringen? Det er i hovedsak to forhold som peker seg ut til å 

forklare at nesten ingen saker ender med inngrep, og ikke har gjort det på 10 år: Innslaget av 

“bagatellsaker” og utviklingen av den bestemte markedsformen “monopolistisk konkurranse”. 

Men før vi kommer så langt, er jeg nødt til presentere kildematerialet. 

Det empiriske grunnlaget. 

Det jeg har gjort, er å gjennomgå et sakspapirene for et utvalg av sakene i to perioder. Fra 

årgangene 1991,1992 og 1993 (slutten av prisrådperioden) har jeg trukket ut en tredjedel av 

den samlede saksmengde, og tilsvarende fra årgangene 1995, 1996 og 1997. Til sammen har 

dette blitt 39 saker, der jeg har gjennomgått sakspapirene fra den formelle klage til vedtak 

eller avslutningsbrev foreligger fra myndighetenes side. I det gamle regime gjaldt en del 

andre regler som har betydning for hvordan man skal telle sakene. For det første var 

saksbehandlingen innrettet mot Prisrådet. Sekretariatet for Prisrådet var prisrådkontoret i 

Prisdirektoratet. Denne forskjellen innebærer at man i det gamle regime fikk “henlagte” og 

6 Kildene på antall inngrep er de samme som over, prosentueringene er foretatt av meg.


“trukne” saker, saker som aldri kom så langt som til Prisrådbehandling. Jeg har tatt med noen 

slike saker også. Etter innføringen av konkurranseloven forsvant ordningen med 

Prisrådsbehandling. Sakene behandles nå av saksbehandlere i den såkalte 

“markedsavdelingen” på Konkurransetilsynet, og avgjøres rent administrativt av ledelsen i 

markedsavdelingen sammen med ledelsen av Konkurransetilsynet. Dermed blir forskjellen 

mellom saker som ble behandlet av Prisrådet samt de som ble henlagt/trukket, og saker som 

får endelig vedtak i dag, ikke så stor. 

Av de gamle sakene var det 16 som ble behandlet av Prisrådet. Disse ble trukket tilfeldig etter 

saksnummer utfra de tre nevnte årgangene. De 16 sakene ble supplert med 7 saker som ikke 

“nådde fram” til Prisrådet, saker som ble trukket eller henlagt. At de ble henlagt innebærer på 

ingen måte at de ble uinteressante. Til sammen består det “gamle” materialet av 23 saker. Det 

nye materialet består av 16 saker. Disse er trukket ut på samme måte som i det gamle materialet, 

og utgjør tilsvarende omtrent en tredjedel av den samlede saksmengden i perioden. 

Materialet gir ingen mulighet til å forklare utviklingen i hele perioden. En forklaring på 

nedgangen måtte ta høyde for hvorvidt sakene var sammenlignbare gjennom hele perioden. 

Det er feks ikke sikkert, som det antydes over, at inngrepsandelen gjenspeiler en slags 

holdning til å gripe inn. Det kan like gjerne være uttrykk for at sakenes karakter har endret 

seg. Dessuten kan det være misvisende å bare fokusere på klager som fører til inngrep. Mange 

saker løser seg underveis i saksbehandlingen. Enkelte av de trukne saken fra Prisråd-tiden blir 

forlikt underveis. Det samme finner vi i dag, og det virker som en rimelig antagelse at 

innslaget av slike saker har vært jevnt helt siden 1954. 

Bagatellsakene. 

Det som etterhvert ble åpenbart, var at de fleste saker aldri ble formulert skriftlig, og aldri 

fikk noe saksnummer. De aller aller fleste henvendelser kommer pr telefon. Kontorsjefene, 

som tar seg av slike henvendelser, redegjør da rutinemessig for reglementet og antyder hva 

som skal til for å få medhold, tar i mot adresse og sender et eksemplar av retningslinjer for 

behandling av klager. Det viste seg at Konkurransetilsynet mottok 1-2 slike henvendelser 

hver dag! Det gir, hvis vi beregner 250 arbeidsdager i året, 350-400 hundre henvendelser 

årlig. Minst. 

Dette er tall som rimer bedre med en intuitiv forståelse av omfanget av forretningsnektelser 

og konflikter generelt i næringslivet. Av 400 er det 5% som ender med formell klage. Og av 

disse er det kanskje 10% igjen som får medhold. Jeg skal ikke antyde at ansatte i 

Konkurransetilsynet skremmer vekk klagerne, det er det ingenting som tyder på. Antageligvis 

tyder omfanget av frafall fra telefon til formell klage, at det er svært få saker som er 

leveringsnektelser av et slikt slag at det ville medført inngrep. En grunn til å tro noe slikt 

finner vi blant noen sakene som fikk saksnummer. Mange av disse bærer nemlig preg av at de 

ikke har hatt telefonisk kontakt med Konkurransetilsynet før klagen ble sendt (eller er sendt 

inn på tross av at saken åpenbart ikke ville få medhold). Dette er saker som ikke faller inn 

under noen av inngrepskriteriene, der heller ikke klager hevder at noen av disse gjør seg 

gjeldende, eller der dette fremgår som utvilsomt. Jeg har kalt denne type saker for 

“bagatellsaker”. 

Ved en gjennomgang av de 39 sakene fant jeg å kunne karakterisere 21 som bagatellmessige. 

Godt over halvparten av sakene totalt er enten klager fra forbrukere, klager på offentlige 

reguleringer, faller utenfor prislovens eller konkurranselovens kompetanseområde, bærer preg 

av kverulantisme fra klageren, er av personlig karakter, eller bærer preg av å handle om noe 

81


helt annet (som tilfeldigvis medfører forretningsnektelse, som mislighold av kontrakter). 

Mange av sakene hadde rett og slett ikke noe å gjøre i Prisrådet eller Konkurransetilsynet. 

Dette gjaldt særlig de “nye” sakene (12 av bagatellsakene er nye, mens 9 er fra det eldre 

materialet). 

En grunn til den lave andelen inngrep er rett og slett karakteren til de sakene som kommer 

inn. Mange av sakene Konkurransetilsynet behandler er således slike som kunne vært 

avskåret i telefonen, dersom klager hadde ringt før klage ble sendt, eller forstått rekkevidden 

av det som fremgår av retningslinjene de fikk tilsendt. (Det er typisk at “bagatellklagene” ikke 

føres av jurister men lekfolk.) Når Konkurransetilsynet får så mange som opptil 400 

henvendelser i året, er det bare rimelig at noen av disse passerer det filteret som telefonen 

muliggjør. 

På dette grunnlaget kunne man stille det omvendte spørsmål, om hvorfor så mange saker som 

15-20 ble behandlet av Konkurransetilsynet og Prisrådet, og hvorfor så mange som det gjorde 

medførte inngrep. Konkurransetilsynet og Prisrådet kan de seneste ti år betraktes som en 

oppsamlingspost for mindre fornøyde næringsdrivende, som i større eller mindre grad, og mer 

eller mindre tilfeldig er blitt utsatt for nektelse av forretningsforbindelse. 

Men fortsatt står 18 saker igjen definert som “genuine” forretningsnektelser. Det er tross alt 

nesten halvparten av sakene. Hvorfor er det heller ikke her særlig utbredt å foreta inngrep? 

Monopolistisk konkurranse. 

Svaret kan ligge i forekomsten av markedsformen “monopolistisk konkurranse”, men denne 

sammenhengen er basert på mer spekulative sammenhenger enn det foregående. Selve 

begrepet “monopolistisk konkurranse” kan høres ut som en selvmotsigelse, konkurranse og 

monopol blir i økonomien betraktet som ytterpunkter og motsatser i spekteret av 

markedsformer. Men navnet skjemmer visst ingen, og når man snakker om monopolistisk 

konkurranse siktes det oftest til det vi kan kalle “merkevarekonkurranse”. I denne formen for 

konkurranse om forbrukernes kjøpevillighet, er fokus flyttet fra pris til egenskaper ved varen 

og/eller bilder av egenskaper ved varen, selv om pris ikke blir helt eliminert som 

konkurranseparameter. I noen markeder er varene helt homogene, som økonomene sier. Dette 

er en av forutsetningene i “frikonkurransemodellen”. Mel og sukker består av de samme 

kjemiske sammensetningene uansett hvilket firma som produserer det. Det motsatte er 

heterogene markeder, hvor varene ikke direkte kan erstatte hverandre. Enten besitter de 

forskjellige kvaliteter, som feks møbler. Men her er det en glidende overgang til mer eller 

mindre fiktive forskjeller produkter i mellom. Mer og mer vanlig er det at varene fremstilles 

som mer differensierte enn de i virkeligheten er. Vi kjenner de mest påfallende eksemplene 

alle sammen, for dette er de som møter oss på TV-skjermen i reklamepausene, fra 

superboards og alle de rom som reklamen etterhvert har invadert, inkludert private 

telefonsamtaler. Biler, damebind, bensin, leskedrikk, sjokolade, klær, - eksemplene på 

merkefokusert konkurranse kunne mangfoldiggjøres. 

Den økte betydningen av denne markedsformen kan illustreres med veksten i 

reklamebransjen. Fra 1979 til 1992 økte bruttoproduksjonsverdien nesten fem ganger, fra 1,7 

til nesten 8 milliarder kroner, antallet bedrifter økte 1½ gang, fra 500 til 1300 (Historisk 

Statistikk 1994, tabell 21.6). Denne veksten henger både sammen med at antallet arenaer 

reklamen utspiller seg på har økt, slik at det å markedsføre en vare med reklame er blitt 

dyrere, og at reklame har blitt en viktigere del av konkurransen. Tallene skal derfor ikke 

82


brukes til å antyde at omfanget av monopolistisk konkurranse er firedoblet siden Bachke 

gjorde sin studie. Men at den har økt betydelig, synes opplagt. 

Det fremgår ikke av øvrige studier av leveringsnektelser i hvilken grad klager har rettet seg 

mot leverandører av merkevarer. Hverken Bachke (1977) eller Jensen (1991) tar opp dette 

spesielt. Det finnes således ikke noe sammenligningsgrunnlag for dagens situasjon. Men det 

er påfallende at i 14 av de 18 sakene som ikke er klassifisert som bagatellmessige, finner 

forretningsnektelsen sted i en markedsføringskanal preget av monopolistisk konkurranse.7 

Hvilken relevans har sammenhengen mellom manglende inngrep overfor forretningsnektelser 

og forekomsten av monopolistisk konkurranse? Vi så innledningsvis at Prisrådets og Konkurransetilsynets 

virksomhet måtte forstås i lys av lovenes formålsparagrafer, og at disse er nært 

knyttet til stimulering av konkurranse i næringslivet. Inngrepskriteriet “almene hensyn” er 

nært knyttet til dette, i tillegg til at Prisrådet (og Konkurransetilsynet?) har vært “særlig 

inngrepsvillige” overfor markeder der konkurransen har syntes svak. Men det finnes ingen 

tegn på at man har skilt mellom de forskjellige konkurranseformene “priskonkurranse” 

(frikonkurranse) og “merkevarekonkurranse” (monopolistisk konkurranse) i de sakene jeg har 

gjennomgått. Det er påfallende at et typisk merkevaremarked som klesbransjen blir 

kategorisert som i “virksom konkurranse”, mens empiriske studier av dette markedet (som 

Furseth 1994) konkluderer med at dette er en sannhet med omfattende modifikasjoner, det 

hevdes bla a at de dominerende kjedene ikke deltar i den lokale priskonkurransen (s 207). 

Til tross for konkurranseformenes forskjellige egenskaper, den ene retter seg mot pris og 

presser prisene ned, mens den andre først og fremst retter seg mot egenskapene til varen og 

fremstillingen av disse, ser det ut til at konstateringen av konkurranse uansett utløser motvilje 

mot å gripe inn. Når utviklingen i næringslivet går mot mer og mer produktdifferensiering 

(man sørger for at produktene i samme marked ikke ligner hverandre) og/eller mer og mer 

reklame (man sørger for at produktene i samme marked ikke ser ut som de ligner hverandre), 

er det klart at dette gjenspeiles i Pris/konkurransemyndighetenes virksomhet. Det blir stadig 

viktigere for videreforhandlere å forhandle det rette produktet, mens Prisrådet og 

Konkurransetilsynet opererer med et udifferensiert konkurransebegrep. 

Til slutt. 

Motstrebende har vi erkjent at det i Prisrådets virksomhet synes å finnes en gradvis dreining i 

retning vegring mot å gripe inn overfor forretningsnektelser i næringslivet. Det er påpekt to 

forhold som kan forklare dette. Andelen bagatellsaker kaster lys over den lave andelen 

inngrep i dag, mens utviklingen av konkurranseformer der produktenes mer eller mindre 

tilsynelatende forskjelligartethet kan gi forståelse også av nedgangen i inngrepstilbøyelighet. 

Vi skal ikke her ta stilling til om Konkurransetilsynets håndtering av monopolistisk 

konkurranse er av det gode eller onde. Vi nøyer oss med å antyde at utviklingen av 

næringslivet i retning av produktdifferensiering og reklamebasert konkurranse kan kaste lys 

over utviklingen av andelen inngrep i forretningsnektelser behandlet av Prisrådet og 

Konkurransetilsynet. Minst like viktig for denne forståelsen imidlertid omfanget av 

bagatellsaker, som igjen må forstås på bakgrunn av konkurransemyndighetenes saksfilter. 

Ikke alle bagatellsakene blir avverget i klagers første møte med Konkurransetilsynet, og 

tidligere Prisdirektoratet, og behandlingen av disse sakene utgjør en stor del av 

myndighetenes virksomhet på dette feltet. 

7 Basert på mitt skjønn. 

83


Litteratur 

Bachke, L.B: Nektelse av forretningsforbindelse. Universitetsforlaget, Oslo 1977. 

Gripsrud, Geir og Arne Nygaard: Markedsføringskanaler. Cappelen akademisk forlag, 1997. 

Furseth, Peder Inge: Konkurranse i detaljhandelen. Arbeidsrapport nr. 9-1994. Statens 

institutt for forbruksforskning, Lysaker, Norge. 

Historisk statistikk 1994, Statistisk sentralbyrå, Oslo. 

Jensen, Olav Harald: Urimelig og almenskadelig forretningsnektelse. Pristidende nr. 6-1991. 

Johansen, Nicolay B: Avtalt spill. Hovedfagsavhandling ved institutt for kriminologi, 

Universitetet i Oslo, 1996. 

Lagmannsrettens og herreds- og byrettens forretningsstatistikk m.v. for 1997: Udatert notat 

fra justisdepartementet. 

Næringslivets Konkurranseutvalg: Informasjonshefte, udatert. 

Pristidende nr. 6-1992 

Ukens Statistikk nr. 32-1997. Statistisk sentralbyrå, Oslo. 

84

Paul Larsson, Forsker, dr. polit 

Institutt for kriminologi, Universitetet i Oslo 

PB 6872 - St. Olavs Plass 

N-0130 Oslo 

e-mail: paul.larsson@jus.uio.no 


Kontroll av økonomisk kriminalitet innen det internasjonale 

verdipapirmarkedet 

Verdipapirmarkedet har de senere år vært rystet av flere store skandalesaker. Lovbruddene 

strekker seg fra det enkle til det komplekse; fra underslag (NOKA), dokumentfalsk, kursmanipulasjon 

(Sysdeco), megleres brudd på god forretningsskikk (NAT/ Platou) til innsidehandel. 

I forbindelse med disse sakene er det reist spørsmål om hvor kontrollen var når lovbruddene 

skjedde og hvorfor det ikke ble satt noen stopper for dem. 

Undersøkelsens siktemål, som avsluttes i år 2000, er å beskrive noen “cases” hvor kontrollen 

av ulovlige handlinger vektlegges. Det er det ytre, formaliserte kontrollapparatets funksjoner 

(Kredittilsynet [SEC], Børsen og ØKOKRIM) undersøkelsen retter seg mot. Utviklingen 

innen kontrollen er ikke entydig. På 1980 - tallet skjedde nasjonalt en sterk deregulering av 

finansnæringen (Larsson 1997a). Samtidig skjedde i mange vestlige land en formalisering av 

kontrollen innen verdipapirmarkedet (Moran 1984 og Clarke 1986). Etter økonomi- og 

bankkrise ved inngangen til 1990- tallet har det nasjonalt og internasjonalt skjedd en utviklingen 

av ulike kontrolltiltak rettet mot finansnæringen. 

Innsamling av data vil konsentrere seg om bruk av foreliggende materiale, supplert med 

intervjuer av sentrale aktører. Analysen vil fokusere på velkjente “cases”. Både norske og 

utenlandske saker vil beskrives slik at ulikheter i kontrollsystemer og kontrollkultur kan 

sammenlignes. 

Reguleringen av næringen er viktig av flere grunner. Verdipapirmarkedet har i dag en 

helt sentral plass innen økonomien. Dette marked er slik at kriminalitet og kriser ikke bare 

truer de nasjonale markeder, men den økonomiske orden på internasjonalt nivå. Det er flere 

offer for kriminaliteten innen næringen. Enkeltaksjonærer taper store pengesummer på 

underslag og bedrageri (eks. Noka-saken). “Markedet” eller “børsen” kan lett bli offer - de er 

avhengig av tillit, hvis tilliten svekkes vil omsetningen av verdipapirer lide under det (NOU 

1996: 2). 

Hensikten med undersøkelsen er å belyse sentrale spørsmål omkring reguleringen og 

kontrollen av verdipapirmarkedet. Eksempelvis: 

- Styrke og svakheter ved ulike former for kontroll. 

- Hvordan kan lovbrudd innen næringen bedre forebygges? 

- Er det realistisk at lovbrudd oppdages underveis, eller kun etter handlingen er begått? 

85


- Kontrollens kostnader og inntekter. Det vil si hvilke hinder skaper ulike kontrollformer i 

markedet, er det noe å tjene på økt regulering av verdipapirmarkedet eller er det utelukkende 

utgifter forbundet med kontrollen?1 

- Kan utviklingen innen kontrollen av dette markedet best beskrives som deregulering eller er 

det snakk om re- eller omregulering? En kan i enkelte næringer se at deler av reguleringen 

som setter rammer for driften fjernes, mens det ytre kontrollapparatet samtidig styrkes. 

Det vil være essensielt å besvare disse spørsmål for å belyse hvordan kriminalitet innen 

næringen bedre kan reguleres. 

Den strukturelle rammen. Utviklingen innen verdipapirmarkedet de seneste tiår 

Det har blitt spesielt viktig å kontrollere verdipapirmarkedet etter omsetningen innen 

markedet skjøt i været fra midten av 1980- tallet2. Før 1983 - 84 var kjøp og salg av aksjer og 

verdipapirer noe som gjaldt en snever elite. Det var på mange måter innsiderenes marked. 

Markedet fikk et nytt preg etter flere nye aktører kom inn (Clarke 1986). “Folk flest” ble 

oppfordret til å sette penger i ulike fonds og det ble vanlig at ulike “kasser” (pensjonskasser 

og lignende) handlet på Børsen. På denne måten ble markedet demokratisert. Dermed kom det 

inn eiere som hadde et langt mer indirekte forhold til bedriftene de investerte i. De var ikke 

direkte interessert i bedriften, men kun i utbyttet av papiret. Derved økte betydningen av 

tilliten til verdipapirmarkedet og meglerne. Dette medførte en bevegelse fra mer uformelle 

former for kontroll, selvkontroll og i retning av formalisering (Moran 1984). Det kom flere 

nye lover fra midten av 80- tallet eksempelvis Lov om verdipapirhandel og Lov om 

verdipapirsentralen 1985 og reguleringen av innsidehandel fra 1988. 

Mye av hva som skjedde i Norge har likhetstrekk med utviklingen i andre vestlige land. 

Den norske økonomi per 1997 er en del av den internasjonale økonomi. Kontrollen av 

omsetningen av verdipapirer i Norge kan derfor ikke studeres alene, den må settes i en 

internasjonal ramme og sammenlignes med utenlandske erfaringer. En ny hverdag i næringen 

medfører at gamle måter å kontrollere næringen foreldes og at nye presser seg frem. 

Metode / “cases” 

Tilgangen på data er alltid et problem når lukkede verdener skal studeres. Verdipapir- og 

finansmarkedet har mange ekskluderende trekk og var inntil nylig preget av å være 

innsidernes marked. Likevel finnes det metoder som kan benyttes, en mulighet er studier av 

foreliggende materiale omkring velpubliserte saker. 

“Ofte er det slik at kritisk journalistikk får sakene frem i lyset og fungerer som pådriver for 

kontrollmyndighetenes arbeide. Fra nyere tid i Norge er Hårek saken (Larsson 1997 a), 

1 Da VPS (lov om verdipapirsentralen) ble diskutert i stortinget kom det en rekke kritiske invendinger om 

kostnadene ved registreringen i forhold til de fordeler en vant med å innføre den. Man antok registreringen ville 

skape unødige hinder i verdipapirmarkedet og at det ville medføre stort ekstra-arbeide. Det viste seg at vinsten 

ved denne formen for kontroll overgikk kostnadene. 

2‘De senere år har vi hatt en eventyrlig utvikling når det gjelder omsetningen av aksjer og obligasjoner. I mange 

år lå meglernes totalomsetning av aksjer på noen hundre millioner i året, men de siste par årene har omsetningen 

rett og slett eksplodert. I 1983 var omsetningen på 7 milliarder kr, og i tillegg ble det foretatt kapitalutvidelser i 

børsnoterte selskaper for 2.7 milliarder kr. I 1984 ble denne fantastiske omsetningsrekorden slått ganske 

ettertrykkelig, og omsetningen ble økt til nesten 20 milliarder kr, og kapitalutvidelsen passerte 6,5 milliarder kr.' 

(Debatt Odelstinget Em. 30 mai - Lov om verdipapirsentral s. 992, 1985). Disse tall er ‘peanuts’ mot dagens 

omsetning av verdipapirer. Omsetningen av aksjer og grundfondsbevis på Oslo Børs passerte i 1993 terskelen på 

120 milliarder (NOU 1996: 2) 

86


NAT /Platou (februar / mars 97) og Noka Securities (mai 97) sakene talende eksempler. 

Særlig Dagens Næringsliv har satt kritisk søkelys på tvilsomheter innen næringslivet som 

har vist seg å være store og alvorlige kompleks. De metodiske problemer med å bruke 

media er mange, men det som ofte har skjedd i de store skandalene er at andre, 

kontrollmyndigheter og gransknings grupper, også har gått inn i sakene. Det virvles derfor 

ofte opp et svært stort og sammensatt materiale opp som står til forskerens disposisjon.” 

(Larsson 1997b) 

Medias viktigste funksjon i slike saker er som pådriver for det formelle kontrollapparat. Det 

bør understrekes at mediadekningen ikke er hovedkilde, det er dokumentasjonen kontrollapparatet 

produserer som er av størst betydning. Det kan være dommer, sakspapirer, ulike 

rapporter, innberetninger eller faglitteratur. Disse kilder vil suppleres med samtaler med 

ansatte i ØKOKRIM, Kredittilsynet og børsen samt “spillere” på markedet. 

Noen saker som kan være egnet å studere i detalj er: 

- NAT (Norwgian Applied Technology) / Platou saken. Denne saken avdekket at 

fonsdmeglere ikke bare i Platou, men også andre firma forsynte seg kraftig av aksjer som 

deres kunder skulle hatt. Disse aksjene ble betegnet som underpriset slik at fondsmeglerne 

gjorde nærmest “idiotsikre” investeringer. Firmaet R.S. Platou valgte å innstille sin 

virksomhet etter Kredittilsynet inndro deres konsesjon. Kredittilsynets rapport om forholdene 

i meglerhuset understreket en rekke kritikkverdige forhold (DN 22/3 - 1997). 

- Noka securities /Almgren saken. Hovedforholdet i Noka kollapsen var at adm. dir. Almgren 

i Noka Securities investerte i Ericsson aksjer med kundenes midler for å dekke over eget tap 

på 23 millioner i svenske statsobligasjoner. Han spekulerte på at Ericsson aksjene skulle 

synke i verdi (shortsalg). Det gjorde de ikke, de steg. Almgren “spilte” bort kundenes penger 

og “pyntet” på regnskapene slik at tapene ikke kom frem (dokumentforfalskning). Almgren 

ble høsten 1997 dømt til flere års fengselsstraff for disse forhold. Totalt ble det avdekket et 

tap på over 150 millioners, flere tapte millionbeløp på Noka. 

- Peter Young / Morgan Grenfell saken. Dette komplekset er kanskje spesielt interessant fordi 

Young blant annet spekulerte i norske verdipairer og brøt flere børsregler i den forbindelse 

(som eksempelvis flaggingsplikt, det vil si rapportering om kjøp til børsen). Young var ansett 

å være en av de absolutt beste spekulantene før han “mistet taket”. Etterhvert kom han til å 

sette store summer i risikofylte investeringer. 

- Baringsbank / Leeson saken. Baringsskandalen er et eksempel på svikt i både bankens 

intern- og eksternkontroll (Larsson 1998). Ingen grep inn før den unge Nick Leeson hadde 

“spilt” bort ærverdige Barings banks (som ble grunnlagt på begynnelsen av 1700 tallet) 

reserver på børsen i Singapore i januar 1995. 

Fra selvregulering til formalisert ytre kontroll? 

Store deler av verdipapir- og finansmarkedet har inntil nylig i stor grad vært selvregulert. 

Selvregulering kan enten utføres av den enkelte bedrift eller av bransjeorganisasjoner (som 

Norges Fondsmeglerforbund). Selvregulering kan defineres på denne måten: 

“Self-regulation is defined broadly to include social control against corporate crime 

engaged in by both individual corporations and trade associations. It includes private 

enforcement of the law and private enforcement of corporate policies designed to prevent 

87


corporate offences (such as accounting policies designed to prevent slush funds and bribes).” 

(Braithwaite og Fisse, 1987 s. 222) 

Denne type kontroll fungerer best i lukkede homogene kulturer hvor aktørene er av ens 

oppfatning når det gjelder etiske spilleregler og hvor trusselen for overtramp er utstøtelse 

(Clarke 1986). 

Børsen er en selvregulerende organisasjon3. Børsen skal føre tilsyn med at børsreglene 

overholdes (børslov § 1-5, se NOU 1996:2 s. 189). Det gjelder eksempelvis regler om 

verdisensitive opplysninger, et tilfelle var Sysdeco som ikke ga riktige opplysninger og 

dermed bidro til å skape en feilprising av aksjene. Det gjelder også regler om hvem som kan 

handle med papirer, kravet om at kunden skal være valuttainlending var et spørsmål i Peter 

Young saken hvor det ble handlet norske verdipapirer. Det kan også være spørsmål om brudd 

på meglernes egne retningslinjer. De skal ideelt sett være en “uinteressert mellommann” ikke 

drive egen butikk, noe som ikke var tilfelle i NAT saken. Dette forholdet kan også oppfattes 

som brudd på den noe runde betegnelsen god forretningsskikk (vphl §5). Børsen skal melde 

fra til Kredittilsynet dersom “børsen har grunn til å anta at det er handlet i strid med 

bestemmelsene i vphl.” 

I den senere tid har Børsen måttet tåle kritikk på grunn av håndteringen av flere saker. 

Dagens Næringsliv (3/3 - 97) kom med påstander om at børsen ikke lenger var troverdig som 

kontrollør. Det var for få ansatte, 6 personer, som hadde mangelfull informasjon til å kunne 

utføre sine oppgaver. Kontrollen burde derfor flyttes til Kredittilsynet ble det hevdet. 

“Kontrollstaben på børsen kan like gjerne flyttes til Kredittilsynet, som i alle tilfelle har mer 

troverdighet i sitt embete enn Oslo Børs.” (DN 3/3 - 97). 

Det er flere organer som kontrollerer ulike sider av verdipapirhandelen. Børsen og 

Kredittilsynet skal samarbeide i større saker, mens ØKOKRIM tar seg av de saker hvor det er 

snakk om å reise tiltale. Kredittilsynet utfører vanligvis stedlig tilsynsvirksomhet. Deres 

hovedmandat er etterhvert utvidet fra å konsentrere seg om soliditeten til bedrifter innen 

finanssektorens til å se til at de “virker på en hensiktsmessig og betryggende måte.” Det er en 

rekke handlinger som rammes av denne utvidede definisjon blant annet innsidehandel og 

aktivitet som truer tilliten til verdipapirmarkedet. Kredittilsynet har langt større muligheter 

etterforske større sakskomplekser enn børsen. Både Børsen og Kreittilsynet benytter først og 

fremst råd og advarsler når overtramp oppdages. Disse kontrollorganer spiller på lag med og 

har i stor grad sammenfallende interesser med de kontrollerte. Kontrollører og kontrollerte har 

ofte samme faglige og yrkesmessige bakgrunn (Løyning 1995) noe som stort sett oppfattes 

som en fordel, men som også kan være problematisk. Fordelen er at de vet hvordan det tenkes 

og gjøres i finansverdenen, mens det kan være uheldig at de skal kontrollere “gamle 

kjenninger”. 

Referanser: 

Braithwaite, John og Brent Fisse: “Self-Regulation and Corporate Crime”. In: Shearing og 

stenning (eds): Private Policing, Sage, 1987. 

Clarke, Michael: Regulating the City. Competition, Scandal and Reform. Open University 

Press, 1986. 

Johansen, Per Ole: “Meglernes tillitsbrudd og den uærlige lege”. I: Studier i økonomisk 

kriminalitet. Johansen (red). KS-serien, 1991. 

3 Johansen (1991) beskriver Chicagobørsens problemer med selvregulering av meglernes aktiviteter innen 

futures markedet. 

88


Larsson, Paul: “Skattepakker til folket. Banksertifikatkomplekset 1985 - 1995”. Forskning 

om økonomisk kriminalitet, Rapport nr. 42, Norges forskningsråd 1997a. 

Larsson, Paul: “Metodiske kvaler ved studiet av økonomisk kriminalitet”. I: Rapport fra 

NSfKs 18. kontaktseminar og 39. Forskerseminar. Hirtshalls, Danmark1997b. 

Larsson, Paul: I lovens grenseland. Banksertifikatordningen 1985 - 95. Dr. avhandling, 

institutt for kriminologi, 1998 (kommer på forlaget Pax i 1999). 

Løyning, Trond: “Makt og Penger. En analyse av relasjonene mellom Kredittilsynet og 

banker i perioden 1986 - 1994”. I: Det nye pengesamfunnet. Rapport nr. 82, Norges 

forskningsråd, 1996. 

Moran, Michael: The Politics of Banking. The Strange Case of Competition and Credit 

Control, Macmillan Press, 1984. 

NOU 1996: 2: Verdipapirhandel 

Ot. debatt, 30/5: Lov om VPS, 1985. 

Punch, Maurice: Dirty Business. Sage, 1996. 

89


Anne Kaarina Alvesalo, LL. M, Lic. Iur. 

Police College 

Post Box 13, 02151 Espoo, Finland 

e-mail: anne.alvesalo@krp.poliisi.mailnet.fi 

“They are not honest criminals“ 

-the construction of legal practices around the policing, litigation 

and counterlitigation surrounding white collar crime and 

entrepreneurship in contemporary Finland. 

working paper 

Abstract: 

There is (once again) a boom in the control of white collar crime in Finland and much has 

happened in this field throughout the 1990´s.New laws have been passed, not only 

criminalizing laws, but laws that have as their aimpoint to make the control economic crime 

more effective. Positions for public prosecutors specialized in the field of white collar crime 

have been established. 

The whole organization of investigation of white collar crime has been reformed and new 

posts have been established. The police and tax-authorities have developed new ways to 

control white collar crime. Extensive crimes have been revealed. Also they have as one of 

their aimpoint to access the damages caused by white collar crime. The tax authorities 

arranged a massive advertising campaing against the hidden economy. 

All this has resulted e.g. in that the representatives and unions of enterpreneurs have reacted 

strongly: they are describing these control policies with words like “police-state“, “murder of 

justice“ “percecution“ etc. A new phenomena has aroused. The people who are prosecuted 

of white collar crime`s are constantly lodging complaints or pressing charges against the 

police and litigating for damages caused by allegedly false accusations. 

The interesting matter in this phenomena of policing, litigation and counterlitigation is that 

the police claim that the accused are litigating and lodging complaints only in order to 

prolong the process and to take the attention away of the crime. The enterpreneurs claim that 

there are political reasons for the police to control them, and that the measures used in this 

persecution are exaggerated and illegal. The aimpoint of the presentation is to try to 

understand at how and why these new control practices are constructed from different points 

of view, and try to connect this more generally with the phenomenon of white collar crime. 

1. Introduction 

There are two aimpoints of my presentation. Firstly, I want to give an insight to the present 

boom of the control of white collar crime in Finland, and to the relatively new phenomena of 

lodging complaints and counterlitigating in cases of white collar crime; Secondly, I will try to 

analyze how these new control practices and reactions against them are constructed from 

different points of view, and try to connect this more generally with the phenomenon of white 

90

collar crime.1 


As everyone knows, white collar crime has been relatively neglected in the study of crime and 

deviance. The main focus of study - as well as that of control policy - has been on traditional 

street-crime.This is the case in Finland as well. Every now and then, however, it becomes 

fashionable to talk about white collar crime as a public problem2. In Finland there was a 

phase of concern in the beginning of the eighties when several big cases on white collar came 

to daylight and a boom of prosecuting white collar criminals emerged. A lot of the charges 

were dismissed, because of the complicated nature of the cases, and because of the 

inexperience of police and procecutors. In 1983 our President Koivisto gave critisized the 

public procecutors for procecuting too easily in cases of white collar crime. After that, the 

thereshold to prosecute white collar criminals became higher. All in all, the debate concerning 

stricter control faded away towards the end of the eighties. 

After the long period of economic growth and excessive consumption in the 1980´s, a period 

of depression began in Finland in the beginning of the nineties. The development of the GNP 

began to decline and unemployment began to increase. There was a rapid increase in the 

number of bankruptcy petitions.3 In 1992 there was the so-called 'Black Thursday', when 

several banks published simultaneously their unprofitable part-year reports and several big 

companies became bankrupt. During the depression, several illegal acts committed by bank 

directors, politicians and businessmen were revealed, and simultaneously excessive govermental 

monetary support was granted to banks, which have in the last few years experienced 

considerable problems partly because of the losses caused by dishonest businessmen and bank 

executives. 

The decision makers' attention was once again to economic crime and one of the key profit 

areas within the profit plan of the police in 1993-96 was to prevent economic crime. In order 

to achieve the objectives set in the plan, a project was launched in the chief management of 

the police, to draw up a concrete strategy on the measures required by the effective prevention 

of economic crime. 

In 1993 a research was funded by the ministery of interiors on the economic damages caused 

by white collar crime. Prior to this researchproject, there was no comprehensive statistics 

available of economic crime as we defined it in this research (committed in an organizational 

framework).4 

The main task was to assess the extent of the economic/white collar crime crime and the 

amount of losses of the cases that were sentenced. Also the problems of investigation of the 

police were mapped. 

1 At this point I have not had the possibility to systematically gather extensive data on the exact amounts of 

complaints or lawsuits against the police. A preliminary questionnare concerning the experiences of the police in 

this matter was performed to all investigators dealing with white collar crime. In addition I have discussed the 

matter with numerous investigators. A case study was completed on compaints made against one person in 

charge of inquiries, as it was seen as an interesting ‘exaggerated stereotype’ of the phenomenon. 

2 On the processes of defining public problems, see e.g. Gusfield: ‘The Culture of public problems’ (1981). 

3 The increase of banctrupsy petitions began several years earlier at the same time when the financial markets 

were liberalized (deregulated). Matti Viren, Velkakierre No. 13,1995. p.33. 

4 Laitinen-Alvesalo: Talouden Varjopuoli (The dark side of economy), (1994). 

91


The main result of the research was that only 10 % of the damages that are known to the 

police/procecutor are adjudged. Furthermore only 5 % of the adjudged damages are received 

back from the offenders by the state or other victims. 5 The puhishments in white collar crime 

were very lenient. Also an estimation was presented on the total amount of damages, that is, 

the damages caused by the hidden white collar crime.This research had a lot of publicity, and 

it aroused controversial reactions. All in all, it had its role in strengthening the present “war 

against white collar crime“. 

2. The present crusade against white collar crime 

In the field of white collar crime much has happened throughout the 1990´s: The present 

goverment has in its programme “to fight white collar crime and the black economy“ and 

they have made a special programme6 to do so, and are politically bound to the promises of 

the programme. The parlament granted 100 million finnish marks to the programme. It has 

been emphasized that the money invested in control will be multiplied as the damages caused 

by this type of crime will be seized. 

Indeed, in the field of controlling white collar crime a lot has happened throughout the 1990´s 

in Finland in several branches.7 New laws have been passed, not only criminalizing laws, but 

laws that have as their aimpoint to make the control economic crime more effective, e.g. the 

law regulating banctrupcies, register of companies, debt recovery procedure, concealment 

regulation between authorities and bank secrecy. There are new positions for public prosecutors 

specialized in the field of white collar crime. A special new office has been established 

i.e. the banktrupcy ombudsman whose duty is to supervise banctrupcies. 

The whole organization of investigation of white collar crime has been reformed and the 

amount of investigators has multiplied during the past few years. Policemen have special 

courses on how to investigate white collar crime and ad hoc organs for co-operation between 

different authorities have been established. The police management has also constructed their 

own definition for white collar crime, which has been informed to all policemen who are 

involved in investigating them. The policemen are obligated to register all cases that fulfill 

the definition in a special page in the reports of offence. The aimpoint is to attain 

comprehensive statistics on white collar crime, and to have up to date information on the 

amount of property that has been seized by different police districts. 

The police and tax-authorities have developed new ways to control white collar crime. The 

key elements of the new control policy are to are attain damages and to control white collar 

5 Virta, Erja - Laitinen, Ahti, 1996. 

6 Valtioneuvoston periaatepäätös 1.2.1996 (The Goverments Desicion of priciple 1.2. 1996) 

7 Ministery of justice: New laws have been passed e.g. the law regulating banctrupcies, register of companies, 

debt recovery procedure, concealment regulation between authorities and bank secrecy. Public prosecutors 

offices specialized (12 ) in the field of white collar crime have been established and there is special training for 

all procecutors. A special new office has been established : the bantrupcy -ombudsman whose office´s duty is to 

supervise banctrupcies and who performs special investigations in banctrup´s estates. The Police: 20 new 

investigation units and new posts have been established (now 406 investigators). Policemen are trained to 

investigate white collar crime and special organs for co-operation between officials have been established. One 

of their aimpoints is to access the damages caused by white collar crime. The tax authorities financed a massive 

advertising campaing against the black-economy. They have developed a computerprogramme with which they 

try to reveal “suspicious enterprises“. Ministery of trade and industry: New laws are under construction on state 

subsidies, and the control of them has been made more strict. 

92


crime - not years after they have occured - but as they are happening. This has meant that the 

whole culture of investigation has changed in cases of white collar crime. The new 

requirements have resulted in that the police are much more active in their controlmechanisms. 

Instead of inviting the suspected white collar criminal politely to come to 

answer some questions, the police arrest them for interrogation. They are using more coercive 

means (e.g. house search, seizure of property), they are using intelligence to reveal crimes. 

The co-operation of officials has become quite routinized and effective. In addition the police 

the tax- and some other authorities arranged a massive advertising campaing against the black 

economy. 

At the same time, some high officials have been aquitted from white collar crime. One of the 

most scandalous event was that the husband of a member of the supreme court was dismissed 

from accustations of tax evation on the basis of the “small amount of the evaded tax“. This 

has caused another kind of image of control: citizens are claiming that the criminal justice 

systems favours those in high places and the whole integrity of the supreme court has also 

been questioned. Furthermore, an ex-ministers (“Uffe“) compensations for civil damages 

related to the bank crisis were adjusted drastically by the present minister of Finance, and the 

damages were considered tax-deductible. When this became public knowledge, the Minister 

of Finance gave her resignation. These scandals have had their role in preassuring the police 

to get better results in the investigation of white collar crime.8 

All in all, white collar criminals have been forced to face similar kind of intensity of reactions 

of the control system as “traditional“ criminals have done for ages. 

3. Images of control - Images of reactions towards it 

Along with the new and intensified control mechanisms of white collar crime, another 

relatively new phenomena in the finnish legal culture has aroused. The people who are 

suspected of white collar crimes are constantly lodging complaints or pressing charges against 

the police claiming e.g. that there are grounds for disqualication or that there are procedural 

faults in the preliminary investigation. They have expressed that they do not trust the police. 

On the other hand, the police claim that in many cases the reason for the defendants´ reactions 

is that they are trying to prolong the process, and are trying to take the attention away from 

the real matter. It is quite interesting how how these legal practices are constructed from 

different points of view. 

3.1. Business world and enterpreneurs 

The representatives and associations of enterpreneurs have reacted strongly: they are 

describing the new control policies with words like “police-state“, “miscarriage of justice“ 

“political percecution“, “unneccecary shaming“ etc. E.g. the enterpeneurs association 

announced heavily in the mass media that based on their research on the actions of tax 

authorities, they have come to the conclusion that most of the audits had been arbitary, 

included several kinds of illegalities, and caused unneccecary banctrupcies. An investigative 

journalist questioned these results, and looked into the actions of tax authorities. According to 

his investigation, the images given by the enterpreneurs association have not described 

rightfully the present reality of control, and uses words like “enterpreneurs delusion“ and 

“enterpreneurs media game“. According to him, the tax authorities have “stepped on some big 

8 Immedityly after the “Uffe“ scandal, a special group of ministers was established to think on measures against 

white collar crime. They gathered 50 suggestions from the field to change laws and to make control more 

effective. 

93


toes“, and as a result there has been systematic attempts to make the tax authorities seem as 

“bad“.9 In fact an audit was made by the state´s audit unit into the actions of tax authorities 

(Control of control!). The result of the inspection was that the entrepreneurs claims were 

wrong. 

If a person feels that she has experienced that she has been treated in an unjust manner by the 

police there are three possible methods of reaction. One can press criminal charges, one can 

sue for civil damages or lodge a compaint.10 The general notion11 of police who are dealing 

with white collar crime is that the use of all posible legal mechanisms has increased in the 

past few years, and in particular they are used much more by white collar criminals the 

traditional criminals. 

In the case study I conducted, the accused was charged of offences agains banktrupcy law: via 

complicated arrangements he had made 1,5 million marks dissapear. He undertook legal 

actions against 20 people that were somehow connected to the case. He lodged complaints, 

pressed criminal charges and sued for civil damages. He claimed that the person in charge of 

the investigation had harrased him, caused unnneccecary suffering, comitted slander, denied 

him legal aid, kept him in detention too long. He had similar complaints agains the investigators 

in the case and the prisonguards. He also claimed that the tax auditor had acted illegally. 

Furthermore, he claimed that the two administrators of his estate and their lawyers had given 

false statements. In his opinion even the bank manager who demanded that his business 

should be adjudicated in banktrupcy had made himself guilty of something. The general 

attitude of the defendant is quite clearly, that he was extremely angry that his actions were 

questionned in any manner, and that he had been subjected to being treated as some kind of 

“criminal“. 

“It is clear that the police see that going bancrupt is a crime in itself...I have done 

nothing criminal and the police are desperatly trying to find something illegal in my actions“ 

The more public figures often see that they are selected and subjected to control measures 

only because of who they are and that otherwise no attention would have been paid to similar 

actions. An ex-minister who was suspected of participating in land flips (the value of an estate 

rose from 12,5 million to 18 million in one day!) said: 

“I was a normal customer of the bank and the only reason my actions are condemnd 

is because of my name. What I did was only rearranging my financial matters, and I didn´t 

know anything about the internal problems of the bank...and the prices of estates change so 

rapidly.“12 

3.2. Police 

9 Helsingin Sanomat 23.2.1997. p.D2. 

10 Lodging a complaint is a pecualiarity in the Finnish legal system. There is no due form to draft it, there are no 

time limits and one can complain of any actions of any state authority. The supervising authority must always 

look into it and give a statement. The highest official of these compaints is the parlaments legal ombudsman, who 

has the power to give (punitive) admonitions. Originally the complaint was designed to secure the legal rights of 

uneducated people. 

11 According to the questionnare I made, 80 % of white collar crime investigators knew cases where such 

mechanisms had been used. 

12 Kauppalehti 24.9.97. 

94


The controller´s viewpoint is quite different from that of the enterpreneurs. The whole 

perception of white collar offenders differs radically from that of the traditional offender. 

“You can not trust these white collar criminals, they are not “honest criminals“ like 

the traditional ones, who played by the rules and understood that it is in the nature of matters 

that policemen were supposed to chase criminals; that was not called persecution“. 13 

The way the police look at the new control mechanisms is basically that there is nothing new 

in them with respect to crime control in general: 

“White collar or street crime, all in all they are crimes that we are supposed to 

investigate...why should we go easier with the white collar criminal?“ and “They (white 

collar criminals) just cannot perceive that they get subjected to the treatment criminals are 

supposed to...“14 

The rhetorics used by the police show that the police in its turn is not used to the constant 

questioning of its actions. Surely, the police has always been subjected to complaints and 

litigation, but the measures used by white collar criminals are different and the according to 

the police, the legal grounds are new and more innovative and they are done for different 

reasons than traditionally: 

“They use all possible legal means against all possible parties in order to prolong the 

process....one cannot breathe during the investigation of white collar crimes before one has 

answered to numerous complaints that the accused and his legal adviser fabricate“15 , 

and 

“... the only point of the complaints is to make the investigation more difficult...and to 

take away the attention away from the real matter, the crime that has been commited“ 16 

Also the police see that the basic nature of the reactions against control measures is reflecting 

the general skewed mentality of the white collar criminal: 

“Using all those legal measures involves the same logic as illegal business...it´s 

playing games with the law...twisting and bending it, and using it to get what one wants“.17 

The fact that quite many policemen refused to answer my question on their knowledge of 

cases where the accused had taken legal measures against the police gave the impression of 

sensitiveness in this matter: 

and 

“Yes, I know, but I dont´t want to talk about them.“ 

“Lets let the parties involved tell about them...“18 

13 Comment of a white collar crime investigator (interview). 


15 Comment of a white collar crime investigator in the questionnaire. 

16 Comment of several white collar crime investigators in the questionnaire 


95


There is a notion as well, that some investigators have become almost intimitated and more 

careful in e.g. using coercive measures in their investigation: 

“Some investigators use all their energy in building the case so that they can be sure 

that they can not be claimed to have done anything wrong....the majority of their time goes - 

not into investigating the crime - but into constructing a buffer against complaints“19 

4. Concluding remarks and questions 

Is the effective control of white collar crime only a political makeshift? Nils Christie has 

analysed “the suitable enemy“, by which he means unwanted conditions that are seen as 

suitable to be raised as “social problems“. According to Christie drugs are a perfect enemy. 

The enemy needs to be hated by the population. It ought to be seen as dangerous, often 

inhuman. Good enemies are those that never die. He claimes that economic crime, is “perfect, 

indispensible, AND completely useless if taken seriously.“ Because the good enemy must be 

relatievly small, it must be without great political power. He questiones the possibility of law 

and order campaings against white collar criminals: “Can we imagine the same rules of the 

game than e.g. in drugs: (Provocation, infiltration the police pretending to be businessmen, 

bugging of telephones, payment to informers, the complete stripping by customs officers of 

business executives, and intimate body searches)?”.20 

Is the control of white collar crime, and the consideration of it as a “problem“ permanent, or 

is it, once again, an acute political need that has aroused the intesnified control. According to 

Christie white collar crime is indispensible particularly to goverments slightly to the left. 

“But this enemy is a good one only when kept at a distance and on an abstract level. Clearly 

exposed, it might become dangerous.“21 It has been claimed that in the end of the day, there 

will always be more political interest is more likely to be exerted in blocking or derailing 

white collar crime investigations, and that police can operate effectively only to the extent 

that they are free from political influence.22 Is in fact control the control of white collar crime 

more effective than the control of it ? 

Christie´s analysis is quite relevant if one looks at the abovementioned trends in Finland: the 

elites representative´s reactions can be seen as efforts to water down their control. It is 

interesting how Sykes´ and Matza´s techniques of neutralazation can be found in the reactions 

of of white collar criminals. As Matza stated: “The criminal law, more so than any 

comparable system of norms, acknowledges and states the principled grounds under which an 

actor may claim exemption. The law contains seeds of its own neutralization“.23 Denial of 

responsibility, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners and 

appeal to higher loyalities are all beautifully present in the abovementioned rhetorics of white 

collar criminals. 

It has been suggested that in fact techniques of rationalization and neutralization can be used 

to explain white collar criminality, how they become lawbreakers. An Important part in the 

18 Comments of several white collar crime investigators in the questionnaire 

19 Comment of a white collar crime investigator (interview) 25.11.97. There is an interesting analogy here to 

journalists who have been subjected to several law suits (white collar criminals´); they too have become careful 

when writing about them. 

20 Amusingly enough, one key area of Finnish policing in 1998 is drugs. 

21 Christie in van Swaaningen: Abolitionism (1986), p. 42-54 

22 Friedrichs 1996, 272. 

23 Matza (1964), p. 61. 

96


aswer is that white collar criminals adopt a vocabulary of motives: excuses, justifications, 

disclaimers and denials.24 

Foucault´s analysis on the establishment of a useful group called delinquents is pertinent here 

as well. He distuingishes illegalities and delinquency, where he claims the strategic 

opposition to exist (although the juridicial opposition is between legalities and illegalities). 

The fact remains that many types of harmful business behaviour have succeeded in avoiding 

being subject to any criminal sanctions at all.25 According to Foucault, delinquents will 

remain at the borderland of society, they are forced to be satisfied with weak conditions of 

life, becuse they are cut off from the population that could help them; they are categorized 

inevitably as a part of localized criminality, which isn´t atrractive; which is politically not 

dangerous and economically harmless.26 

One the other hand one must also ask, is this agressive way of reacting to (white collar) crime 

desirable? Aren´t the mechanisms of the the criminal justice systems as a whole legitimated 

through this “war against white collar criminals“. Henry and Milovanovic have suggested that 

conventional crime control efforts fuel the engine of crime. Control interventions take 

criminal activity to new levels on investment and self enclosed innovation. Public horror and 

outrage call for more investment in control measures that further feed the cyckle. They claim 

that crime is autopoetic in that it is self-sustaining through its absorption of others reactions to 

it.27 

The suitability of the criminal justice system itself in its task has surely been questioned 

among criminologists (abolitionism, peacemaking criminology), but this has been done 

mostly in relation to street crime. In fact, with respect to white collar crime, the controllers 

and even the critical criminologists have stood at the same side! The Finnish criminal justice 

system is now embracing also other than the marginalized: in its net are caught also the elite´s 

representatives who have expressed that the criminal justice system is unfair. Will this lead 

into that new mechanisms outside the criminal justice system are demanded and developed? If 

so, will those alternative mechanisms be implemented only in the illegalities of the elite? 

Why is it useful too look at the control system of white collar crime and reactions against it? 

White collar crime has questioned the traditional concept of crime. It reminds us constantly of 

the artificiality of all definions of crime28, and maybe even makes us question the 

onthological reality of crime on the whole.29 The control mechanisms of white collar crime 

are different then those of ordinary crime, and so are the reactions against control. The control 

of these offences is often said of being hampered of competing values and social costs which 

do not arise in repressing ordinary crime.30 

Research on white collar crime should not, however, lead to reaffirm the existing realities of 

the criminal justice system. What Henry and Milovanovic suggest in their proposal for a 

Constitutive Criminology is the development of alternative replacement discourses, which are 

directed toward the dual process of deconstructing prevailing structures of meanings and 

24 Friedrics 1996, (among others), 230. 

25 Nelken in Maguire et al: Oxford Handbook of Criminology (1994), p. 366. 

26 Foucault: Dicipline and Punish, (1980), p. 315. 

27 See Henry and Milovanovic: Constitutive Criminology,(1996), pp. 214-241. 

28 See Nelken (1994), p. 366. 

29 This is what the aboilitionists claim: there is no onthological reality of crime. 

30 See Nelken (1994), p. 360. 

97


displacing them with new meanings, words.This is in fact what Sutherland did when he 

introduced his ground-breaking definition of white collar crime, which has reorientated much 

investigation in the notion of crime.31 Looking into the control mechanisms, and reactions to 

control and how they are constructed from different points of view gives interesting insights 

into the analysis of the criminal justice system as a whole. 

References: 

Christie, Nils: ‘Suitable Enemies’. In: van Swaaningen, Rene (ed.): Abolitionism. Amsterdam 

1986. 

Foucault, Michel: Discipline and Punish. New York 1980. 

Friedrichs, David. O: Trusted Criminals. Belmont, Albany etc. 1996. 

Henry, Stuart and Dragan Milovanovic: Constitutive Criminology. London etc. 1996. 

Laitinen, Ahti and Anne Alvesalo: Talouden varjopuoli. Sisäasiainministeriö. Poliisin 

oppikirjasarja 3/94. Helsinki 1994. 

Matza, David: Delinquency and drift. New York 1964. 

Nelken, David: ‘White Collar crime’. In: Maguire et al.: Oxford handbook of Criminology. 

Oxford 1994. pp. 355-92. 

Sykes, Gresham M. and David Matza: “Techniques of Neutralization: A theory of 

Delinquency”. In: American Sociological Review, 22 - 1957. 

Taloudellisen rikollisuuuden selvittelytyöryhmän mietintö. Oikeusministeriön 

lainvalmisteluosaston julkaisu 6/1983. Helsinki 1983. 

Talousrikollisuuden ja harmaan talouden torjunta Suomessa. Talousrikostorjunnan 

vuosiraportti 1996. Sisäasiainministeriö. Poliisiosaston julkaisusarja. Helsinki 1997. 

Valtioneuvoston periaatepäätös talousrikollisuuden ja harmaan talouden torjuntaohjelmaksi 

1.2. 1996. 

Viren, Matti: ‘Pahin konkurssiaalto ohitettu - onko silti paluuta normaalitasolle?’. 

Velkakierre, 

No. 13 - 1995, pp. 32-41. 

Virta, Erja and Ahti Laitinen: Talousrikostuomioihin liittyvä perintä. Sisäasiainministeriö. 

Poliisiosaston julkaisu 4/1996, Helsinki. 

31 Sutherland (1940), See Henry and Milovanovic (1996), p. 106. 

98

Erik Terp Jensen, Politiassessor 

Politimesteren i Grønland 

Boks 1006, 3900 Nuuk, Grønland 


Den seneste kriminalitetsudvikling i Grønland 

Generelt om politimesterembedet i Grønland 

Grønland er en selvstændig politikreds i rigsfællesskabet. Den er, som de øvrige 55 kredse i 

Danmark, underlagt Rigspolitichefen og Justitsministeriet. Kredsen er opdelt i 18 distrikter 

med hver sin politistation. Ved udgangen af 1997 bestod politistyrken af i alt 112 polititjenestmænd, 

hvoraf 22 var udsendte. 

Politimesteren har sit embede i Nuuk. Han er ansvarlig for den overordnede administration og 

anklagevirksomhed i samtlige politidistrikter samt administrationen af de 3 anstalter for domfældte. 

Grønland havde pr. 1. januar 1997 i alt 55.971 indbyggere (befolkningstallet i Danmark 

udgjorde pr. samme dato 5.2 mill. indbyggere). Heraf boede 81% eller 45.351 indbyggere i 

landets 17 byer og knap 17,5% eller 9.770 indbyggere i landets 59 bygder. De tre største byer 

er Nuuk med 13.300 indbyggere, Sisimiut med 5.364 og Ilulissat med 4.634 indbyggere. 

Grønlands Kriminallov 

Grønlands Kriminallov er væsentlig forskellig fra f.eks. den danske straffelov, idet kriminallovens 

hovedsigte er at føre den dømte tilbage i samfundet og ud af kriminalitet ved foranstaltninger, 

som normalt ikke omfatter frihedsberøvelse i traditionel forstand. Af samme 

grund indeholder kriminalloven ikke stafferammer, idet det forudsættes, at hver enkelt sag 

afgøres konkret. De normale sanktioner er bøde, betinget dom, dom til forsorg og anbringelse 

i anstalt. Den sidste foranstaltning indebærer i langt de fleste tilfælde alene ophold i anstalt 

udenfor normal arbejdstid. 

Udgangspunktet om, at hver enkelt sag afgøres konkret fraviges indenfor en række særlovsområder, 

hvor foranstaltningen - typisk bøde - udmåles ud fra mere generelle principper og 

dermed får karakter af en mere takstmæssig afgørelse. Dette gælder navnlig overtrædelser af 

lov om euforiserende stoffer, færdselsloven og arbejdsmiljøloven. 

I hver by findes en kredsret. Kredsdommeren er lægdomer, som under medvirken af to domsmænd 

behandler alle sager. Anklageren er politimand, og besidderen (forsvareren) er heller 

ikke jurist. Ankeinstans er Grønlands Landsret i Nuuk, der ledes af en landsdommer, som skal 

opfylde de i Danmark gældende betingelser for at blive dommer. I landsreten møder anklagemyndigheden 

ved en jurist, ligesom besidderen som udgangspunkt er jurist. 

Der er i 1994 nedsat en Retsvæsenkommission, som bl.a. har til opgave at revidere den 

grønlandske kriminal- og retsplejelov, ligesom den skal opstille de fordele og ulemper som 

måtte være forbundet med at Grønland hjemtager rets- og politiområdet. Kommissionens 

beretning forventes at foreligge ved udgangen af 1999. 

99


Den seneste kriminalitetsudvikling i Grønland 

Igennem de sidste årtier har kriminalitetsbilledet i Grønland - som bekendt - været præget af 

en relativ høj og gennem årene næsten konstant stigende kriminalitetsfrekvens. 

Kriminalitetsmønsteret har været præget af et relativt set stort antal personfarlige 

forbrydelser, medens niveauet for berigelseskriminalitet - typisk de simple former for tyveri, 

bedrageri osv. - stort ser svarer til det der findes i Danmark. 

Baggrunden for den grønlandske kriminalitetsudvikling har så vidt ses aldrig været genstand 

for en egentlig videnskabelig undersøgelse. 

Det er imidlertid politiets vurdering at en væsentlig del af Grønlands kriminalitetsproblemer 

kan forklares med tilstedeværelsen af navnlig følgende kriminalitetsfremmende 

hovedfaktorer: 

omvæltningerne af økonomisk, social og kulturel art, som det grønlandske samfund har været 

udsat for siden 1960érne, herunder navnlig den betydelige vandring fra bygd til by, stigningen 

i befolkningstallet samt faldet i antallet af personer som lever af traditionel fangst og fiskeri, 

det høje spiritusforbrug, og befolkningens nemme adgang til våben. 

Antallet af anmeldelser af overtrædelser nåede sit foreløbige højdepunkt i 1986 med 6.721 

anmeldelser (fig. 1). I perioden fra 1986 til 1992 kunne der konstateres et år for år lille men 

konstant fald i anmeldelserne, idet antallet af drab (fig. 6) og specielt sædelighedsforbrydelser 

(fig. 9) dog fortsat steg medens antallet af anmeldelser for berigelseskriminalitet (fig. 2 og 3) 

som en hovedtendens faldt. 

Det jævne fald i kriminaliteten siden 1986 blev på ny afløst af stigninger i 1993, 1994 og 

1995 for så vidt angik det samlede antal af anmeldelser. Det var imidlertid alene det samlede 

antal anmeldelser for vold (fig. 5) og tyveri (fig. 3) som steg år for år i den nævnte periode. 

Over den samlede treårige periode kunne der endvidere konstateres en stigning i antallet af 

anmeldelser for voldtægt og forsøg herpå (fig. 8) samt berigelsesforbrydelser i øvrigt (fig. 4). 

Derimod faldt det samlede antal af anmeldelser vedrørende såvel drab og drabsforsøg som 

indbrudstyveri over den samme periode (fig. 6, fig. 7 og fig. 2). 

Stigningerne i 1993-95 var overraskende, da et faldende spiritusforbrug (fig. 10) samt 

befolkningens aldersmæssige sammensætning tilsagde et fortsat, jævnt fald i kriminaliteten. 

I 1996 faldt antallet af anmeldte i forhold til 1995 med 11,7%. Faldet vedrørte alle kategorier 

med undtagelse af drab (som steg fra 5 til 7 anmeldelser, fig. 6 ) og indbrudstyverier (som 

steg fra 896 til 952 anmeldelser, fig. 2). 

Senest er der i 1997 på ny indtrådt en svag stigning i antallet af anmeldelser på 4,2% i forhold 

til 1996. Ser man på det gennemsnitlige niveau fra 1990 til 1997, ligger antallet af 

anmeldelser for 1997 - 5.157 - ca. 2% lavere ende gennemsnittet, og fortsat væsentlig lavere 

end i 1986. 

Ser man på de faktorer, der typisk har betydning for kriminaliteten i Grønland - 1) 

spiritusforbruget, og 2( antallet af personer i den kriminalaktive alder, kan den - ganske vist 

svage kriminalitetsstigning - ikke umiddelbart forklares, idet udviklingen skulle medføre en 

stagnation eller i bedste fald en nedgang i kriminaliteten. Spiritusforbruget lå i 1996 på 12,6 

100


liter pr. person over 14 år (i 1986 lå forbruget på 20 liter ren alkohol pr. person), hvilket i 

øvrigt svarer til spiritusforbruget i Danmark. De store fødselsårgange fra 1958 - 1986 ligger 

nu i alderen 29 til 40 år, således at antallet af 15-29 årige, den kriminalaktive alder, er relativt 

små. 

Det er imidlertid værd at bemærke sig, at der i forbindelse med den seneste stigning i det 

samlede antal anmeldelser, samtidig er sket et betydeligt fald i anmeldelserne indenfor 

områderne drab og drabsforsøg (fig. 6 og fig. 7), vold (fig. 5) og formueforbrydelser (tyveri 

og berigelsesforbrydelser i øvrigt, fig. 3 og fig. 4). 

Den største kriminalitetsstigning fra 1996 til 1997 er sket på områderne indbrudstyveri (fig. 2) 

og øvrige sædelighedsforbrydelser (fig. 9) som dækker over blodskam, kønsligt forhold til 

børn og blufærdighedskrænkelse. 

Der er fortsat ikke konstateret hårde stoffer i Grønland, ligesom der endnu ikke er afsløret 

tilfælde af egentlig organiseret kriminalitet i Grønland. 

Til det samlede billede af kriminaliteten hører udviklingen med hensyn til Kriminalforsorgens 

tilsynsvirksomhed og anstalternes samlede belæg. Således har tilsyn og anvendelse af 

anstaltsanbringelse været stødt faldende med det hidtil laveste niveau i 1997 (fig. 12) Det 

færre antal friheds- og tilsynsforantaltninger peger på en nedgang i antallet af grovere 

forbrydelser. 

Der er også i 1997-98 udfoldet store bestræbelser på det kriminalpræventive område. Således 

har politimesterembedet i flere tilfælde modtaget tilskud fra Justitsministeriets særlige 

kriminalpræventive pulje til brug for konkrete projekter vedrørende forebyggelse af navnlig 

vold og sædelighedskriminalitet. 

I 1997 konstateredes der for første gang bandekriminalitet i Grønland. I Nuuk blev en 

drengebande med medlemmer fra 15 - 19 år afsløret af politiet som bagmænd til en række 

røveriske overfald og indbrudstyverier. Sagerne mod de pågældende blev hovedsageligt 

afgjort med tilsynsdomme. Der er efterfølgende udfoldet store bestræbelser i SSPK-regi 

(socialvæsen, skole, politi og kriminalforsorg) på at komme dette - i Grønland - nye problem 

til livs. Således har Nuuk kommune eksempelvis ansat en række “miljøarbejdere”, som 

primært har til opgave at opsøge og tale med de unge i de miljøer, hvor de unge typisk færdes. 

Bestræbelserne ses tilsyneladende at have båret frugt, idet der ikke efterfølgende er afsløret 

lignende drengebander. 

Sammenfattende er det politimesterembedets vurdering, at der er grundlag for at nære håb 

om, at stigningerne i det samlede antal af overtrædelser af kriminalloven i 1993-95 og igen i 

1997 har været af tilfældig karakter, og fremfor alt, at det seneste fald i den personfarlige 

kriminalitet vil fortsætte. 

101


102


103


104


105


Hedda Giertsen, Assistant Professor 

Department of Criminology, University of Oslo 

PB 6872, St. Olavs Plass, N-0130 Oslo 

e-mail: hedda.giertsen@jus.uio.no 

106 

Crime trends and trends in the criminal policy in Norway 1 

To talk about crime trends is also to talk about trends in criminal policy. Crime statistics tell 

about the number of acts which have been reported to the police, accepted by the prosecution 

authorities as crimes, and dealt with by courts and prison authorities. 

It is old knowledge that crime statistics actually give us statistics on the capacity of 

the different parts of the control apparatus. 

The latest published statistics on the police, the courts and prison activities are from 

1995. More recent figures can be found in other sources such as state budgets from the last 

years; a document called Stortingsmelding no. 27 (1997-98) written by The Ministry of Law 

and delivered to Stortinget (the parliament), and from information from the police reported in 

the media. All these kinds of sources are used in this paper. 

In the following I will discuss two main topics: 

1) The first is about figures, trends - and discussions connected to some of these figures. 

2) The second is about recent trends in crime politics in Norway. 

1) Figures 

I will first present some figures, which I assume is expected of me: The number of reported 

offences in 1995 were 400600 (SSB 95, table 1). Of these, 286000 were classified as crimes, 

showing an increase compared to the previous years. 

In Norway another category, 'crimes investigated by the police' is more often used. In 1995 

270000 crimes were investigated by the police (SSB 1995, t. 4). This figure represents an 

increase from previous years, an increase which can also be traced in the number of investigated 

crimes pr 1000 inhabitants from 1960 to 1995: 

1960: 10.8 

1970: 16.8 

1980: 29.8 

1990: 55.4 

1995: 61.6 (SSB 95, t. 4) 

Of the 270000 crimes in 1995: 

69.3 % were classified as theft; 

4.3 % were classified as violence against person 

(of these 32 were classified as murders)2 (SSB 95, t. 5) 

1 A somewhat extended version of the paper given on the 22nd. of May 1998. Many thanks to Ragnhild 

Hennum, Heidi Mork Lomell and Rachel Paul for all their comments and help to make this paper correct and 

readable. 

2 From 1991 to 1995 the numbers of reported murders were: 38; 50; 47; 46; 32.


But instead of giving rows of figures, I will concentrate on some discussions which stem from 

changes in figures of some kinds of reported crimes - even though these crimes do not take 

any dominant position among the figures. Some present of the concerns, arguments, proposals 

and measures will be presented. 

Of course I can only deal with some of the topics that have been discussed. Other 

discussions could also have been presented. 

As a general comment to the discussions, one can say: Serious concerns are expressed when 

reported numbers go up; and when they go down. 

i) concerns when numbers go up 

One example: The numbers on reported violence (acts classified as 'crime of violence against 

the person') show an increase from 8300 in 1991 to 11600 in 1995 (SSB 95, t. 5). Also in the 

first quarter of 1998 there has been an increase in the number of reported violent crimes compared 

to the same period in 1997. The highest increase in absolute numbers was found for 

'assaults' which increased from 2200 to 2500, an increase by 13 %; while 'wounding or 

inflicting bodily harm' had the highest relative increase by 26 % (N = 582), when comparing 

the first 3 months of 1997 and 1998 (SSB 1998). 

These increases in crimes of violence is one of the reasons behind a suggestion from a 

majority in Stortinget, urging the courts to increase the sentences in cases of violent crimes. 

But this idea challenges the ideal of the independent court. So in the end most of the 

representatives found it sufficient to give a statement as a political signal in general, while a 

few wanted to make a statement directed to the courts. 

The number of murders also cause serious concerns. In recent years there has been no 

increase in reported murders (see fn 2). But there are other increases to be found. In a 

newspaper (Dagbladet 10.3.98) the police report on murders in 1997. This year 39 persons 

were murdered, and of these 14 by knife. In 1994 the numbers were respectively 6 out of 27. 

This increase in the reported use of knives has led to a suggestion from 'The Committee to 

consider Laws on Weapons'3 to increase punishments in criminal cases involving weapons. 

In 1993 a law was passed that criminalized possession of knives 'or other sharp tools' 

in public places (not if the purpose was respectable), with punishments of fine up to NOK 

2000 or of imprisonment for up to 3 months. 

According to The Ministry of Law, 1002 persons have been reported to the police for 

possessing knives illegally in 1997. In 1997 146 persons were given ticket fines for 

possessing knives (Dagsavisen 10.3.98). 

The police are satisfied with the law which gives them an opportunity to stop and 

search people for knives (Dagbladet 10.3.98). 

In 1997, there were reported 7 cases of murders were firearms had been used.4 But even if 

these cases are few and less than the number of knives used in reported murders, there are 

concerns about firearms. 

This winter there have been reports in the media showing worries and concerns for 

young boys and men in Oslo, who according to the police and journalists, are between 20 and 

35 years old, belong to two conflicting groups or gangs, and are often from immigrant 

3 ‘Våpenlovutvalget’ 

4 The firearms used were: shotgun (hagle) 2, revolver 0; rifle 1, pistol 4. 

107


families. The reports say that these men 'have enough firearms' such as automatic pistols and 

revolvers. 

This discussion is also encouraged by a study by Thomas Haaland and Inger Lise Lien 

(1998) on groups or 'gangs' among young, mostly immigrant people in Oslo. These are 

conflicting groups, and serious incidents of violence have occurred between these kinds of 

groups before (for one such incident, see Guri Larsen 1992). 

This winter the police have also pointed out violence in homes and families directed towards 

women and children, as a major concern (Dagsavisen 4.2.98). For a long time researchers and 

women's organisations have considered this kind of violence as serious acts on the grounds 

that they often lead to serious physical harm, are repeated, may last for years, are often 

combined with psychological humiliation, and the victims are reluctant to go to the police. 

What is worth noting is that also the police place this kind of violence high up on their list of 

concerns. 

ii) concerns when the reported numbers go down 

The numbers of reported sexual offences went down in 1995: The numbers of rapes 

investigated by the police were both in 1992 and 1993: 360, in 1995: 309, which is a decrease 

by 14%. 

More seriously it was seen that the numbers of rape reported to the police decreased; 

and even more seriously that also the number of sanctions for rapes went down by half from 

75 in 1991 till 36 in 1995 (SSB 95, t. 36). The number of reactions for rapes in 1997 were 

even lower, by 30 cases (SSB 1997). 

These decreases resulted in serious concerns from several groups who were anxious that 

women would from now report even fewer cases of rape than before. 

To improve the position of women, women's organisations and a political party, SV,5 made a 

proposal to define as illegal 'unintentional rape', to make it possible to sentence men who 

today may plead not guilty, saying they did not understand the refusals and resistance from 

the victim, and may be believed, at least in a lower court (Dagbladet 27.1.1997)6. 

But this proposal has as yet not gained much support.7 

Last year there has been an increase in the number of rapes reported to the police: In 

the first 3 months of 1998 109 rapes have been reported to the police, compared to 86 reports 

during the first three months of 97 (SSB 1998). 

Also when it comes to incest and sexual abuse towards children under 14/16 years, there have 

been concerns that the number of cases reported to the police have declined recently. This 

happened after a case in Bjugn where a number of persons were reported for sexual abuse 

against children, but none found guilty. 

The numbers of incest and sexual abuse towards children under 14/16 years reported to the 

police, and investigated by the police have gone down from 1991 till 1995: 

5 SV, Sosialistisk Venstreparti; The Socialistic Left Party 

6 According to the report in the newspaper, the majority of the courts found that a 52 year old man committed for 

trial had used force when he forced the 18 year old woman to have sexual intercourse with him, but that he did 

not ‘understand ’ that the girl tried to avoid this from happening. At the same time the man was convicted to 

pay the woman NOK 40.000 as compensation for her suffering. 

7 Also another topic has recently occurred connected to cases of rape: A man brought to court charged with rape, 

has, before the penal-law-case was completed - reported the woman to the civil court on charge of libel. 

108

eported to the police: 

sexual abuse towards 

incest: children under 14/16 years: 

1991 168 607 

1995 111 393 

investigated by the police: 

sexual abuse towards 

incest: children under 14/16 years: 

1991 103 322 

1995 88 397 


In 1992 the concerns about incest led to an increase in the maximum punishment up to 21 

years of imprisonment for serious crimes of incest. This is the highest possible punishment in 

Norway (Andenæs 1994). 

Not only penal measures 

What is important to note, though not particular to rape and sexual abuse against children, is 

that measures have also been taken with the intention to help and cure, directed towards both 

the offended and the offender. 

This means that at the same time as 'The Norwegian society' sees these acts or 

happenings as crimes, suitable tasks for the police, courts and prisons, - we also see them as 

accidents that need to be mended or helped - beyond moral indignation and punishment. 

For victims there are several self-help-centres: 

- Women's shelters (Krisesentre) for women who have been battered or raped. Today there are 

such shelters in all but 66 municipalities. In 1995 4000 women and children spent in total 

74000 nights in the shelters (Aftenposten 24.3.97). For a discussion of immigrant women and 

Women's shelters, see Rachel Paul 1995; 1998). 

- A centre for persons who have been raped (Voldtektsmottaket), which is part of the 

municipal acute clinic (Legevakta). 

- Centres for persons who have been exposed to incest (Støttesenter for incestutsatte). The 

first centre started in 1986, and today there are 12 such centres. In 1995 they received 8000 

visits and 19000 referrals from persons who have experienced incest, recently or long ago, 

and from their family-members (Aftenposten 24.3.97). 

- There is also a centre for men who have been exposed to incest, which offers possibilities 

for talks in groups or with one consultant (Aftenposten 5.11.97). 

- Social-medical section for children and youth; Children's ward; Clinic for women/children, 

Aker Hospital, Oslo. (Sosialmedisinsk seksjon for barn og ungdom, Barneavdelingen, 

Kvinne/ Barnklinikken, Aker sykehus, Oslo). This centre started in 1986. The yearly number 

109


of children/youth who have been referred, has varied from 20 in 1986 to 143 in 1996.8 

(Annual report 1996) 

For offenders: 

- The Institute for Clinical Sexology and Therapy (Institutt for klinisk sexologi og terapi) 

which started in 1989 and has worked with men who have committed rape (Reid J. Stene 

1998). 

One could say that there is a trend and a tendency to open up another perspective on these 

acts - and see them not only as crimes, but also as accidents that need to be helped and 

prevented. 

Today we see a peculiar break with this trend in a suggestion from two political 

parties (Arbeiderpartiet and Kristelig folkeparti),9 that prostitution should be criminalized, 

and not only the prostitute-customer (to criminalize the customer has been suggested before 

(see Høigård and Finstad 1986)). 

At the same time a new book has been presented with the title "Når sex blir 

arbeid"/"When sex becomes work", by May-Len Skilbrei (1998). The author who has talked 

with several women in this field, and who has also worked on "Teletorget" organizing 

telephone calls between men and women, finds this suggestion not a very good idea. This will 

not have any great impact in reducing the number of persons starting as prostitutes; it will 

only create more trouble and difficulties for them, as the condemnation and stigmatization 

will increase. 

And there are already alternatives to criminalization to be found in Oslo. For seven 

years "The Night-home" with 13 beds has offered prostitutes an asylum, and all together 500 

users have been registered (Thomas Haaland 1997). 

This tendency to see unwanted acts not only as crimes but also as accidents and problems that 

need to be helped, is of course the case not only when it comes to sexual offences, but also in 

other instances, for example violence. 

When it comes to violence, there are programs for offenders that start in prison, as for sexual 

offenders. In 1996 about 90 persons attended these "talk-groups for persons who are 

sentenced for violent and sexually offensive acts (St.meld. nr. 27 (1997-98)). 

- There are also services outside prison, such as 'Alternative to violence, Centre for men who 

use violence' (ATV)/(Alternativ til vold, senter for menn som slår). This centre started in 

1987. Today there are 18 such centres in Norway. Since the centre started and up to today 

between 500 and 600 persons have contacted ATV because they perceive their violent acts as 

a problem, and have attended courses and groups. In more than 2/3 of these cases, the men 

themselves have taken the initiative to contact ATV, and this contact is voluntary (Annual 

report 1995). 

When it comes to those acts that crimes we define as related to narcotics, we see the same 

dualism which mirrors the ambivalence of what the acts are all about: Is it a problem for law 

and order, or for treatment and help? 

In this field it seems that the persons brought to trial, sentenced and imprisoned, are 

more likely to be controlled than helped. But also here there have been treatment-programs in 

8 In the report for 1996 the Section says they are in doubt in 60% (of the 143 investigated cases) whether an 

offence of serious sexual abuse has taken place or not, and finds it not likely in 20% of the cases. 

9 The Labour Party and Christian People's Party. 

110


three prisons, but reaching only a fairly small number of relevant prisoners (see St.meld. no. 

16 (1996-97)). Control measures dominate heavily inside the prisons.10 

Services for treatment are most often placed outside prison. 

If we should take our point of departure in the social, treatment and helping-sector, we 

immediately see the combination of control-help. There is nothing new in the fact that help 

and control are combined and mingled. On the contrary - they are like Siamese twins in the 

Norwegian history of poverty- and criminal-measures. But the method of this combination 

that the Norwegian authorities have chosen in the field of drug-use, in their Law on social 

measures and welfare (Lov om sosiale tjenester mv.) of 1993, is new, inventive and 

astonishing. 

Here the point of departure is that treatment for drug use should rely on voluntary 

participation. Forced treatment is impossible. So the solution is, according to § 6-2, that a 

person can be kept in an institution by force - not to be treated - but to be motivated to be 

treated freely. There is a limit to this: 3 months. After that you get an offer to make a contract. 

But then it does happen that persons under treatment sometimes drop out. So then, forced 

measures were invented: if a person should run away from the contract that she or he has 

freely agreed upon, the institution can search for her or him, and keep her for another 3 weeks 

by force - in order to re-motivate the run-away to continue the treatment. This may happen 

three times. 

From 1993 and till the summer 96, there have been reported all together 39 cases 

where force have been used according to § 6-2. 

Far too little! This is the view of The Ministry of Social affairs, who therefore worked out 

suggestions to increase the control on people using drugs, opening up possibilities for one 

family-member to report another to the social authorities, who may then consider use of force. 

Another suggestion has been to standardize and increase the use of urine-tests. 

This tendency to believe in force and control can be seen also in other sections of the policy 

on drugs, where methadone-programs for long-time drug-users are kept at a small scale and 

are developed slowly (see for example Nils Christie: Snegler som livreddere/Snails as lifesavers, 

1998). 

Reports in the media on the numbers of persons dying by over-doses, is most often read as an 

argument for more police, more control, more prison. But one could also read these numbers 

as an argument for more help, more methadone-programs, and not to forget, more decent 

treatment by the ordinary health services of persons using drugs. 

2) trends in the criminal policy 

This section of the paper is based on a document made by The Ministry of Law to the 

Parliament, drawing up the lines for criminal policy (Stortingsmelding nor. 27 (1997-98) "Om 

kriminalomsorgen"). 

At first glance one might say that the trend in this document is two-fold: 

i) more control, by increasing the opportunities for the police to control people, and to 

increase the number of prison-places (to day the number of prison-places is 2899. According 

to the Ministry's plan, the number of such places in year 2000 will be 3200). 

10 The measures taken are: urine-tests; police raids in the early mornings, some times with dogs; strip and search 

of prisoners; investigating insides of the body such as rectum, stomach and vagina of women; search of prisoncells; 

offers to do the sentence on 'contract' (eg. Hedda Giertsen 1995). 

111


ii) At the same time there is a tendency not only to increase the number of prison-places, but 

also to look for alternatives to imprisonment, such as conflict resolution boards (Jane Dullum 

1996; Siri Kemeny 199); community-service (Paul Larsson 1994); an extended use of conditioned 

sentencing and imprisonment - and a proposal to open up for a pilot-project on 

electronic monitoring of offenders. 

But looking more thoroughly on these alternatives to prison, it becomes clear that these more 

lenient alternatives will actually lead to more control than today, as they will be linked up to a 

compulsory program (obligatorisk tilsynsprogram); and the sanctions for breaking conditions 

will be more efficiently inflicted, if The Ministry is heard. 

To realise their plan for more efficiency, The Ministry has made the following 

proposals: that the decision to re-imprison convicts on conditioned sentence who violate their 

conditions, shall be transferred from the court to administrative authorities. This would mean 

to re-introduce a system that was given up 8 years ago. The Ministry also proposes that prison 

directors shall decide whether violations of conditions for prisoners on conditioned discharge, 

shall lead to re-imprisonment. 

As another measure The Ministry suggests an introduction of a new "short-timeprison" 

for seven days - which may be prolonged(!). In these cases the prison-authorities of 

the Ministry shall be in charge. 

Some trends and tendencies can be read out of this document: First and most strikingly one 

sees a prioritization of efficiency at the cost of legal protection. 

One can also see a tendency to increase the total volume of control, 

and to blur the difference between serving sentences in prison and under probation; 

between the role of the prison-ward and the probation officer, so that the tasks of a probationofficer 

will be more and more like those of a ward. 

Another trend can also be discerned more clearly today: By use of programs, projects, 

'sentencing plans', it seems to me that prison-authorities more and more speak of prisons and 

sentencing not only in administrative and bureaucratic terms, but also as a place for socialtechnical 

measures, for repairing the 'criminals'. The treatment-arguments from the 60s and 

70s are here again, but now wrapped up in a more modern, administrative, efficient-like 

language. The prison-programs boil down to a question of finding the right tool, whether it be 

'scared straight' or 'conceptual skills'. This efficiency-perspective we also see in the politics of 

differentiation, which was introduced at the end of the 1980s, claiming that the programs and 

measures for prisoners shall not be evenly spread to all, but to 'those who take responsibility 

for their own rehabilitation'. The treatment should be efficient (see Stortingsmelding no. 23 

(1991-92) "Om bekjempelse av kriminaliteten" and St. prp. nr. 1. The Ministry of Law (the 

state budget) for the years later 1992). 

Again, just as in the 60s and 1970s, this 'repairing-the-criminal'-perspective tries to convince 

us that we all have the same interests, namely to find the right healing-program; and leaves 

out (or at least tries to leave out) the questions on criminal-policy, values and decency. 

Literature: 

Andenæs, Johs.: Straffen som problem. Spartacus. 1994/1997 

Christie, Nils: Snegler som livreddere. Aftenposten 24.1.97 

Crime Statistics 1995 (SSB 95) / Kriminalstatistikk 1995. Statistisk sentralbyrå 1997. 

Dullum, Jane med bidrag fra Nils Christie: Konfliktrådene. Institutt for kriminologi. 1996. 

Giertsen, Hedda: Fengselsvesenets skjulte verdimønstre. I: Lov og rett 1995. 

112


Høigård, Cecilie and Liv Finstad: Bakgater. Pax 1986/Backstreets 1992. 

Haaland, Thomas and Inger-Lise Lien: Vold og gjengatferd: en pilotstudie av et 

ungdomsmiljø. Nibr-rapport: Ungdom mot vold 1998. Norsk institutt for by- og 

regionforskning. 1998. 

Haaland, Thomas: Et varmt hjem i en kald hverdag. Prosjekt rapport nr. 11/1997. Norsk 

Institutt for by- og region forskning. 1997. 

Kemeny, Siri: Nærbilder av saker meglet i konfliktråd. Institutt for kriminologi, 1998. 

Larsen, Guri: Brødre. Æreskamp og hjemløshet blant innvandringens ungdom. Pax 1992 

Larsson, Paul: Samfunnstjenesten sett fra innsiden. Nordisk tidsskrift for kriminalvidenskab. 

nr. 3/1994 

Paul, Rachel: Immigrant Women and Shelters for Battered Women. I: Ideologi og empiri i 

kriminologien. Rapport fra NSfKs 37. forskerseminar, Arild, Sverige 1995. 

Paul, Rachel: Shelters for battered Women and the needs forImmigrant Women. Tema/Nord 

Migration. Nordic Council of Ministry. 1998:507. 1998 

Skilbrei, May-Len: Når sex blir arbeid. Pax. 1998 

Stene, Reid J.: Straff og behandling av sedelighetsdømte i et lokalt prosjekt. En kriminologisk 

evaluering av "Tverr etatlig samarbeid for behandling av sedelighetsdømte i Vest- 

Agder". Institutt for kriminologi, Universitetet i Oslo. 1998. 

Stortingsmelding nr. 23. Om bekjempelse av kriminaliteten (1991- 92). 

Stortingsmelding nr. 27. Om kriminalomsorgen (1997-98). 

Ukens statistikk nr. 18 1998.(SSB 98). Statistisk sentralbyrå 1998. 

Ukens statistikk nr. 44 1997.(SSB 97). Statistisk sentralbyrå 1997. 

Årsrapport 1995/Report for 1995. Alternative to violence (ATV). 

Årsrapport 1996/Report for 1996.Sosialmedisinsk seksjon for barn og ungdom, 

barneavdelingen, Kvinne/Barnklinikken, Aker sykehus, Oslo. 

113


Kauko Aromaa, Research Director 


PB 1200, FIN-00014 University of Helsinki 

e-mail: kauko.aromaa@om.vn.fi 

114 

Crime trends in Finland in the 1990’s 

For Finland, the early 1990s were a period a severe economic recession, followed by a 

reorganisation process of economic structures that is still continuing. The EU membership has 

supported this process. The next phase of the restructuring process is the present, exceptionally 

rapid migration wave, resulting in a situation where there are only a few growth centers, 

with vast emptying backlands. Parallel to this regional polarisation development, there is 

another process of social polarisation that is connected with a very high unemployment and a 

tendency to weaken the well-developed Finnish social welfare system. The high 

unemployment rate is an indication of a new problem of a large relative surplus population 

that Finland has to deal with by its own economy, lacking today any obvious target area to 

which the surplus population could migrate for better employment opportunities. In this 

respect, the situation is very different from the previous period of high migration (in the 

1960s), when Sweden was able to absorb hundreds of thousands of Finnish immigrants. In the 

long run, the surplus population may begin to develop sub-, slum and countercultures that will 

produce crime problems hitherto almost unknown in Finland. 

One of the largest qualitative crime changes has to do with the expansion of the narcotics 

market to cover the whole country. The relatively negative future expectations as well as the 

easy availability of narcotic substances are almost sufficient explanations to this process. The 

availability of narcotics has improved as the supply has grown due to the massivity and ease 

of international mobility, and because the relative saturation of the central European markets 

has made even the rather small Finnish markets increasingly interesting. A great deal of 

property crimes are made to finance substance abuse - in this way, the growth of narcotics 

offences is connected with certain property crimes (often such offences as car crimes, house 

and other burglaries, and shoplifting are mentioned in this context). 

In the 1990s, also a growth of homicides has continued. This trend is created through fourfive 

different factors: 

• the growth of alcohol consumption that, with the present consumption 

pattern, furthers both acute alcohol-related violence and homicides that occur 

between marginalized males; 

• the urbanisation of Finland is followed by a growth in homicides as the 

homicide rates in the large cities is somewhat higher than in other parts of the 

country; 

• The "greying" of the population means that the large after-war birth cohorts 

have matured to the worst "homicide age"; 

• a professionalisation and toughening in the underworld, in part as the 

narcotics market grows stronger, brings forth homicides that are related to the 

power struggle, competition, and rule enforcement within this sector.


The recorded number of assault offences has after the mid-1990s started to increase and this 

increase may continue. This statistical development does not, however, reflect general 

violence rates as measured by victimisation surveys. These are rather on a downward track. 

Recorded theft offences have been on a rather stable level in the 1990s. Also here, population 

surveys rather indicate a downward than an upward trend, at least as far as private persons are 

concerned. 

Other crime changes of the 1990s, at least if we look for characteristics that are new, are 

primarily the fact that the role of foreigners - as perpetrators as well as victims - is gaining in 

importance, parallel to the fact that immigrants from many directions, also from the East, are 

becoming more common. 

The public crime debate takes up a multiplicity of topics, from pedophilia and rapes to economic 

crimes. All this has quite little to do with large crime categories and their changes. An 

increased interest in economic crime has, however, been paralleled by a clear improvement in 

the control of this type of offences. 

Above, I have repeatedly referred to "recorded crimes". The crime statistics produced as a 

byproduct of police activities is not unproblematic, if factual crime changes are looked for. 

For the same reasons, direct comparisons with other countries are on an insecure basis if these 

data are relied upon. Police statistics are working statistics of the police force, and depict the 

development in field only in a secondary sense. 

An important improvement in this regard are the so-called victimisation surveys. In these, 

representative population samples are asked about their crime experiences and, i.a., reporting 

crimes to the police. The results are clear: surveys often provide a different picture of the 

development than the one derived from police sources. In the case of Finland, a long-term 

trend of an increasing reporting activity is found to have taken place. In an international 

comparison, the Finnish crime rates are rather low, a fact that is not easy to believe if 

recorded crime is compared. This discrepancy indicates that crime statistics in Finland are 

more advanced and more comprehensive than in many other counmtries. -Another trend that 

is revealed by victimisation surveys is a continuing increase in the fear of or concern for 

crime, as well as of a growing popularity of measures taken to avoid victimisation. 

Police have not been dealt with abov (with the exception of reportign behaviour). Essential 

tendencies have been the professionalisation of the police and a tendency to complement 

traditional reactive policing with proactive programs (this is likely to increase recorded 

crime). Most recently, crime prevention and community policing have been adopted in their 

official task descriptions. Thus, also the earlier centralization tendencies of policing are about 

to be reconsidered. Parallel to these developments, a comprehensive automatization of the 

police information systems has resulted in an increasingly comprehensive recording of crimes 

- a phenomenon that has an independent growth influence on recorded crime. 

Police resources in Finland are not very large. Of these, a considerable proportion is spent on 

various supportive activities, automatic data processing representing the new growth industry 

among these. Also, police resources have been cut to achieve savings in public expenditure. 

Such changes may have a visible effect on recorded crime cleared through the own activities 

of the police - some of the recent stagnation in recorded crime may be attributed to these 

circumstances. 

115


With systematic long-term efforts, the Finnish prisoner rate has been brought down to a 

Scandinavian average. It has been demonstrated that this policy and the general development 

of crime cannot be directly connected. 

116

Lise-Lotte Rytterbro, Doktorand 

Kriminologiska institutionen, Stockholms Universitet, 

S-10691 Stockholm 

e-mail: lise-lotte.rytterbro@crim.su.se 


En studie av brott som blivit föremål för medling och vilka 

organisationer som intresserat sig för medling i Sverige 

Det finns idag uppskattningsvis ett 20-tal verksamheter i Sverige som arbetar med medling 

mellan brottsoffer och gärningsman. En del medlingsverksamheter har varit mer eller mindre 

aktiva sedan slutet av 1980-talet, men de flesta är nystartade. I stort sett alla verksamheter har 

en särskild målgrupp gärningsmän, nämligen ungdomar. Medling bedrivs vanligen i 

projektform som inte iscensatts på initiativ av någon statlig instans. Medling i samband med 

brott är och har varit under rättsligt utredande men är inte reglerat i lag. I riksdagen har man 

vid flera tillfällen debatterat medling, varvid samtliga partier uttalat sig positivt i frågan. Ett 

intensifierat intresse har också kommit till uttryck på annat sätt.1 Medling mellan brottsoffer 

och gärningsman kan kort sagt sägas befinnas i en etableringsprocess under 1990-talet. Syftet 

med denna undersökning är ett led i att beskriva och analysera medling i Sverige. 

Idéerna bakom medling omfattar flera olika kriminalpolitiska områden: brottsofferdiskursen, 

åtgärder mot ungdomsbrottslighet, alternativa reaktioner på brott i allmänhet samt civilrätt 

(förlikning) (jmf Zila 1988; Järvinen 1993). Det finns flera aspekter av medling, t ex vilka 

parter som deltar, medlarens uppgift och kompetens och medlingens juridiska hemvist. Mot 

bakgrund av att medling befinner sig i en etableringsprocess omfattar undersökningen vilka 

grupper och organisationer som är intresserade av medling i Sverige. Studien visar också 

vilka typer av brott som hitintills behandlats inom några av de medlingsverksamheter som 

redan finns. 

Metod och material 

Den första delen omfattar aktörer som deltagit på fyra möten om medling. Initiativtagare till 

mötena har varit Brottsofferjourernas riksförbund (1 möte) respektive Skyddsförbundet2 (1 

möte) samt Riksgruppen för medling3, som står för två möten. Samtliga möten ägde rum i 

Stockholm. Ett möte ägde rum 1996, och tre möten 1997. Antal deltagare på mötena varierar 

från ett 30-tal till runt 130 personer. De två förstnämnda mötena bar titlarna "Medling - ett 

möte med möjligheter" respektive "Medling som alternativ påföljd". De två mötena i 

Riksgruppens regi kallades för "Medlarträffen" respektive "Medlingsdagen". Ytterligare 

några möten har anordnats under den tid som studien sammanställts (nov. 1997 - mars 1998). 

I studien av intressegrupper utgörs materialet av deltagarlistor med namn och oftast nämnd 

1 En utredning om medling lades fram av Riksåklagarämbetet 1996 och frågan ska ytterligare utredas och 

utvärderas under 1998. Det har vidare inrättats en särskilt kurs i medling vid Göteborgs universitet (som dock 

inte primärt är inriktat på brott, men väl på att konflikter är parternas egendom som experter inte ska ta över). 

En svensk bok om medling vid brott har nyligen givits ut (Nehlin m fl 1998). Även de möten under 1996-97 

som ingår i denna undersökning är uttryck för ett ökat intresse. 

2 Svenska skyddsförbundet är ett samlande organ för alla skyddsföreningar, ibland kallade skyddsvärn, 

fångvårds eller understödsförening. Förbundet avger bland annat yttranden i frågor av betydelse för 

kriminalvårdens frivård. (Svenska skyddsförbundet 1996:2). Fortsättningsvis används i studien omväxlande 

skyddsvärn och skyddsförbund 

3 Riksgruppen för medling kallas numera för "Föreningen för medling i Sverige". 

117


organisationstillhörighet. En del personer har deltagit på flera av mötena, vilket inte framgår i 

resultatredovisningen, eftersom varje mötesdeltagande person ingår. Vid klassificeringar av 

personernas organisationstillhörighet har listornas uppgifter använts. Ibland kan en person 

presenteras som tillhörande socialtjänsten och vid ett annat möte presenteras samma person 

som representerade en medlingsverksamhet. Detta behöver inte innebära att personen i fråga 

tidigare eller senare har varit eller är medlare, utan på vad personerna i fråga angett vara sin 

organisation eller på nedtecknaren. Detta gäller särskilt klassificeringen av representanter för 

medling, men i några fall andra aktörer. 

Den andra delen redogör för de brottstyper som blivit aktuella för medling vid sex 

medlingsverksamheter i landet. Materialet baseras på medlingsverksamheternas egna 

uppgifter och i ett fall på en utvärdering gjord av en utomstående. Urvalet av 

medlingsverksamheter baseras först och främst på att det finns eller kan åstadkommas en 

någorlunda god skriftlig redovisning av brottstyper och att man medlat åtminstone ett tiotal 

fall. Många medlingsverksamheter har i olika former redovisat sina brottstyper, t ex använder 

en verksamhet ett statistikprogram. Andra har efter fråga från mig antecknat brottstyperna. 

Några medlingsverksamheter anger de brott som aktualiserats för medling, men sedan inte 

blivit föremål för medling (ett fåtal fall). Det framgår dock inte vilka brottstyper som inte 

blivit föremål för medling, varför samtliga brottstyper som aktualiserats för medling ingår i 

undersökningen.4 Brotten har blivit föremål för medling under cirka en fyraårsperiod, från 

februari 1994 till december 1997. Vissa verksamheter redovisar brott för några månader, 

andra har uppgifter för upp till två år. Antalet brottstyper varierar från några få fall inom en 

medlingsverksamhet till närmare hundra vid en annan verksamhet. 

I studien kommer vissa resultat jämföras med uppgifter från förlikningsprojekten i Finland 

och konfliktråden i Norge. Båda dessa länder har en mer etablerad medling jämfört med 

Sverige. Även jämförelser med Tyskland kommer att göras. Uppgifterna från Tyskland härrör 

dock från slutet av 1980-talet och rör endast en medlingsverksamhet, medan de nordiska 

länderna omfattar flera medlingsverksamheter under 1990-talet. Enligt den studie som 

uppgifterna om det tyska medlingsprojektet är hämtade ifrån, fanns i Tyskland under 1980talet 

flera olika medlingsprojekt och generellt verkar situationen likna den situation som 

medling har i Sverige under 1990-talets andra hälft, det vill säga att flera projekt finns, men 

att medling inte riktigt etablerats. Det är främst uppgifter om medlare inom Norges, Finlands 

och i någon mån Tysklands verksamheter som används vid jämförelsen av de svenska 

organisationsrepresentant-erna. Jämförbarheten är därför något skev. Brottstyperna medger en 

något bättre jämförbarhet. Antalet ärenden som medlats i Finland är dock högre och i Norge 

mycket högre än antalet brottstyper i denna studie varför jämförelserna ska tolkas med 

försiktighet. 

Aktörer på möten om medling 

Följande avsnitt redovisar vilka aktörer som deltagit på fyra möten om medling vid fyra olika 

tillfällen 1996-97. Mötena ägde rum i Stockholm. Ett möte anordnadres av Skyddsförbundet 

med titeln "Medling som alternativ påföljd". Det andra mötet anordnades av 

Brottsofferjourernas riksförbund på den internationella brottsofferdagen och bar titeln 

"Medling - ett möte med möjligheter". De två andra mötena anordnades av vad som i studien 

kallas för "Riksgruppen". Denna grupp utgörs av personer som är intresserade av medling 

4 En medlingsverksamhet anger som skäl till att medling ej blev av att gärningsmännen redan betalt böter och 

därför inte velat delta. 

118


varav några har startat med medling och många vill starta med medling. Mötena hade titlarna 

"Medlarträffen" respektive "Medlingsdagen". 

Figur 1 

Aktörer på möten om medling. Fördelning efter möteskategori. Antal.5 (N=288) 

5 Antalet aktörrepresentanter kommer framdeles att variera beroende på vilken kategori som analyseras. 

119


Figur 2 

Aktörer på möten om medling. Fördelning efter aktörskategori. Antal. (N=289) 

Brott som blivit föremål för medling 

Nedan redovisas vilka brottstyper som blivit föremål för medling inom sex 

medlingsverksamheter i Sverige. Inledningsvis anges brottstypernas fördelning inom varje 

medlingsverksamhet samt inbördes fördelning av de olika brottstyperna. Därefter redovisas en 

jämförelse av brottstyper mellan Sverige, Norge, Finland och Tyskland. 

120


Tabell 1 

Brottstyper som blivit föremål för medling. Fördelning efter medlingsverksamhet (N=356) 

Medlingsverksamheter I - VI Brott totalt 

I II III IIII V VI Antal Procent 

___________________________________________________________________________ 

Snatteri 7 3 10 4 17 55 96 27 

Skadegörelse/Klotter 18 12 22 19 - 10 81 23 

Stöld* 18 7 20 18 - 9 72 20 

Inbrott 11 5 9 2 - 8 35 10 

Misshandel** - 11 14 3 - 5 33 9 

Rån*** - 5 11 6 - - 22 8 

Hot / Hot mot - 1 7 - - 8 3 

tjänsteman m.m**** 

Övrigt***** 2 1 1 - - 3 7 2 

Mordbrand 2 - - - - - 2 1 

___________________________________________________________________________ 

Summa 58 45 94 52 17 90 356 (100) 

Verksamheternas redovisade tidsperiod (ungefärliga uppgifter): I = C:a 1 år (1994); 

II = 15 månader (1996-97); III = 2 år (1995-97); IIII = 20 månader (1995-96); V = 3 månader 

(1997); VI = C:a 1 år (1996/97) 

* Inkluderar försök till stöld, bilstöld och försök till bilstöld; tillgrepp av fortskaffningsmedel 

och försök till tillgrepp av fortskaffningsmedel. 

** Inkluderar försök till misshandel, vållande till kroppsskada samt grov misshandel 

*** Inkluderar försök till rån samt väskryckning 

**** Inkluderar våld mot tjänsteman samt olaga tvång 

***** I kategorin övrigt återfinns häleri (2), övergrepp i rättssak (1) samt förolämpning (1). 

Övriga tre (3) brott redovisas i verksamhet VI som "övriga brott". 

121


Tabell 2 

Jämförelse mellan Norge, Finland, Tyskland och Sverige av brott som blivit föremål för 

medling. Procent. 

Norge* Finland** Tyskland*** Sverige**** 

1994-95 1990 1985-87 1994-97 

________________________________________________________________________ 

Snatteri/ Stöld 51 21 31 47 

Skadegörelse/Klotter 21 30 17 23 

Våld /Misshandel 5 27 29 9 

Övriga 23 22 23 21 

________________________________________________________________________ 

N=4 387) (N=732) (N=204) (N=356) 

* Avser genomsnittet av samtliga Norges konfliktråd, utom konfliktråd som hade färre än 30 

ärenden. Detta gäller dock ej våld/misshandel (där ingår alla konfliktråd). Källa: Evaluering 

av konfliktrådsordningen (1996:85-86), figur 17 och tabell 10. 

**Omfattar nio förlikningprojekt. Källa: Lappi-Seppälä 1996:399, tabell 9. 

*** Omfattar ett medlingsprojekt. Stöld/snatteri motsvaras i uppgiften från Tyskland av 

"simple theft". Källa: Trenczek 1990:116, tabell 1. 

**** Omfattar sex medlingsprojekt. 

Sammanfattning 

Resultatet visar att socialtjänsten är den organisation som tycks vara mest intresserad av 

medling, drygt 30 procent utgörs av representanter från socialtjänsten. I relation till övriga 

aktörer är socialtjänsten också väl representerad på samtliga fyra möten och har en stor 

spridning över landet. Polisen utgör, liksom representanter för brottsofferorganisationer, 

ungefär 20 procent. Föreningar inom Svenska skyddsförbundet liksom brottsofferjourer som 

vardera stod för två av mötena i studien, finns representerade på samtliga möten. Endast ett 

fåtal av representanter från dessa organisationer deltog på de möten som inte initierats av dem 

själva. Bland övriga aktörsgrupper finns representanter för kommunal verksamhet, t ex 

bostadsförmedling, jurister, forskare, representanter från kyrkan och brottsförebyggande 

organisationer. Att det framförallt är socialtjänsten som intresserat sig för medling i Sverige 

är i linje med vilken bakgrund medlare har i Finland och Norge samt organiseringen av 

medling i Finland. I Finland, där medlare arbetar frivilligt är verksamheten vanligtvis en 

permanent del av socialtjänstens verksamhetsområde och de flesta medlare kommer från det 

sociala arbetsområdet (Iivari 1992:137). Dullum & Christie (1996:132) poängterar den 

relativt stora andel personer i konfliktråden som arbetar med barn och ungdom (framförallt 

socionomer och lärare).I Tyskland omnämns socialarbetare och övervakare som medlare, 

vilka har medling som en del av sina andra arbetsuppgifter (Trenczek 1990:114). I de finska 

förlikningsbyråerna är en klar majoritet av medlarna kvinnor (Stenberg 1994:17). I Norge är 

däremot männen något överrepresenterade bland medlare i konfliktråden, 57 procent. 

(Evaluering av konfliktrådsordningen 1996:55; Dullum & Christie 1996:132). (Uppgifter om 

medlares kön i Tyskland saknas.) 

De brott som är vanliga inom medlingsverksamheterna i Sverige är stöld/snatteri (47 procent) 

och skadegörelse/klotter (23 procent). Dessa brott utgör tillsammans 70 procent av de totalt 

356 brottstyperna som ingår i studien. 

122


Trots det stora antalet medlingsfall i Norges konfliktråd jämfört med det relativt få brotten 

inom Sveriges medlingsverksamheter är likheterna slående mellan länderna avseende brottstypernas 

fördelning. Samtidigt ska Sveriges något högre andel misshandelsbrott jämfört med 

Norge poängteras, eller i varje fall inte förringas. Finland och Tyskland har en relativt stor 

andel misshandelsfall. Skadegörelse (vandalism) tycks dock vara den vanligaste enskilda 

brottstypen inom Finlands medlingsverksamhet, enligt flera undersökningar (Marnell 

1992:14; Järvinen 1993:112; Iivari 1992:138). Däremot visar statistik från en 

medlingsverksamhet (Helsingfors förlikningsbyrå) att endast ett fall av snatteri har medlats av 

totalt 204 ärenden (Marnell 1992:14). Även om Tyskland endast bidrar med brottstyper från 

en medlingsverksamhet i tabell 2, tycks snatteri/stöld och skadegörelsebrott vara vanliga 

brottstyper. I den tyska studien finns även en del uppgifter om två andra verksamheter, vilka i 

stort sett uppvisar liknande resultat (Trenczek 1990:113-118). Ett gemensamt drag för 

samtliga fyra länder är den anmärkningsvärt stora andelen skadegörelsebrott. Den utgör 

ungefär 20 procent i Norge, Tyskland och Sverige och 30 procent i Finland. 

Referenser: 

Dullum, Jane & Nils Christie: Konfliktrådene. Institutt for kriminologi, Universitetet i Oslo, 

Oslo 1996. 

Evaluering av konfliktrådsordningen. Sluttrapport: Agenda utredning og utvikling. Sandvika 

1996. 

Iivari, Juha: The process of mediation in Finland. A special reference to the question "How to 

get cases for mediation". In: Messmer, Hans & Otto, H U (eds) Restorative justice on 

trial. 1992 

Järvinen, Saja: ‘Mediation off offences in Finland. mediation in practice and an assasment of 

mediation as an alternative to the criminal justice system’. I: Nordisk samarbetsråd for 

kriminologi. Rapport fra 35. forskerseminariar i Vanajanlinna, Finland. 1993. 

Marnell, Gunnar: ‘Påföljdsalternativ i med och motvind’. I: Tidskrift för kriminalvård. (År 

och nummer saknas). 

Nehlin, Christina m.fl.: Medling vid brott. Stockholm 1998. 

Stenberg, Carl-Olof: ‘Förlikning’. I: Tidskrift för kriminalvård, nr 4-1994. 

Svenska skyddsförbundet: Medling som alternativ brottspåföljd. Dokumentation från en 

temadag anordnad av Svenska skyddsförbundet den 31 maj 1996. 

Trenczek, Thomas: ‘A Revieiw and assessment of Victim-offender reconciliation 

programming in West Germany’. In: Galaway, Burt & Hudson, Joe (ed.) Criminal 

justice, estitution, and reconciliation. Willow tree press, inc. N.Y. 1990. 

Zila, Josef: 'Förlikning mellan brottsoffer och gärningsman'. I: Brottsoffer. Brå-utredning 

1988:1. Allmänna förlaget, Stockholm 1988. 

Källmaterial mötesdeltagare: 

Deltagarlista 1: Deltagare vid Svenska skyddsförbundets temadag 960531. I: Svenska 

skyddsförbundet (1996). Medling som alternativ brottspåföljd. Dokumentation från 

en 

temadag anordnad av Svenska skyddsförbundet den 31 maj 1996. Stencil. 

Deltagarlista 2: Deltagarförteckning. Medling - ett möte med möjligheter 21 februari 1997. 

Stencil 

Deltaglista 3:Anmälda till medlingsdagen 29 maj 1997 

Deltaglista 4:Anmälningar till medlarträffen 

123


Källmaterial brottstyper: 

Helsingborgs förlikningsbyrå. Statistik för 1991. I: Tidskrift för kriminalvård. sid. 14 f., (År 

och nummer saknas). 

Lappi-Seppälä, Tapio: 'Finland'. In: Reparation in criminal law, Volume 1-1996. Albin, Eser 

& Susanne Walther (eds). Freiburg. 

Evaluering av konfliktrådsordningen. Sluttrapport: Agenda utredning og utvikling. Sandvika 

1996. 

Dullum, Jane & Nils Christie: Konfliktrådene. Institutt for kriminologi. Universitetet i Oslo 

1996. 

Trenczek, Thomas: ‘A Revieiw and assessment of Victim-offender reconciliation 

programming in West Germany i Galaway’, Burt & Hudson, Joe (ed.) Criminal 

justice, restitution, and reconciliation. Willow tree press, inc. N.Y 1990. 

Forsén-Lindell, L. & Gaal, H: Samverkanprojektet Revansch i Västerås, en begränsad 

utvärdering. Polishögskolan. Specialarbete. Stockholm 1995. 

Slutrapport från medlingsprojektet i Uppsala 950401-970331. Christina Nehlin 

Socialförvaltningen, Uppsala. Bilaga 1. 

Sundberg, Roger: Medling. Offer - ung gärningsman skall mötas. En utvärdering av ett 

medlingsprojekt i Lund. Sid 7. 1996. 

Trollhättans kommun: Statistiska uppgifter från Trollkraft i Trollhättan. 

Statistik över projektets medlingsverksamhet Handslaget. Hudiksvall. 

Västerås kommun, PRO/Aros 

Datalista 

124

Jukka-Pekka Takala, Researcher 


POB 1200, FIN-00101, University of Helsinki 

e-mail: Jukka-Pekka.Takala@om.vn.fi 


Mediation and moral emotions II: observing mediation sessions 

1. Introduction 

This paper is the second one describing the findings of a study on mediation or victimoffender 

reconciliation in Finland. The first one was presented a year ago. The present paper 

will concentrate on the observations of mediation sessions and discuss their meaning for the 

position of mediation. 

The Finnish mediation system gets most of its clients from the police and the prosecutor and 

deals with them before their cases are sent to the court. Although it is permissible and even 

commendable to retrieve cases from the community at large, without the intervention of the 

authorities, few cases appear this way. This is an agency-based system, using one vocabulary. 

Some of the basic elements of the Finnish mediation system were given in the paper a year 

ago, and a more comprehensive charting of the system is being prepared in NRILP by Ida 

Mielityinen. 

Observation of mediation and court sessions 

In our contacts with the mediation agencies and mediators we expressed a wish to observe 

and possibly audiotape mediation sessions. Some mediators disliked the idea; one person held 

that the presence of outside observers would jeopardize the whole idea of mediation; another 

could allow an observer in some cases but rejected the idea of tape-recording. However, most 

mediators were willing to let us in if the parties would agree. 

The observed cases were ones that mediators suggested to us either directly or through the 

mediation agency. There were no particular attempts to make the selection of sessions 

representative. Because of this self-selection, it is likely that the observed sessions were 

chaired by mediators who were more experienced than the average. After having witnessed 

several sessions dealing with vandalism in which the victims had been corporate entities we 

expressed one wish: to see sessions with individual persons as victims. 

The processing of eight cases were observed in nine mediation sessions. Three of the 

mediation sessions were tape-recorded; of others, extensive notes were made. In addition, 

mostly after the mediation sessions, a few parties to mediation were briefly interviewed. 

The types of crimes the observed sessions dealt with include examples of the most important 

crime categories in Finnish mediation. Four cases dealt with assaults; a man had kicked his 

ex-girlfriend in her apartment; another man had kicked his girlfriend in the head in a public 

park; a man had hit another one in a bar and the victim’s teeth had broken; the fourth assault 

by two teenagers against two other teenagers involved also the robbing of a small amount of 

money and other property. Two sessions dealt with vandalism; a group of schoolboys had 

painted graffiti; a man is his twenties had broken an expensive shop window at a shopping 

mall. One case involved the theft of the wallet from a pupil at a school and use of the stolen 

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library card to get CD’s from the library. In the final case a man suspected that his neighbors’ 

children intentionally made noise that prevented his sleeping; he had threatened the neighbors 

in various ways and the neighbors had filed a complaint. 

Finally, four criminal court sessions were observed and notes written of them. They dealt with 

assault (the verdict was aggravated assault), theft, and drug offenses. 

2. Observations on the sessions 

The setting of the mediation and court sessions. 

The contexts of the mediation and court sessions differ in many respects. The court sessions 

are held during business hours, addressing is formal (‘Vous’), the ‘script’ of the session is 

relatively rigid. The mediation sessions are often held in the evening, others are addressed on 

the first-name basis, the flow of discussion is relatively free. In the criminal court, the events 

are discussed based on the pre-trial investigation minutes made by the police; in mediation, 

the parties describe the events in their own words. In court, a direct exchange of words 

between the defendant and the victim is rare; in mediation, it is common. In court, a 

considerable part of the words spoken are addressed to no person but for the benefit of the 

court record; in mediation, there all discussion is addressed directly to other persons present. 

In court, the verdict is handed down by the judge--the defendant and the victim seem passive 

recipients of the decision; in mediation, the offender symbolically assumes responsibility of 

the matter, makes an apology and is forgiven by the victim. 

Emotionally charged settlements in mediation 

All the observed mediation cases lead to a settlement, seven during the observed session, the 

eighth one later. Two of the cases were such that it seems improbable that they would have 

reached as reasonable a settlement in any other way, either if they had been left alone or had 

been processed by the official legal system. 

One of these was the case of a ex-couple, who had separated shortly after a child had been 

born a few months before the incident. The assault, a kick severe enough to leave bruises that 

a doctor could verify (no sick leave ordered), had taken place because of differences over the 

ownership of some electronic equipment. The mediation session was over an hour of very 

intensive and deeply emotional discussion over the relationship of the couple - very 

constructive discussion in the end. It appeared that for the woman, the session was a means to 

force the man to discuss these matters. The man seemed to be terribly hurt because the 

woman had reported the incident to the police in the first place. But an agreement was 

reached: asking and giving forgiveness. 

Mediation seemed like a sensible way of dealing with the matter. The man probably would 

not have talked to the woman without some form of coercion. A court might have ordered 

fines but would probably have made the couple fall even further apart. A marriage counselor 

might have helped if they would have been able to go there - but on the other hand the 

relationship did not seem to involve any particularly serious problems that would require 

special professional attendance. 

The other clear solution involved a man and his neighbors, a family. The man who worked at 

a night shift had had problems sleeping during the day because of noise from the radiators. He 

suspected - he was convinced - that this neighboring family, or their kids, deliberately tapped 

the radiators. He had asked them to stop and had issued all sorts of threats, that of killing 

included. Insults had been exchanged between the neighbors. The man was really furious, so 

126


furious he asked to meet the mediators without the other party because he was afraid he might 

not be able to control himself if they were present. 

After meeting with both parties in long, tedious discussions in which all sorts of solutions, 

including the moving away of one or the other of the parties, were discussed, the mediators 

noticed that there was a chance to show the angry man that the family had not caused the 

irritating sound. They had been out of town during a weekend during which he had suffered 

from the noise. This did not happen in the observed session, it was later told by the mediators 

that when the man heard this, he burst into tears. Pretty soon the parties were together drafting 

a letter to the house managers for them to investigate what caused the irritating noise. 

Compensations for pain and suffering 

The preceding two cases were, it seemed, actually solved through mediation. They were also 

very emotional in tone. Some of the other sessions were more matter-of-factual. There was, 

however, in one of them an interesting stage that illustrates the limits and possibilities of 

mediation - and the power of moral emotions. 

It was an assault and robbery case, involving young school kids. Two drunk young men had 

assaulted two other young boys in the street and taken some cigarettes and money from them. 

Apart from the four youngsters there were four parents present in the session - two for the two 

victims and two for the two offenders. The victims had been scared a lot and one of them had 

got some painful bruises, but there were no medical expenses nor any permanent damage. The 

property taken was only worth a 100 marks (USD 18). The mediators are usually discouraged 

to suggest or accept any monetary compensations for pain or suffering that are bigger than the 

very restrictive guidelines for compensation in traffic accidents require or allow. Under those 

terms, you must be quite badly hurt to get any money for pain and suffering. The settlement 

was taking shape with the standard apology and only the 100 marks compensation for the lost 

property. The father of one of the victims felt this was clearly inadequate, considering the 

seriousness of the offense: “I mean an assault and robbery”. A lengthy discussion of the 

principles of compensation followed. The father grudgingly said he accepted the principles, 

but yet he seemed emotionally dissatisfied, as if there remained a deficit in the balance sheet 

of moral emotions. Finally one of the mediators suggested an additional agreement outside 

the official written settlement: the offenders would do one afternoon of clean-up work at the 

yard of the family of one of the victims. This seemed to satisfy the distressed father. This to 

me shows that the guidelines regarding compensation of damages may restrict the playing out 

of people’s moral negotiations. It also shows the power of moral emotions. 

Young people spoke little 

Two mediation sessions in which some parents of the young parties were present were taped 

and transcribed word by word. The young protagonists turned out to speak very little. In the 

first session, there were four young offenders, their mothers (4), a representative of the victim 

(a corporate entity), and two mediators. The four young defendants used only one-fifth of the 

turns of talking and only four per cent of the words spoken in the session. In the other session, 

there was one young offender, his father, the mother of one individual victim and an adult 

representative of a corporate victim, plus a mediator. The young defendant used one-third of 

the turns of speech and one-tenth of the words spoken in the session. There were on average 

only four or five words in one speaking turn by a youngster in both sessions. They were 

mostly short replies to questions by adults. 

127


The observation may not be representative, but even a few findings like this go against some 

of the most simple portrayals of mediation. However, even if the observation were 

representative, it does not mean that mediation would be a worse alternative than a regular 

court; these mediation sessions still endow the quiet youngsters with a larger role in their 

affairs than common court proceedings so. The observations do support the statements by 

some of the interviewees who said that youngsters are often reluctant to talk much while their 

parents are present and who sometimes ask the parents to wait for a while in another room 

while the matter is discussed between the young protagonists. 

An emotionally satisfying settlement is not always reached. 

In addition to those mediation sessions that clearly achieved something emotionally 

important, there were sessions that were less satisfying. For example, one of the assault cases 

observed was such that the two male parties, who were old pals or at least acquaintances, had 

already reached an agreement between themselves and did not want to discuss the whys and 

wherefores of their fight. The matter came up in mediation only because the offender could 

not afford to pay the dentist to fix the victim’s teeth that his fist had damaged. It seemed that 

the municipal social welfare agency had set it as a condition for a voucher to the dentist that 

the men participate in a mediation session. So, even if a nominal agreement was reached - 

inculing apology and forgiveness plus a plan for the offender to repay the municipality the 

dentist’s bill - there was not an equally satisfying emotional and substantial settlement as in 

the most successful of the observed cases. A similar sense of incompleteness remained in 

some other sessions as well. 

3. Conclusion 

There is more variation to the sessions than the ideal-typical depictions of mediation would 

suggest. There were different types of sessions: 

- those that work just as depicted in the documents of the mediation movement: the victim and 

the offender genuinely meet and resolve their conflict facilitated by the mediators and the 

situation; 

- those whose participants do not want to discuss the matters in front of other persons - these 

tend to turn into moralizing events - their function is to remind the offender of the 

blameworthiness of his/her deed; 

- those in which the participants are reserved about their emotions but do accomplish 

something about the practical matters of compensation. 

While the chances for open discussion and an adequate dealing with moral emotions are 

better in mediation than they are in the regular court session, often the functions of the 

mediation sessions seem to be elsewhere - and closer to the traditional functions of courts: to 

symbolize, to mark in a ritualistic way the importance of some societal norms, a warning, 

perhaps. 

However, the observations made in this research suggest that mediation indeed does often 

offer a suitable form for the participants’ moral emotions to be expressed and played out. 

A judicial conflict, even that between the offender and the victim of a crime, often has 

properties that are similar to the well-known game of Prisoners’ dilemma. Often the result 

would serve better both parties if they agreed to compromise. However, against every single 

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move of the opposite party, a tough, uncompromising position seems the best bet. For a 

person to be ready to choose a conciliatory move he often has to have quick feedback that the 

other party is going to cooperate. An important element in these “games” is the emotional 

tone of the interchange. In a mediation session, these conciliatory moves seem to easier to 

initiate than in a more formalistic and adversarial court proceedings. 

4. References 

Takala, Jukka-Pekka: “Mediation and moral emotions: the mediators’ views”. In: Fängsler: 

administration, behandling og evaluering. Scandinavian Research Council for 

Criminology, Reykjavik, Iceland 1997, pp. 263-74. (A more comprehensive report is 

published in Finnish: Takala, Jukka-Pekka. 1998). 

Moraalitunteet rikosten sovittelussa [Moral Emotions in Victim-Offender Mediation]. 

Oikeuspoliittisen tutkimuslaitoksen julkaisuja 151. Helsinki. (Parts of the English 

summary of that report is used in the present paper). 

129


Erlendur S. Baldursson, Head of Department 

Prison and Probation Administration 

Borgartún 7, IS- 105 Reykjavik 

e-mail: erlendur.baldursson@skima.is 

and 

Jón Friðrik Sigurðsson, Psychologist 

Prison and Probation Administration 

Borgartún 7, IS- 105 Reykjavik 

e-mail: jonfridrik@skima.is 

130 

Alcohol and Drug Abuse Treatment and Recidivism. 

An attempt to evaluate the effectiveness of substance abuse 

treatment as an alternative to imprisonment among Icelandic 

prison inmates. 

Introduction 

Treatment of criminal offenders for alcohol and drug abuse has a long history behind it, both 

in prisons and outside prisons. In the years following 1970 the optimism relating to the 

feasibility of such treatment programmes provided for offenders receded considerably 

following the publication by an American scientist of the conclusions drawn by him 

concerning the possibilities for such treatment (Martinson, 1974). His conclusions indicated 

rather meagre success in the rehabilitation of offenders. His message was that for this purpose 

“nothing works”. Later investigations have nevertheless indicated the opposite; namely that 

rehabilitation is indeed successful in some cases, and is frequently manifested by a reduction 

in the rate of return to prison (McMurran and Hollin, 1993). The success of treatment is 

however very difficult to measure, and study results are often misleading. Grevholm and 

Külhorn (1997) compiled a survey of the results of eleven Nordic studies of the results of 

treatment programmes carried out in 1980-1995, and found that none of them fulfilled the 

methodological standards applicable to such studies. Martinson’s conclusion of no success 

and speculations relating to the links between drug abuse and crime, in addition to varied 

opinions concerning the appropriateness of offering drug treatment in prison, have had the 

effect that views relating to drug treatment of offenders have fluctuated considerably in the 

past two decades (Peters, 1993). 

The objective in treating criminal offenders for alcohol and drug abuse can be described as 

twofold. One is to improve their health and their life in general, and the other is to reduce the 

likelihood of their return to prison. Notwithstanding the fact that the link between alcohol or 

substance abuse and crime is by no means always evident, such abuse and crime often go 

hand in hand, and many offenders are of the opinion that their crimes are a direct consequence 

of their drug abuse. Many studies have been conducted outside Iceland for the purpose of 

investigating these links. It has repeatedly been revealed that abuse of drugs is common 

among offenders (Baldwin, 1991), and also that abuse of alcohol is frequently linked to 

violent crimes (Gudjonsson and Petursson, 1990; Cookson, 1992; Thomas and McMurran, 

1993), whereas abuse of other drugs tends to be linked to property crimes (Junger-Tas, 1991,


Egg, 1992). A recent study of young English criminal offenders (Kirby, 1993) showed that 

93% of those asked said they had been abusing drugs regularly, and that they committed 

crime in order to finance their drug purchases. 

According to the studies conducted by Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson (1994, 1996) of alcohol 

and drug abuse by Icelandic prisoners prior to the service of their sentences, three out of 

every four participants reported having been under the influence of some intoxicating 

substance when committing the crime for which they were sentenced, and of these, 64% said 

that they had been under the influence of alcohol and 33% under the influence of illicit drugs 

(Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson, 1994). The prisoners were asked various questions concerning 

their drug abuse before they were incarcerated. A sizeable proportion seemed to have 

considerable alcohol or other drug problems. Seventeen per cent said that they had been using 

alcohol or some illicit drugs on a daily basis for the six months prior to imprisonment, and 

almost one-fourth (23%) said that they had at some time used drugs by injection. Almost one 

third considered themselves to have a drug problem, and 57% said that they had received 

treatment for alcohol or drug abuse at some time (Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson, 1995, 1996). 

An excerpt of Sigurdsson’s and Gudjonsson’s writings on alcohol and drug abuse by 

Icelandic prisoners was published in the Annual Report of the Prison and Probation 

Administration for 1993. 

Since 1990, the Prison and Probation Administration (hereafter abbreviated PPA) has offered 

prisoners the option of completing the last six weeks of their imprisonment by taking part in a 

treatment programme for alcohol and drug abuse with SAA (Samtök áhugamanna um 

áfengisvandamálið), a government-supported private organisation that offers treatment to 

alcohol and drug abusers. This is a traditional six week programme based on the medical 

model of alcoholism (Minnesota Model) and the twelve AA (Alcoholic Anonymous) steps. 

This is done in accordance with the Prisons and Imprisonment Act, No. 48/1988, which 

provides for the possibility of housing a sentenced person in a hospital or other institution for 

treatment, if this is considered feasible on account of health, age or other (unspecified) 

reasons. Until 1990 this provision was usually only applied in cases of physical illness where 

hospitalisation was required, as no medical treatment wards have ever been operative in 

Icelandic prisons. This treatment option is one of three alternatives of imprisonment in 

Iceland, the others being community service, which was legalised in 1995, and transfer to a 

half-way house in Reykjavik run by the Prison Aid Association, which also started in 1995. 

Most prisoners applying for completion of a prison sentence by treatment for alcohol and 

drug abuse do so at their own initiative, but this also happens frequently as a result of a 

recommendation or at the instigation of others, in particular family members or persons 

employed within the prison system. The applications are examined by the PPA, which grants 

such permissions in consultation with the chief physician at SAA on the basis of the 

prisoner’s conduct or performance when serving his sentence and any other indications as to 

whether his desire is expressed in earnest. In 1990-1996 a total of 120 prisoners were afforded 

the opportunity of completing their sentences by taking part in such a programme. Most 

prisoners permitted to complete their sentences in this manner have been sentenced to fairly 

long prison terms, which most often are terminated by conditional release on probation. By 

offering this option, the idea is to provide for the prisoners a better preparation for life outside 

prison. Before the treatment starts a written agreement is entered into between the prisoner 

and the PPA, specifying the conditions accepted by the prisoner. He undertakes to obey 

certain rules and orders issued by both the PPA and SAA. If the conditions set are violated, or 

if the prisoner wants to terminate the treatment, he is brought to prison again, where he 

131


completes his sentence. If a prisoner leaves the SAA treatment facilities without the 

knowledge or approval of the PPA, this is regarded as a breakout from prison, which may be 

subject to disciplinary sanctions under the Prisons and Imprisonment Act. 

The objective of the present study is to assess what results may have been obtained from 

offering to prisoners the option of completing their sentences by participating in a six-week 

alcohol and drug abuse treatment programme at SAA. This is done by investigating whether 

there is any difference in the rate of recidivism among those who completed this programme 

and those who failed to do so. It was assumed that persons in the former group were less 

likely to return to prison, and that those who did return would do so later than the others. In 

making this comparison, use was only made of information concerning those who completed 

their treatment programme not later than four years ago, i.e. those who took part in such a 

programme in 1990-1993, so as to obtain a reliable picture of their return rate. Another 

purpose was to investigate the criminal records of the prisoners and compare it to the 

available information on the criminal records and return rates of Icelandic prisoners in 

general. An assessment of the efficiency of the treatment was not included, as the available 

information does not permit this. The study was in part carried out with the financial support 

of the Alcohol and Drug Abuse Prevention Fund (Forvarnararsjóður). 

The rates of return to prison among Icelandic prisoners have been the subject of some study 

programmes. Gudjonsson (1982) investigated how more than 70 boys who had been 

accommodated at Breiðavík in Iceland, a home for behaviourally disturbed children, had 

fared after they left that facility, and found that approximately 73% had committed a criminal 

act three or more years after they had left. Soon after, another study of the return rates to 

Icelandic prisons was conducted by Kristmundsson (1985), who found that more than one half 

(55%) of prisoners who had completed their sentences in 1979 and 1980 had served a prison 

sentence previously, and that 59% of them had returned to prison by 1984. Recently 

Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson (1997) investigated the criminal records of almost 500 Icelandic 

prisoners who had served their sentences in the period 1991-1995. Among the results was that 

40% of the prisoners had served prison sentences previously. An excerpt of their article on the 

criminal records of Icelandic prisoners was published in the PPA’s Annual Report for 1996. 

The investigations of Kristmundsson (1985) and Sigurdsson and Gudjonssson (1997) indicate 

that recidivism in Iceland showed a marked reduction in the period 1980-1985. It must be 

noted, however, that different studies show different return rates. A lower rate is shown if a 

study relates to all persons coming to prison for the service of a sentence, but a study of all 

persons staying in prison at a particular point in time shows a higher rate. In the latter case a 

higher return rate may be expected, because the study group then includes a higher proportion 

of habitual offenders. A cross-section of the present Icelandic prison population reveals that 

approximately 50% of Icelandic prisoners have served a sentence previously. 

Method 

A study of recidivism rates and criminal records of 48 prisoners who were permitted to 

complete their prison sentences by a six week alcohol and drug abuse treatment programme at 

SAA in 1990-1993 included 44 men (92%) and 4 women (8%). Figure 1 shows the age 

distribution of the prisoners. Their average age at the time the treatment programme was 

initiated was 30.1 years (SD=8.0). The youngest prisoner was 18 years old, and the oldest was 

54 years old. 

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The study included a comparison of those who completed the full six week programme at 

SAA and those who failed to do so, i.e. those who terminated their participation at their own 

request and those who were dismissed as a result of some disciplinary violation during the 

programme. 

Results 

Table 1 shows the number of prisoners, for each year separately, who completed the entire 

programme, and of those who did not. Of the 48 prisoners given the opportunity of 

completing their prison sentences by participation in a six week alcohol and drug abuse 

programme at SAA, 34 prisoners completed the programme (71%), but 14 (29%) ceased their 

participation before its completion, 8 at their own request, and 6 because of disciplinary 

violations during the programme. Those completing the programme were 32 men (73%) and 2 

women (50%). No comparison was made between males and females, as the female sample 

was very small. Female prisoners are only between 5 and 6 per cent of those who at any 

particular time serve prison sentences in Iceland. 

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Table 1. The number of prisoners who completed a treatment programme and those who 

failed to do so in 1990 to 1996, both years included. 

Treatment completed Treatment not completed 

Year Number (%) Number (%) Total 

1990 11 (85%) 2 (15%) 13 

1991 9 (60%) 6 (40%) 15 

1992 8 (62%) 5 (38%) 13 

1993 6 (86%) 1 (14%) 7 

Total 34 (71%) 14 (29%) 48 

Table 2 shows the types of offence for which a sentence was being served at the time the 

treatment programme commenced. As shown there, more than half of the number of prisoners 

were serving a sentence for property offences, which is consistent with the causes for 

imprisonment in Iceland in recent years (refer to the Annual Reports of the PPA). It is 

noteworthy that almost one third (29%) of the prisoners to whom the study related were 

serving a sentence for violent or sexual offences, while according to the PPA’s Annual Report 

for 1996, only 16% of Icelandic prisoners served sentences on account of such offences in 

1996. 

Table 2. The types of offence for which the prisoners were serving sentences when the 

opportunity of participation in the treatment programme was offered them. 

Treatment completed Treatment not Total undergoing 

completed 

treatment 

Type of offence Number (%) Number (%) Number (%) 

Property offences 17 (65%) 9 (35%) 26 (54%) 

Serious 

violations 

traffic 7 (88%) 1 (12%) 8 (17%) 

Sexual offences 6 (67%) 3 (33%) 9 (19%) 

Violent offences* 4 (80%) 1 (20%) 5 (10%) 

Total 34 (71%) 14 (29%) 48 (100%) 

* Two individuals serving sentences for homicide or attempted homicide are included in this 

category. 

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Figure 2 shows the differences in rates of recidivism during the study period, i.e. to the end of 

1997, by year of treatment. 

Table 4 shows the average numbers, standard deviations and t-tests for those who completed 

the treatment programmes and those who failed to do so in 1990-1993. No significant 

difference was demonstrated among the two groups as regards the variables studied. The 

mean ages of prisoners participating in the treatment programmes proved to be the same, as 

was the case with the average duration of the sentence or sentences they were serving at the 

time of commencing treatment. Almost one third (29%) of the prisoners in question were 

serving their first prison sentence at the time of commencing treatment. 

Table 4. Means, standard deviations and t-tests for prisoners completing treatment (N=34), 

and those who did not (N=14) in the years 1990 to 1993, as regards to the variables studied. 

Treatment completed Treatment 

completed 

not 

Mean (SD) Mean (SD) t-test 

Age during treatment 30.1 years (8.6) 30.1 years (6.5) -0.01 

Duration of sentence(s) 19.8 months (28.8) 19.1 months. 0.08 

terminated 

programme 

by treatment 

(12.2) 

Age when first imprisoned 24.3 years (6.3) 23.1 years (4.4) 0.53 

Number of unconditional 5.4 sentences (4.8) 6.6 sentences (5.3) -0.72 

sentences at time of 

commencement of treatment 

Number of prison terms served 3.1 terms (2.3) 

earlier 

4.1 terms (2.7) -1.24 

Of the 48 prisoners undergoing a treatment programme in 1990-1993 a total of 30 (63%) 

returned to prison during the period. No significant difference was found between those who 

completed the entire treatment programme and those who failed to do so; however, a higher 

proportion of the latter group returned to prison, i.e. 86% instead of 53%. Neither was such 

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difference found as regards the time elapsed from participation in a treatment programme to 

commencement of the next prison term, between those who completed the programme and 

those who did not. Nevertheless, the prisoners completing the programme returned later to 

prison than the others. The former returned to prison in 19.5 months on the average, while the 

latter returned after a period averaging 14 months. Eleven of the returning prisoners were 

granted a second opportunity to complete their sentences by a treatment programme, and one 

prisoner was granted a third opportunity in the period coming under the study. 

Discussion 

Since 1990, a total of 120 prisoners have been afforded the opportunity of completing their 

prison sentences by participation in an alcohol and drug abuse treatment programme offered 

by SAA. In order to make it possible to discern any differences in the return rates to prison of 

those who completed the entire six week programme and those who failed to do so, the 

decision was taken to extend the study to at least four years from the termination of 

participation, in order to obtain a realistic picture of the return rates. In 1990-1993, forty-eight 

prisoners were afforded this option. Of these, slightly less than three fourths completed the 

treatment programme, but slightly more than one fourth terminated their participation at their 

own request or as a result of various disciplinary offences in the course of the programme. No 

statistically significant difference was found between the two groups, in spite of a 

considerable proportional difference. This may be due to the small number of individuals 

providing the sample. Further research is needed, and returns to prison of offenders who 

undergo a treatment programme while serving a sentence will continue to be monitored. 

It is however noteworthy that the return rate of both groups (63%) was rather high, and 

considerably higher than the return rate of the prisoners studied by Sigurdsson and 

Gudjonsson (1997), which showed that four out of every ten individuals admitted to Icelandic 

prisons for serving a sentence over a period of four years had served a prison term earlier. A 

recent study of Norwegian offenders who completed their prison sentences by an alcohol or 

drug abuse treatment programme, conducted by Ødegård and Amundsen (1998), revealed a 

higher rate of recidivism (90%) than that of those who did not participate in a programme of 

this kind (81%). One explanation for the high recidivism rate of the Icelandic prisoners 

undergoing such a programme is without doubt linked to their criminal records, as their 

records were both longer and graver than those of the prisoners studied by Sigurdsson and 

Gudjonsson. The prisoners in the present study were, on the average, approximately four 

years younger than the prisoners they studied, who averaged 27 years (SD=8.7) when they 

served their first prison sentence. The members of the present study sample had also served 

more terms in prison and had received more unconditional sentences than the members of 

their sample, who had previously been sentenced by an average of 5.1 (SD=5.2) 

unconditional sentences and had served an average of 2.8 (SD=2.9) prison terms. 

Another explanation of this high return rate can undoubtedly be traced to the alcohol and drug 

problems of the sample members, as this was the reason why they applied for a completion of 

their sentences by drug abuse treatment in the first place. It may be assumed that their drug 

abuse problems are proportionally greater than those of other prisoners, who did not lodge 

such applications. One deficiency of this study is the fact that no information was available on 

the prisoners’ use or consumption of alcohol or illicit drugs, nor the nature of their problems, 

at the time they applied for participation in the treatment programme. The only dependable 

information on alcohol and drug use by Icelandic prisoners is to be found in the studies of 

Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson (1994, 1995 and 1996). Their study (1995) of 340 Icelandic 

prisoners concluded that 13% were regarded as seriously dependent on the abuse of drugs, 

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i.e., that they reported to have used drugs at least on a weekly basis for the six months 

preceding imprisonment and had, in addition, used drugs by injection some time. It has also 

been brought to light that a very large proportion of Icelandic prisoners seem to have taken 

part in an alcohol and drug use treatment programme at the time they commence the service 

of a sentence. According to the Annual Report of the PPA for 1993, 45% of the sample 

members of Sigurdsson’s and Gudjonsson’s study said they had completed at least one such 

programme, and of these approximately one half said that they had undergone such treatment 

at least twice. 

When making this comparison, it is necessary to bear in mind that the studies of Sigurdsson 

and Gudjonsson included all individuals admitted to prison for the service of a prison term 

during a particular period, and their conclusions, therefore, relate to the course taken by the 

average prisoner. The present study, on the other hand, investigates the course taken by only 

those prisoners who were allowed participation in an alcohol or drug abuse treatment 

programme. It may be assumed that the members if this group have, on the whole, greater 

alcohol and drug use problems, and they may have a longer criminal record than the average 

prisoner. 

As regards recidivism, the results of the present study indicate that a prisoner’s completion or 

non-completion of a treatment programme does not matter much. Nevertheless it must be 

noted that the sample is rather small and it is questionable whether any firm conclusions can 

be drawn. The study may be regarded as the beginning of an investigation of the treatment 

and rehabilitation possibilities available for Icelandic prisoners, and it will be interesting to 

see what return rates are shown by prisoners completing their sentences by a treatment 

programme in a few years. The reader should also be reminded that the study is limited to the 

information available at the PPA. No information was available on earlier treatment 

programmes afforded the prisoners in question, nor their performance during any such 

treatment, and it would be incautious to draw any conclusions on the treatment results 

obtained for the members of the study sample. 

In spite of the high return rate of the prisoners afforded treatment there are at least two 

weighty arguments in favour of continuing to offer prisoners the opportunity of concluding 

their sentences by taking part in a treatment programme. Firstly, treatment for the abuse of 

alcohol or illicit drugs must remain a valid option for prisoners contending with such 

problems, if only from the viewpoint of health care alone. In this respect, the reaction is the 

same as in cases of other health problems, i.e.; attempts are made to make general health care 

available for prisoners while they serve their terms. Secondly, a treatment programme outside 

prison is a positive option, both for a prisoner and for society at large. A constructive 

treatment environment is likely to have better influences a prisoner’s well being and health 

than his incarceration in prison. 

References 

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Probation Administration for 1993) Fangelsismálastofnun ríkisins (The Prison and 

Probation Administration). Reykjavík 1994. 

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Probation Administration for 1996) Fangelsismálastofnun ríkisins (The Prison and 

Probation Administration). Reykjavík 1997. 

Baldwin, S.: Alcohol Education and Young Offenders. Medium and Short Term Effectiveness 

of Education Programs. Springer-Verlag, New York 1991. 

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Cookson, H.M.: ‘Alcohol use and offence type in young offenders’. In: British Journal of 

Criminology, 32-1992, pp. 352-360. 

Egg, R.: Motivation for therapy by judicial pressure? The treatment of drug addicted 

offenders. A lecture at the Third European Conference of Law and Psychology, 

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Gudjonsson, G.H.: ‘Delinquent boys in Reykjavik: A follow-up study of boys sent to an 

institution’. In: Abnormal offenders, Delinquency, and the Criminal Justice System, 

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Gudjonsson, G.H. and H. Petursson: ‘Homicide in the Nordic Countries’. In: Acta Psychiatr. 

Scand., 82-1990, pp. 49-50. 

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modern nordisk empirisk forskning’. I: Nordisk Tidskrift for Kriminalvidenskab, 

20-1997, pp. 170-181. 

Sigurdsson, J.F. and G.H. Gudjonsson: ‘Alcohol and drug intoxication during police 

interrogation and the reasons why suspects confess to the police’. In: Addiction, 89- 

1994, pp. 985-977. 

Sigurdsson, J.F. and G.H. Gudjonsson: ‘Personality characteristics of drug-dependent 

offenders’. In: Nordic Journal of Psychiatry, 49-1995, pp.33-38. 

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their imprisonment’. In: Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health, 6-1996, pp. 98-104. 

Sigurdsson, J.F. and G.H. Gudjonsson: ‘The criminal history of ‘false confessors’ and other 

prison inmates’. In: The Journal of Forensic Psychiatry, 8-1997, pp. 447-455. 

Junger-Tas, J: Nature and Evolution of Criminality of Young Adults. Tenth Criminological 

Colloquium. Theme: Young adult offenders and crime policy. Strasbourg: Council of 

Europe 1991. 

Kirby, T.: ‘Drugs at heart of crime wave among young’. The Independent, Tuesday 13 May 

1993, p. 3. 

Martinson, R.: ‘What works? Questions and answers about prison reform’. In: The Public 

Interest, 35-1974, pp. 22-54. 

McMurran, M. and C.R. Hollin: Young Offenders and Alcohol Related Crime. A 

Practitioner’s Guidebook. Chichester: John Wiley. 1993. 

Kristmundsson, O.H.: Ólögleg ávana- og fíkniefni á Íslandi [Illicit Drugs of Habituation and 

Dependence in Iceland]. The Ministry of Justice and Ecclesiastical Affairs. Reykjavík 

1985. 

Peters, R.H.: ‘Drug treatment in jails and detention settings’. In: J.A. Inciardi (Ed.) Drug 

Treatment and Criminal Justice. Sage Publications, California 1993. 

Thomas, G. og M. McMurran: ‘Alcohol-Related Offending in Male Special Hospital 

Patients’. In: Medicine, Science and the Law, 33-1993, pp. 29-32. 

Ødegård, E. og A. Amundsen,: ‘§ 12-soning – om effekten av å implantere behandling 

innenfor en straffekontekst’. I: Nordisk Alkohol- & Narkotikatidskrift,15-1998, pp. 21- 

33. 

138

Timo Korander, Researcher 

Police College 

PAKK, PB 13, FIN-02151 Espoo 

e-mail: timo.korander@krp.poliisi.mailnet.fi 


Speculations on the Finnish Police Murders 

Two policemen are shot in the centre of Helsinki. The press, tv and radio - the media - follow 

closely and in real time (cf. the Persian Gulf war) both the events and public reactions. It is 

said that never before have similar reactions been seen. Why do the police murders become 

such a great sensation? 1 What matters might be behind the “police murder sensation”? 

The dreaded model constructed by Hollywood came true 

You had already seen it in the movies, but only in the movies! Irrational, ruthless and 

unexplainable violence leaves you powerless. The emotional reaction is remarkable, and this 

feeling and event is symbolised by the image of the method of killing emerging on the 

memory’s retina: in the night in the dark street executed human bodies lying on their knees 

and stomachs, cowardly and cruelly shot to the back (neck). When talking about the police 

murders this image rose and will rise to people’s eyes. The whole narrative of the story is not 

insignificant. 

A real time crime movie 

The event has the elements of a thriller: a shocking and dramatic beginning (the way, time 

and place of killing) cannot leave people with emotions cold. 2 A nation-wide, extremely 

exciting, unique police operation begins, a chase, where after the first moments the hope of 

victory of the good is lost - after two days it seems impossible to catch the villain. And then: 

catharsis! The guilty one has been identified and finally apprehended. The good (the police), 

on whom has been attacked, acts like a victorious hero until the end (the police killer is not 

even battered when he is apprehended). The evil confesses, repents his acts and get his 

1. Before I discuss alternative explanations, I will answer a couple of concrete questions concerning my current 

research project: I’ve been just about two years with police officers as a participant observationist. In the 

morning of the event I was leaving for Spain to attend a conference in Oniati. It crossed my mind that I could 

have been patrolling with the shot policemen in the night of the murders (e.g. I felt a pain in my chest). Anyway, 

it was not very probable, because those men did not belong to those units I was driving with. However, I knew 

them both by sight and I had worked with their co-workers. With those, who knew them, I have talked about 

their feelings. However, these reasonings have nothing to do with the matters that I want discuss with the 

seminar attendants next. I want to talk about, what lay behind the “police murder phenomena”, things connected 

with it and the consequences of it. Nevertheless, it should be said that perhaps discussing this subject is some 

kind of “debriefing” or therapy for me. This may explain the sarcastic rhetoric of my paper. Let us say that it is 

some kind of “reflective sociology” (or social psychology). Nothing is sacred to the sociologists. 

2. To start speculations... What is the function of the morning news, especially from radio? You (or “normal 

people”) start a new day by listening is the world same place as last night, as it was before you went to sleep. Is 

everything out there OK? Is weather OK, is there revolution, riot or strikes, problems in traffic, anything 

abnormal? People are in sensitive condition when they wake up in home, aren’t they? Now everything wasn’t the 

same compared yesterday. The morning time concerning news is not insignificant. This kind of extreme (ultra) 

violence doesn’t fit to context of mornings. So it was “bad sun rising”, a morning shock, which turned daily 

rhythm of matters up side down: (might felt: “Don’t give me slaughters at my breakfast, please!”) The accurate 

time and place for violence is at night time: after nine o’clock news is the time of the entertainment of violence, 

enjoyment of action and violence, the acceptable time for Hollywood production. 

139


punishment. The sorrow of the relatives bothers the minds of the public (audience). However, 

a cultural channel is based on this emotional impact: 

The global village and collective reaction models 

The global media has its role. The public reaction, the bringing of flowers, sympathy and 

condolences, has been tried to be explained by the model of “collective sorrow”, reminding 

the one felt by Princess Diana’s death. The background of collective sorrow is speculated to 

lie on the deep Finnish economical regression and mental depression. 3 Nothing more about 

the innocent, distressed white figure of the princess loved by the public, but more about other 

fairy tale characters: combat between good and evil. 

The (gendered) combat between good and evil 

The story is as taken from a fairy tale, the classic combat between good and evil. It was easy 

to identify oneself with the defender of (social) good (who could have been also somebody 

else than a policeman(?), but the knights of the crown are more classic). 4 The manner of 

killing and what had happened did not leave uncertain the division between good and evil as 

was the case in the hostage drama in Mikkeli and other episodes where the police had been 

surrounding its resistants. 5 If the incident had not been so evident, if the police had used 

firearms or forced the victim to act somehow, it would not have been so easy for the media to 

take its side: 

Media’s (public’s) bad conscience of earlier critique of Finnish police’s use of firearms 

The police has been one-sidedly critisized almost only negatively in shooting incidents. The 

police have during the latest years shot to death some of its armed resistants. Relatively 

loudly has been demanded stricter control and limitations to police’s use of firearms. Now the 

situation turned upside down. The policemen had been cruelly shot. 6 Behind the scene the 

media had to ask itself, if it was wrong, if it even was partially to blame. It was asked, if the 

Finnish police’s use of arms was too soft. This affected the journalistic discourse. Would the 

human lives of the “civil servants” been saved, if they had acted like their American 

colleagues: 

Discourse of the human faced civil servants 

The police is there for us. The policemen had stayed up so that we could sleep. In one night 

this faceless control institution, the police, got a face. 

3. 

The event was neither too near nor too far: the 100 000 Finnish users of antidepressants and also other 

depressed people got an opportunity to cry. 

4. 

Also the masculine stereotypes, young men as heroes, supporter the classicism of the story. Stereotypically the 

victimisation of a male can be accepted more easily, if he is (masculinilly) shot, especially, if he dies heroically. 

And yet: what about, if the other victim would have been a policewoman? Would the gender have been the issue 

of the “cause”? Now it was pondered, if the older policeman’s poor knowledge of languages had partially caused 

the event. Furthermore the critical sociologists have their archetypes of good and evil, and on the other hand, of 

different societies. Very revealing is an curiosity that my colleague told me. When I and Anne Alvesalo were in 

Oniati, she told our foreign colleagues that the policemen had been killed in a manner of an execution (we had 

earlier discussed the Finnish events with them). They found it very interesting “that in Finland the police killers 

are executed without delay”. Criminologists have stereotypes of countries (Finland as a “barbarian”) and 

institutions: the police seems to be suitable enemy for critical sociologists/criminologists. 

5. 

In Mikkeli there was a hostage situation, where bad police managering resulted to death of hostages. 

6. 

From the college psychology, from the cognitive dissonance theory can be drawn the psychological 

interpretation of one standpoint at a time: the three different components of attitude have to be in balance: 

emotion, knowledge and behaviour. Now the behaviour in the event and the emotion it produced was so strong 

that the rational aspect was defeated as contradictory. It felt contradictory to talk about police’s use of firearms 

based on common knowledge. 

140


A reminder of humanity in the society: a policeman is a human being, too 

The dead constables’ faces were soon published. A policeman, too, is vulnerable and he has a 

family. Relatives grieved for them, their children and wife as well. People were really hurt, 

the murded ones and all those who grieved for him. 7 The policemen, these family members 

had stayed up for the security of the Finnish nation. 

Social construction of patriotism and a threat upon our haven 

The great story called Finland, Finnishness and patriotism, was reflected on the defenders of 

the society and social peace. The presumed public reaction produced a “social demand” for 

the social construction of the departed (killed) heroes. A tabloid even wrote, that in Finland 

after the war only president Urho Kekkonen got a more impressive funeral. And, in addition, 

it was again proven that Finland is no longer a safe haven, a peaceful village and a consensual 

welfare state. 

Fragmented postmodern society and urban horror scenario 

Collective emotional outbursts (of social nausea, sickness) seldom find their way out in the 

postmodern, fragmented society. When you find one, behind it lies a bigger constructive, 

collective feeling, feeling of insecurity: the fear of indifference due to the decayed social 

relationships in a modern urban society. And indifference (Niemel et al. 1997) in social 

relationships is (regarded as) the cause of violence and crime. 

The archeexample of the fear of crime 

At its worst the fear of crime is the fear of a stranger - of an outside, indefinite, unknown, 

unexpected and violent stranger - the fear of an attack on an honest and innocent people (both 

persons and nation). 8 

“Chasing a foreigner” and the connotations of the method 

Some evening papers tried to provoke (moral) panic (cf. earlier elements of moral panic in 

Finland caused by the fear of eastern mafia and drug expansion) telling about the chase of a 

violent and ruthless foreign robber. The suspect had spoken English, and there was a violent 

robbery of money in connection with the act. The method was similar what is known as 

“eastern mafia” and (western) “drug gangsters” use. The police did not express any public 

opinion on the nationality of the criminal, but a certain connotation was seen in the special 

attack on boats departing from Helsinki for Estonia. In the radio Estonia officially regretted 

the suspicions on Estonian citizens. It was said there was “antiracistly fortunate in a 

misfortune”: “Luckily the criminal was not black!” It was a good, suitable enemy against 

whom everybody (as one nation) could fight: 

7. Only the hardened criminals and critical sociologists avoided the touch of evil? As a matter of curiosity a 

postgraduate. sociologist, a colleague of mine said, that the whole case “pissed him off, the tabloids were load of 

shit...”. 

8. As a matter of curiosity, a relative of mine told that their 5 year old son was were scared of this killer later. 

They are living near to prison, and he almost could sleep at night at all, because he was so afraid, while have 

heard talks and news of this killer - even though parents tried to avoid him to hear or see anything. “Aren’t him 

in that prison, aren’t him coming to our house.” They have to lie that he is not there! How the most sensitive 

persons, children reacted tells about extensiveness of this sensation, as there is a Finnish expression “you hear 

the truth form children’s mouths”: A police killer is “a post-modern bogeyman, a witch, monster of fairy tails”. 

141


The characteristics of the suitable enemy 

Some of the characteristics of a suitable enemy were found (Christie & Bruun 1986): nobody 

defends the victims (the suspect) or the defence is very weak, that is to say that there are very 

few opponent opinions or there are none. (The act was so cruel that there was no room for 

defence, and it would have been disgracing the “departed heroes”, if someone had dared to 

criticise the action of the police or analyse them control-critically.) 9 The attacker (the police) 

gets the honour; the weak groups pay the main part of the consequences of the war (foreigners 

as suspects) and the majority’s way of life was hardly disturbed, more dangerous and 

important matters got no attention, that is to say that the centralised power and the great 

majority were left in peace; and also one of the characteristics of an ideal problem is the fact 

that it can explain other undesirable things (e.g. the cancelling of prison leaves or the 

necessary existence of the prison institution): 

Social demand for harder control and criminal policy 

In Finland the Minister of Justice had started the conversation of tightening the too liberal 

criminal policy (see e.g. Suomen Kuvalehti). The liberal “understanding” criminal policy of 

the seventies had come to its end. 10 The “common people” are thought to support the harder 

line without reserve 11 (it can be proven by gallup surveys!): It is believed that people are 

afraid of the prison leaves. The hero hardly soiled himself with these demands: 

Moderate police? - “Statesman’s funeral” 

For a long time the tight budget of the police had been a constant concern of the media and 

the subject was brought up again, as expected, by some parliament members. Representatives 

of the police union expressed their opinion on this question in electronic media. The police 

acted moderately, and as a matter of fact, in this way they got the “public” sympathy: The 

police did not make the mistake of trying to get more money before “the bodies were cold”. 12 

And most significantly they did not have to do it for themselves: media let representatives of 

the public tell their opinion several times, for example about 80-years old woman insisted on 

more powers for the police in nine o’clock news. But the Police made a great pr-happening 

(Durkheimian functions: funeral have several functions including as a rite, it functions as a 

symbol of community’s social existence) organising a “Statesman’s funeral” with funeral 

procession passing the central police station, where police chiefs were saluting: 20 000 people 

were present, and funerals were televised. So the church had their share too, the church used 

death, funeral as rehabilitation of religious rites, to rehabilitate of religion and church 

9. There was a contradictory element concerning villain - and this is the only place I will mention anything about 

the person, Christiansen himself. People were confused by the thoroughly contradictory personality of the 

suspect: how was it possible that (as a policeman said: “the dream son in law”) a well-behaved, pleasant and 

handsome Scandinavian (one of us) could commit such a crime. 

10. Also Helsingin Sanomat expressed its opinion in its editorial 28th October 1997: “The support of the citizens 

helped the police significantly” on this matter: “Scandinavian liberal prison policy had - once again - sad 

consequences. Christensen is not the first major criminal, who has amazingly easily got a leave from the prison. 

He is also not the first, who murders someone.” 

11. There were also opponent opinions. For instance, the Councillor of the Court of Appeal, Jukka Kemppinen 

analysed the incident and the grief it caused and said that this sorrow could also have a connecting and healing 

power (“Common grief, a turn to the better” ). He wrote in Helsingin Sanomat 8th October 1997: 

“Opportunism is flourishing. When people are terrified of crimes, more severe penalties are demanded and 

people are silent about the fact that this kind of practice turns the crimes even more serious and causes more 

suffering and costs.” 

12. I know from my fieldwork experience that the internal conversations in the police was quite different. The 

chief of the National Bureau of Investigation expressed his opinion very objectively in Helsingin Sanomat 31st 

October 1997. But you can find purposeful rhetoric in his statement (see footnote 13). 

142


institution in godless postmodern era (Look at the photo of mass procession!). Neither did the 

media blow it. 

Still moderate Finnish media? 

Also the media acted in a moderate Finnish way, and let the relatives mourn in peace. And it 

did not try to raise moral panic and turn sorrow into hatred. The sorrow was kept on the 

surface, the hatred was suppressed. No doubt, the English media would have acted the other 

way round. 

The place of the murders, ground of historical values, the old centre of Helsinki 

Lastly, it is possible to speculate that the public reactions may not have been so positive and 

extensive, if the incident had occurred in a “normal context of evil or crime”, for instance in 

sub-urban Kontula or in Lahti in Liipola, and not in the centre of historic and upper-classic 

Helsinki, the metaphoric heart of the (patriotic) nation. This place was easy to find and bring 

condolences from all over Finland (vs. the sub-urb of Kontula), too. 

Police-public relations 

The good police-public relations have been used as an explanation model for the “public 

reaction”. It is believed that there is fair play even with the robbers in a small village like 

Finland. But does these good relations have a lot of value as an explanation model in this 

story? 

Consequences? 

At last, did this episode give anything new to the Finnish criminal policy? Did it leave only a 

social demand for harder control and criminal policy? Did it leave an admiration for our 

police and a concern of its too tight budget, lenient use of firearms, changes in strategies and 

tactics, wider powers etc.? 13 

13. The tight budget of the police is often seen (by the police) as a crucial problem of the social order: the chief of 

the National Bureau of Investigation wrote in Helsingin Sanomat 31st. October 1997: “Open borders change the 

police work. The peaceful development of a democratic society is secured by providing sufficient assets for the 

authorities.” His article deals only with the police. 

143


Nina Jon, Forsker 


PB 6872, St. Olavs Plass 

e-mail: nina.jon@jus.uio.no 

144 

Biseksuelle menn og hiv-forebygging 1 

Som et ledd i prosjektet "Mann nittiseks", et prosjekt om menn og menns seksualitet i regi av 

Statens helsetilsyn i Norge ble det opprettet en telefonlinje som henvente seg til menn som 

har sex med kvinner - og med menn. 76 menn ringte inn til denne telefonen og disse mennene 

ble intervjuet med utgangspunkt i et standarisert spørreskjema. Dette matrialet ble jeg bedt 

om å analysere. Jeg kom inn i undersøkelsen på et tidspunkt hvor alle intervjuer var 

gjennomført, slik at jeg ikke deltok i utformingen av spørreskjemaet, og heller ikke hadde 

anledning til å snakke med intervjuerne underveis i prosessen. Min jobb har således vært å 

gjøre skjemaene tilgjengelig for statistisk databehandling, og bearbeide materialet. 

I tillegg til dette matrialet gjennomførte jeg et gruppe intervju med fem biseksuelle menn, 

som ble rekruttert gjennom min oppdragsgiver. Gjennom intervjuet søkte jeg primært å få 

utdypet de temaene som ikke ble særlig godt besvart gjennom telefonintervjuene. 

De biseksuelle mennene ser ut til å ha et høyt kunnskapsnivå om hiv og smitteveier. De vet at 

menn som har sex med menn er en spesielt utsatt gruppe, og de vet at kondombruk ved 

analsex beskytter. I all hovedsak bruker de innringende mennene betegnelser om sin egen 

seksualitet som innlemmer at de også har sex med menn. Mennene er altså fullt klar over at 

hiv er noe som også angår dem, og har ikke utdefinert seg selv fra risikogruppen. 

Forholdet til kondombruk og hva dette kan innebære for seksuallivet har endret seg sterkt fra 

hiv-epidemiens tidlige fase, hvor det å trekke frem kondomet ofte ble en kobling mellom sex 

og død. Som en sterk kontrast til dette er uttalelsen til en av mine informanter, når vi snakker 

om å glippe, og jeg spør de som sier at de alltid er helt konsekvente om det ikke hender at de 

ikke har kondom tilgjengelig, at kåtheten kan ta overhånd, og man gjør ting man angrer på 

siden. Og jeg sammenligner det med heterofile kvinner som glipper i sin bestrebelse på å 

beskytte seg mot graviditet. Da sier Svein: 

"Ja, men det er liksom én ting. Noe helt annet er det å ha en pikk i ræva og føle at det er det 

samme som å ha en pistol i nakken! Sånn ville jeg føle det å ha analsex uten kondom." 

Der hvor kondomet tidligere ble koblet til død, er det her mangelen på kondom som nå sterkt 

kobles til døden. 

Dette gjenspeiles også i flertallets seksualpraksis: 84% av innringerne har ikke hatt risikosex 

definert som analsex uten kondom, enten ved at de ikke har hatt analsex eller at de 

konsekvent har brukt kondom ved analsex siste år. 

1 Innledningen bygger på rapporten Biseksuelle menn - seksuell praksis og hiv-forebygging (Jon 1998)


For en liten gruppe av de biseksuelle mennene virker det derimot som om de ikke har tatt 

trusselen om hiv-smitte helt på alvor. 16% oppgir at de aldri bruker kondom ved analsex. 

Noen av dem ser likevel ut til å ta noen forhåndsregler i form av at de bare har sex med en 

fast elsker, eller ved at de bare har sex med menn de kjenner godt. Nesten halvparten av dem 

tar imidlertid ingen forhåndsregler overhodet. En av disse er en gutt på 22 år, som har hatt sex 

med fem kvinner og åtte menn siste år. Han har hatt ubeskyttet analsex med fire av mennene. 

Sexpartnerne har han truffet enten via kontaktannonser eller på straighte utesteder. Han 

betrakter seg selv som tilhørende en risikogruppe fordi "Jeg er gutt og aldri bruker kondom". 

Han har ikke testet seg for hiv. 

Det ser altså ut til at det finnes en liten gruppe menn som har sex med menn, som det 

forebyggende arbeidet ikke har nådd. Ingen av disse mennene fremstår som uvitende om hiv 

og smittemåter. De har kunnskap om hiv, men kunnskapen har ikke truffet i slik grad at de 

helt har tatt den inn over seg. 

Men som sagt: det store flertallet av innringerne unngår enten analsex med menn eller de 

oppgir konsekvent å bruke kondom i den grad de har analsex. Å bruke kondom for å beskytte 

seg og partneren mot hiv-smitte ser ut til langt på vei å være etablert som norm i sexmøtet 

mellom menn. Men i hvilken grad innringerne beskytter de seg selv og sine kvinnelige 

partnere med bruk av kondom? Så og si alle de innringende mennene hatt sex med minst én 

kvinne siste år. Dette gjaldt 72 av de 78 innringerne. 

Over halvparten av disse mennene, 42 personer, hadde aldri brukt kondom ved et vaginalt 

samleie med en kvinne. 11 menn hadde ikke vært konsekvente m.h.t. kondombruk, hvilket 

betyr at de har brukt kondom med noen kvinner, men ikke med alle kvinner de har hatt sex 

med siste år. 19 av mennene, eller ca. 1/4 av de som hadde vaginalt samleie med en kvinne, 

hadde alltid brukt kondom. 

Når det gjelder sex med kvinner er disse mennene ikke i samme grad opptatt av den 

beskyttelsen kondomet gir mot hiv-smitte, som når det gjelder sex med menn. Det er kun 1/4 

som konsekvent bruker kondom når de har sex med kvinner. De innringende mennene 

beskytter altså sine kvinnelige partnere i liten grad mot en eventuell hiv-smitte. 

De aller fleste, 88%, av dem som aldri har brukt kondom ved vaginale samleier lever i et fast 

parforhold med en kvinne. At man i faste forhold ikke bruker kondom er ikke så uvanlig. 

Seksualvaneundersøkelsen fra Statens Institutt for Folkehelse (1993:24) viser at bare 12% av 

gifte/samboende oppga å ha brukt kondom ved siste samleie i 1992. I faste forhold vil en stort 

sett være opptatt av å beskytte seg mot svangerskap i den grad man bruker prevensjon. Mange 

vil da velge andre former for prevensjon enn kondom, som p-piller, spiral etc. I et slikt 

forhold, hvor en sikrer seg mot uønskete svangerskap, kan bruk av kondom bli et tydelig 

signal om at man ikke stoler på partneren, eller at partneren ikke bør stole på en selv i forhold 

til seksuelt overførbare sykdommer. 

Ved selv å være risikoutsatte for hiv gjennom å ha sex med menn, vil disse mennenes 

kvinnelige partnere også trekkes inn i en risikosone. Og når mennene i tillegg i liten grad er 

åpne for sine kvinnelige partnere om at de også har sex med menn, vil jo kvinnene forbli helt 

uvitende om dette, slik at de ikke selv vil kunne ta kontroll over forhåndsregler i forhold til 

hiv-smitte. 

I samtalen med de fem biseksuelle mennene snakket vi også om det å bruke kondom sammen 

145


med kvinner. Jeg spurte om de koblet dette med sikker sex og kondombruk til det å ha sex 

med menn, eller om det også var noe de tenkte på når de hadde sex med kvinner. Thomas 

svarte da: 

"Jeg har aldri jukset med en mann, men jeg har jukset med kvinner - det har jeg gjort. Jeg har 

ikke vært like konsekvent der, jeg har hatt samleie med kvinner uten å bruke kondom." 

Svein bryter inn og sier: 

"Ja det har jeg stadig, jeg. Men jeg har bare hatt det i forhold til kvinner så det bekymrer meg 

ikke i det hele tatt!" 

Kjetil følger opp dette: 

"Det bekymrer i hvertfall meg, for jeg fikk både herpes, sopp og clamydia av ei jeg var 

sammen med for 10 år siden. Og herpesen hadde jeg i fem år, og da blir du rimelig inaktiv 

seksuelt altså. Jeg var dritsjuk i den perioden." 

Den første assosiasjonen disse informantene har til det å ha ubeskyttet sex med en kvinne er 

altså hvorvidt en kvinne kan komme til å smitte dem. Kjetils tidligere erfaring når det gjelder 

kjønnsykdommer har vært så smertelig at han tar forhåndsregler også i forhold til kvinner. 

Men det er de tradisjonelle kjønnsykdommene han primært har i tankene når det gjelder 

kvinner. Kunnskapen om hiv og risikogrupper er stor nok til at de ikke anser det som særlig 

sannsynlig at en kvinne skal smitte dem med hiv. 

Anders sier: 

"Det er veldig mye større sjanse for at jeg vil ha sex med en kvinne enn med en mann uten 

kondom. Jeg tenker sånn rent instinktivt at det å ha sex med kvinner det er noe helt annet enn 

å ha sex med en mann. For med menn må man beskytte seg, altså. Men jeg tenker ikke sånn 

med kvinner. I forhold til kvinner tenker jeg på graviditet og kjønnsykdommer. Ikke hiv." 

Hiv hører tydeligvis inn i en mannssfære - og knyttes ikke til kvinner. Nettopp ved at deres 

umiddelbare tanker går i retning av risiko for selv å bli utsatt for hiv, forsterkes koblingen 

mellom hiv og mannssfæren. Bruk av kondom knyttes primært til ønske om å beskytte seg 

selv. Men at de selv kan representere en smittefare over for sine kvinnelige partnere er de 

mindre opptatte av. Først på direkte spørsmål fra meg dreies samtalen over til hvilke tanker de 

har om at de selv kan representere en risiko for kvinnene de har sex med. Anders gir tydelig 

uttrykk for at dette spørsmålet er noe han ikke har tenkt noe særlig på: 

"Jeg tenker lite på at jeg kan smitte henne. Det er sikkert helt feil, men det har jeg altså tenkt 

svært lite på. Helt sånn naturlig, av meg selv, tenker jeg bare på hiv og menn. Hvis jeg setter 

meg ned og tenker på det vil jeg kanskje tenke annerledes. Men jeg har ikke tenkt på det 

altså." 

Svein derimot gir uttrykk for en klar holdning: 

"Jeg tenker som så at jeg er så sikker i min utførelse av sex med menn, at jeg ikke vil påføre 

henne noe. Derfor er ikke min kvinnelige partner i nærheten av noe risiko." 

146


Ved konsekvent å praktisere safe-sex mener Svein at han eliminerer problemstillingen, og 

dermed isolerer han hiv-risikoen utelukkende til et forhold mellom seg selv og sine mannlige 

sexpartnere. Samtidig forteller han litt senere om episoder hvor han selv nettopp har tenkt at 

han utsetter sine kvinnelige partnere for risiko: 

"Tidligere var jeg mer usikker på hvorvidt det var greit å suge eller ikke. Og da har det vært 

anledninger i perioden fra jeg testet meg og i de 8 ukene frem til testen gir resultater, hvor jeg 

har knullet damer uten kondom. Og hvor jeg på en måte har hatt en slags dårlig samvittighet. 

Og det har også skjedd en gang hvor jeg var klønete nok til å bruke vaselin og kondomen 

sprakk. Jeg fikk helt panikk, og var kjemperedd for å ha fått det. Da også i den perioden før 

testsvaret knulla jeg en dame uten kondom. Jeg ga blaffen, og tenkte at dette her er litt dumt 

liksom, inni meg. Det har jeg opplevd noen ganger." 

Selv om man er streng i praksisen med aldri å ha analsex uten kondom, kan man havne i 

risikosituasjoner. Så lenge man har analsex med menn vil det alltid være et moment av risiko i 

form av kondomsprekker. Og i et fast parforhold med en kvinne man ikke er åpen for, vil man 

fort kunne komme i vanskelige dilemmaer. Et annet moralsk dilemma er forholdet til det å 

suge uten kondom. I en brosjyre om sikrere sex fra Helseutvalget for homofile står det: "Noen 

mener at smittefaren er såpass liten at man velger å ta risikoen ved å suge eller bli sugd uten 

kondom. Det mangler sikker viten om smittefaren ved suging, og du må selv sette dine 

grenser." I og med at man ikke spurte innringerne om kondombruk i forhold til suging, har jeg 

desverre ikke noe data på de innringende mennenes praksis på dette feltet. Men erfaringer fra 

undersøkelser med homofile utvalg, tyder på at det er relativt utbredt at mennene velger å 

suge uten kondom. Her kommer de biseksuelle mennene opp i et moralsk dilemma som de 

bør ta inn over seg. For én ting er selv å velge å ta en risiko ut fra begrunnelsen at risikoen 

anses som liten. Noe helt annet er det å ta - selv en liten risiko - på vegne av en uinformert 

kvinnelig partner. 

I det hiv-forebyggende budskapet til menn som har sex med menn har ansvar overfor 

partneren blitt kommunisert. Helseutvalget for homofile anbefaler f.eks.: "Ha alltid sex som 

om du selv og enhver partner er hiv-positiv" (min utheving). I brosjyren "Sikrere sex for 

menn som har sex med menn" kommer det også gjentatte anbefalinger som setter fokus på at 

man skal beskytte partneren - ikke bare seg selv. Men i brosjyren er hovedbudskapet rettet 

mot hvordan man selv kan unngå å bli smittet. I allefall tror jeg at dette blir det vesentlige 

man leser ut av budskapet. Budskapet til menn som har sex med menn er i hovedsak laget av 

og for homofile menn. Også for homofile er det viktig å ta inn over seg ansvaret også for den 

andre - ikke bare seg selv. Likevel vil ansvar for partneren være mindre sentralt når man kan 

anta at også partneren på eget selvstendig grunnlag sørger for å beskytte seg selv. 

Derigjennom blir orienteringen mot seg selv som mulig smittekilde tonet ned, til fordel for en 

sterk orientering mot egenbeskyttelse. De biseksuelle mennene forholder seg i hovedsak til 

dette budskapet rettet mot menn som har sex med menn. Gjennom dette deles deres seksualliv 

inn i to adskilte verdener. På den ene side deres sex med kvinner som ikke handler om hiv. 

Og på den annen side deres sex med menn - som de opplever som sterkt knyttet til hiv, og 

beskyttelse av seg selv mot smitte. Dette tror jeg er med på å forklare hvorfor de biseksuelle 

mennene jeg har snakket med fremstår som så selvsentrerte som de tross alt gjør når vi tok 

opp temaet kvinner og kondombruk. 

Det forebyggende arbeidet bør således legge et sterkere fokus på å bevisstgjøre menn som har 

sex med begge kjønn om at de selv kan medføre en forhøyet risiko for sine kvinnelige 

seksualpartnere. Bevisstgjøringen bør settes direkte inn på å bryte koblingen om at hiv 

147


utelukkende hører inn i en mannssfære. Samtidig støter det forebyggende arbeidet her på den 

begrensning at bruk av kondom ikke vil være et reelt alternativ for disse mennene i godt 

etablerte heterofile forhold. Å insistere på å bruke kondom i et heterofilt forhold, hvor det 

sentrale element i beskyttelse vil være beskyttelse mot graviditet, vil nok for disse mennene 

fremstå som en umulighet. Ved å insistere på å bruke kondom vil jo disse mennene tydelig 

kommunisere noe som det er viktig for dem å holde skjult. For de biseksuelle mennene vil 

nok et forebyggende budskap i retning av å insistere på kondombruk eller åpenhet ikke være 

et budskap man kan rette seg inn etter. 

Referanser 

Jon, Nina: Biseksuelle menn - seksuell praksis og hiv-forebygging, Stensilserie nr. 89, 

Institutt for kriminologi, Universitetet i Oslo, 1998 

Statens institutt for folkehelse: Rapport fra seksualvaneundersøkelsene i 1987 og 1992, 

Oslo, 1993 

148

Elisabeth Næss, Forsker 


PB 6872, St. Olavs plass, N - 0130 Oslo 

e-mail:elisabeth.naess@jus.uio.no 


Vold er ære, kriminalitet er penger 1 

Siktemålet er å studere to Oslogjenger - en gjeng med flerkulturell bakgrunn, altså barn av 

innvandrere og en gjeng med ungdom født av norske foreldre - for deretter å sammenligne 

kultur- og kriminalitetsmønsterne i de ulike gjengene. 

I denne innledningen vil jeg gi noen korte utdrag fra det første studiet; om den såkalte 

innvandergjengen. 

Gjengen består av marokanske og pakistanske gutter i alderen 14 - 19 år, de fleste 17 og 18. 

Som gruppe kan de være fysisk utagerende, og til dels ganske kriminelt aktive også. Men de 

viser også varme sider som samhold, hengivenhet og lojalitet. Jeg har dybdeintervjuet en del 

av kjernen i gjengen, samt foretatt en rekke oppfølgingsintervjuer. Intervjuene har ført til en 

foreløpig rapport, med tittel: “Vold er ære, kriminalitet er penger”. 

Denne våren er det blitt skrevet en rekke artikler i norske aviser om “voldsgjengene” i Oslo. 

Særlig tre gjenger er beskrevet, som alle består av gutter i alderen 15 - 25 år, med 

innvandrerbakgrunn. Dette har vært interessant lesning. Mange av opplysningene som 

framkommer kjenner jeg igjen fra guttenes beskrivelser. At det er et tøft miljø er det ikke tvil 

om, men journalistene gjengir ungdommene på den måten guttene selv ønsker å framstå, som 

enda tøffere og kulere enn det de er. Men det er også slik at en del av beskrivelsene og 

tilsynelatende faktaopplysninger slett ikke passer med ungdommenes opplevelse av 

virkeligheten. 

De er i et miljø hvor de fleste kjenner til hverandre, de vet hvem som “hører til” hvor. Og 

hvem som gjør hva. De har en imponerende oversikt over hva som rører seg i miljøet. Dette 

gjennom en kontinuerlig oppdatering i det de hele tiden er i bevegelse. Gjengene har ikke en 

slik fast struktur man kan få inntrykk av i mediene. De bruker ikke selv betegnelsene ledere 

og medlemmer, men gir uttrykk for at å være med i en gjeng som har et navn, er av betydning. 

Det er viktig å ha et rykte: 

“Man må vise at man er noe liksom, at man er kuul, gæærn for å si det rett ut. Når en person 

er gæærn får man bra rykte, av andre liksom: “han der er farlig, ikke bråk med han”. Skjønner 

du? Altså blant ungdommer, så er det viktigste å være sterkest på en måte. Å være farligst, 

ikke sant, hvis han er skikkelig gæærn, eller folka tror at han er gæærn, fordi han gjør mye 

rart, da får han bra rykte, da er det sånn at ingen tør å bråke med den personen.” 

Et “godt rykte” både innad i gjengen og overfor annen ungdom får man gjennom å tørre og 

tåle å delta i slåsskamper. Slåssing er en sentral del av det å være med i en gjeng. Gjennom 

1Innledning til NSfK seminar, Finland, 21. - 24. mai -98. Prosjektet er finansiert av KRÅD, Veileder: Professor 

Per Ole Johansen, Institutt for kriminologi, Oslo 

149


slåsskamper viser ungdommene styrke. Først og fremst dreier det seg om å stå samlet som 

gjeng og slåss mot andre. Mye av gjengens liv sentrerer mot dette. Men gjennom slåssing 

befestes også posisjoner innad i gjengen. De sterkeste har gjerne en høyere posisjon. Et 

“godt” rykte har en som tør å slåss, som ikke er redd for hverken å gi eller få juling. Når 

ungdommen snakker om å være “gæærn” henviser det til at man er tøff, ikke redd for noe og 

istand til å tøye grensene; gå utover normer og regler i samfunnet forøvrig. Flere av guttene 

ga i første omgang uttrykk for at de ikke fryktet noe som helst. Det viktigste er å ikke vise at 

man er redd. Det går an å være det, men det er noe de ikke engang viser overfor de nærmeste 

kameratene. Et godt rykte er å være usårbar. Redselen må de skjule godt. En forteller: 

“Jeg er ikke redd for noe, det er bare sånn jeg er. Jeg er ikke sånn at hvis noen sier til meg at 

sånn og sånn kan jeg ikke gjøre, så gjør jeg ikke det. Jeg lar ingen bestemme over meg. Jeg 

hører ikke på de som prøver å skremme meg. Det er noen som er sånn ikke sant, som blir født 

sånn, som er oppvokst sånn, som ikke hører på de andre hvis de prøver å skremme deg. Det er 

noen som bare går mot de som er svakere enn dem. De gjengene som går mot de som er 

svakere enn dem, dem går ikke mot de som er like store eller like for dem, de er feiginger og 

de ser på de små som drittunger. For eksempel jeg, ikke sant, når jeg går mot en stor, da er jeg 

liksom redd inni meg, men jeg viser det ikke, for jeg tør å gjøre det.” 

Å slåss er å vise at de duger til noe. De viser at de er sterke, og at de mener alvor når de sier; 

“ikke kødd med oss, for da får du deg en på tryne”. Og det er noe de kan, noe de behersker, 

både det å vise at det ligger alvor bak ordene, og det å snakke sammen gjennom å slåss. De 

synes det er på sin plass å vise sinne; vise at de ikke tar imot spydigheter eller forsøk på 

nedverdigelser. Det handler om å være i et fellesskap, hvor ungdommene snakker samme 

språk. Guttene i gjengen har innbyrdes forståelse av hva som betyr noe. En sier: 

“Det å være i gjeng er at vi hjelper hverandre, ikke sant,. Skjønner? Når du er alene, hvis du 

har noen problemer med andre ungdommer, hvis noen av de andre gutta kommer og banker 

deg greier du ikke å slåss alene, en mot fem går ikke, ikke sant.” 

Slåssing er en form for utfoldelse. Hvor grensene er utydelige, men alle vet at de er der. 

Guttene viser fram sin maskulinitet, sitt “macho”. De slåss for moro skyld, og de slåss på død 

og liv. De slåss for å opprettholde sitt rykte om at de er tøffe og “farlige”. Slåssinga brukes 

som fritidssyssel for å kompensere for kjedsomhet. Og som underholdning med fart og 

spenning. Slåssinga har en mening, den gir ungdommene en følelse av “å være noe”, en skal 

ikke kødde med dem, de vil ikke la seg “tråkke på”, og gjennom det får de en identitet. 

Slåssinga kan i seg selv sees som en egenverdi. Den betyr noe for ungdommene, som ikke er 

knyttet til de andre lovbruddene de begår. Det er en egen dynamikk i slåsskampene. Som er 

uavhengig av om det er ulovlig eller lovlig, akseptert eller uakseptert. De eksisterer i 

ungdommenes liv som noe normbundet. Første og viktigste bud er “Å stille opp for vennene”, 

- som betyr: å være med på slåsskamp når det trengs. Ungdommene bruker slåssing som 

bekreftelser på hverandre: 

“Jeg stiller alltid opp for vennene mine. Det er den viktigste regelen kan du si. Og om jeg 

ringer fordi jeg har kommet i bråk, og jeg har stilt opp for de tidligere, så kommer de om jeg 

trenger det.” 

Kampene varer over tid, og går i bølger fram og tilbake: 

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“..da er det sånn at etter den dagen vi har begynt å slåss, så kan det vare lenge, da skjer det 

neste dag også” 

“En slåsskamp kan ta lang tid. Det varer i alt fra en uke til cirka seks, syv måneder.” 

“Ja, da har vi ikke noe annet å gjøre, når det er slåsskamp, da er vi i slåsskamp 24 timer i 

døgnet, da jakter du på folk (ler litt) alle har sin egen måte ikke sant” 

Gjengens deltagere er innblandet i mye slåssing, men noen av dem er til stadighet i kontakt 

med politiet for andre lovbrudd. Å begå lovbrudd kan sees som en av gjengens gjøremål, men 

dette er “opplegg” som færre er med på av gangen. 

I forhold til gjengen med sin kjerne bestående av rundt tyve gutter kan lovbruddene sees som 

mer improviserte opplegg hvor to til fem ungdom går sammen om et lovbrudd. Disse 

alliansene kan variere fra gang til gang. Lovbruddene er også en del av gjengens identitet, 

ved at de tør å gå ut over grenser, samt at det er en måte å skaffe seg “inntekt” på. Det er en 

del av det “å være modig og ikke redd for noe”. MEN lovbruddene styrker ikke gjengens 

samhold på samme måte som slåsskampene gjør. Slåssinga betraktes ikke av ungdommene 

som lovbrudd. Lovbrudd defineres av ungdommene selv som “kriminalitet”, og de kaller det 

også “de kriminelle tingene” eller “de gærne tingene” de driver med. Hvilke lovbrudd er det 

snakk om? 

“Brekk”, innbrudd, hærverk, ran, slår ned annen ungdom, trikser med mobiltelefoner, tyverier 

i butikker på dagtid og robber spilleautomater. Kjøp og salg, bruk og misbruk av rusmidler 

spiller ofte en rolle når ungdommene snakker om lovbrudd. Lovbruddene varierer svært med 

hensyn til alvorlighetsgrad. 

Utgangspunktet for dette prosjektet dreier seg blant annet om gjengens funksjon i forhold til 

de lovbrudd som begås. Handler det om enkeltstående lovbrudd som ungdommene begår hver 

for seg eller er gjengen samlet en pådriver til at lovbrudd blir begått? Hvordan lovbruddene 

planlegges ble for meg et spørsmål jeg så som sentralt å finne ut av. På hvilken måte 

planlegger de sine ulovlige affærer? Planlegger de i det hele tatt? Jeg fikk forskjellige svar, 

som kan tolkes dithen at hvordan lovbruddene planlegges er avhengig av hvor lenge de har 

vært i gjengen, og hvilke lovbrudd gjengen begår. En av guttene forteller: 

“I begynnelsen lagde vi mange planer. Vi snakka og snakka om hva vi skulle gjøre og 

hvordan vi skulle gjøre det. Vi brukte mye tid på å finne ut hva som var lurt.” 

“Lure ting” kan være å bryte seg inn i butikker hvor det er alarm: 

“Vi fant ut hvordan vi kunne nøytralisere følere for eksempel. Det var ganske moro. For 

eksempel prøvde vi ut hvordan vi kunne stoppe strålene med glass og spray, sånn hårspray 

som damene bruker på håret vet du. “ 

Men så forandrer det seg etterhvert, de blir tatt av politiet, det blir innbyrdes krangling i 

gjengen, om utbytte, og om hvem som er til å stole på og ikke kommer til å tyste. 

Jo “bedre” de blir, jo mer de spesialiserer seg, jo mer utfordring blir det å finne opp mer 

avanserte metoder. 

“Ja, ja, da blir det mer og mer utfordring, mer og mer penger, vet du bare på en maskin kan 

det ligge femogtjue tusen, og da si vi er tre stykker, hvem er det som ikke er med på det? Så 

er det en som er hjernen, så er det resten som dekker maskinen..... ingen har lyst til å bli tatt, 

så det er jo ikke noe å tenke på da egentlig. Men det er noen som gir faan mer enn andre ikke 

sant, så du må sjekke selv, men hvis en blir nervøs så blir resten nervøse” 

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De begår lovbrudd i felleskap, men det er en som er “hjernen” bak. Utvelgelsen er også 

planlagt, selv om det kan virke tilfeldig hvem man tar med. 

Både slåsskampene og vinningskriminaliteten skjer på måter og i sammenhenger hvor 

gjengen og miljøet fungerer som et referansepunkt eller i allefall et utgangspunkt. Men her 

stopper også likhetene. Fordi: 

Slåssinga og voldshandlingene er i utpreget grad et kollektivt gruppefenomen. Det er en 

æressak å stille opp, og det forventes av en. I kampens hete er det den kollektive ære som står 

på spill, og den gjensidige lojalitet som bevises. Gjengmedlemmene lever med og lever seg 

inn i slåsskampene på en ganske annen og intens måte enn i de vinningskriminelle 

lovbruddene. Et medlem kan i perioder trappe ned og forholde seg ganske “straight” og 

lovlydig når det gjelder vinningskriminalitet, men backer han ut fra et slagsmål er hans dager 

talte, iallefall som gjengmedlem. 

Vinningskriminaliteten skjer i samarbeid med en eller flere andre gjengmedlemmer, og til 

tider også i samarbeid med personer som sympatiserer med gjengen. Disse lovbruddene 

handler om penger, ikke om ære. Gjengen og miljøer fungerer som et kriminelt ressurs- og 

kompetansesenter i den forstand at man finner seg “crimepartners” som kan variere fra gang 

til gang. Gjengen har ingen normer MOT å begå vinningskriminelle handlinger, men det 

forventes ikke på samme måten som at det forventes at en stiller opp i voldelige 

konfrontasjoner. Og det er heller ikke gruppen som kollektiv med den kollektive ære som 

investering og risikofaktor det dreier seg om, når medlemmene vurderer hvordan de skal gå 

fram i vinningskriminelle sammenhenger. 

Det er en forutsetning at men stiller opp for venner, alltid “hjelper til” - og aldri skygger unna 

en slåsskamp - men det er ingen forutsetning at de er med på annen kriminalitet, - selv om det 

styrker imagen om å være kul og tøff og TØR å begå kriminelle handlinger også. Men det kan 

være slitsomt, så jeg avslutter med et sitat om å være kul og tøff: 

“Det er vanskelig å være ungdom egentlig, nå for tida, i hvertfall jeg, jeg synes det er ganske 

vanskelig. Jeg tror egentlig at alle ungdommer, dem driver med ting dem ikke vil gjøre 

egentlig, når jeg først tenker meg om, fordi, etter det jeg har opplevd, så er det liksom, alt det 

jeg har gjort, man blir ganske fort lei av det ikke sant, det kommer en tid da man ikke orker 

mer, det er ganske vanskelig å komme seg ut av det, fordi hvis man ikke er med på en ting, så 

er man ikke kuul og tøff og og farlig lenger, og hvis man er med, så er man kuul og tøff.” 

152

Malcolm Davies, Professor 

Criminal Justice Centre, Thames Valley University 

Bond Street, London W5 5AA, England 

e-mail: malcolm.davies@tvu.ac.uk 


Comparative sentencing project - Using focus group methodology 

A comparative sentencing project (CSP) funded by the Scandinavian Research Council for 

Criminology is to look at sentencing policy and practice in four European jurisdictions 

(England, Finland, Lithuania and Norway) to examine the factors affecting the sentencing 

choice between custody or community sanctions. 

This study of comparative judicial cultures asks judges in the four countries to respond 

to scenarios of five different examples of burglary in terms of the type of sentence they would 

consider giving, how much choice they have, what sentencing objectives they have in mind 

and what other information they would need to give a precise sentence in an individual case. 

The aim of the research is firstly, to identify sentencing decisions that lie on the 

custodial/non-custodial borderline - referred to as the cusp. Secondly, to clarify the penal 

objectives and to identify the aggravating and mitigating factors that judges have in mind 

when sentencing this category of crime. Thirdly, to discuss the degree of confidence that 

judges have in the existing sentences for this category of offence. Fourthly, to identify the 

factors that would increase the judges’ confidence in the use of community sentences, 

including innovations or additional requirements that might be proposed to enhance the 

credibility of community sentences. 

For the purpose of the research we first had to identify a type of crime that would be 

suitable for cross-cultural comparisons and that would also generate borderline (cusp) 

sentencing issue in terms of whether judges should use prison or a community or other 

penalty. 

We chose the offence of burglary (housebreaking or cambriolage) for two reasons. It 

is a type of crime that is reasonably demarcated and relatively more narrowly defined than 

some crimes such as assault and theft, and is thus more readily understood and therefore 

helpful when making cross cultural comparisons. Furthermore it is an offence that in each of 

the jurisdictions has a possibility of being considered sufficiently serious to warrant custody 

in some circumstances and community penalties in others. 

We will use focus groups to ask judges to consider the five scenarios. The scenarios 

would vary e.g. value of th stolen goods, how organised was the crime, and a variety of 

offender types, from first time offenders to persistent offenders. Thus we will focus on the 

variables of culpability and recidivism and give examples to seek judges’ responses on the 

appropriateness of penalties for each scenario and to clarify the purpose of sentencing as 

identified by reference to sentencing objectives of retribution, denunciation, rehabilitation, 

deterrence, restitution or incapacitation. We will seek clarification as to the list of factors that 

the judges look at to determine the seriousness of a particular case. The policy relevance of 

the research will be pursued by asking the judges if changes to the existing method of 

implementing community sentences, or whether legislative reforms providing new elements 

to community sentences would increase their willingness to use community sentences with 

offenders convicted of burglary. 

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Focus groups 

A focus group is an in-depth group discussion on a pre-defined and limited topic by a small 

group of between five to eight panellists under the guidance of a moderator. The responses of 

the panellists are recorded as data for content analysis. It is a qualitative methodology and its 

success depends on the quality of the answers to the questions raised in the focus group 

discussions to provide an insight into the topic under investigation. The panel discussions 

normally last between one and a half and two hours. 

It is useful both as a method of inquiry and consultation for it can be used to probe 

assumptions and meanings, examine key players’ assessment of the credibility of reforms and 

the implications of changes in practice. Focus groups in this field work best when a very 

specific and limited topic is explored in-depth. They offer a systematic but unstructured way 

of looking at a topic in detail. The discussions held in a focus group panel are not as wide 

ranging as an academic seminar. In contrast to the questionnaire the responses in a focus 

group are not confined to pre-determined response categories and can be expressed in the 

respondents’ own words. This approach gives much richer material for content analysis but 

as a consequence it creates more problems for the analysis of responses and limits the extent 

to which generalisations can be made. 

In a previous study using focus groups to examine views about the use of community 

sentences (Davies 1993) we asked panellists to give us feedback through the use of follow-up 

evaluation questionnaires about their experience of the focus group. In California and 

England there was a considerable degree of support for the method. In response to the 

question ‘Did you find the focus group a useful way of expressing your view?’ California 

criminal justice officials commented as follows: 

A judge wrote, ‘Rarely is there any type of forum to explore these issues with other agencies 

that are in a position to influence change.’ A sheriff wrote,’ There are limited opportunities 

available for expressing views that have a state-wide implications.’ A public defender wrote, 

‘All who were there have direct knowledge of the problems and work with it everyday, so we 

could speak with first hand information and share our own concerns with each other.’ A 

superior court judge wrote, ‘There was a good interplay of ideas.’ (Davies 1993 p.105) 

The response of magistrates in England (lay judges) following focus group panels to 

examine attitudes towards community sentences were, as in California, overwhelmingly 

positive. Comments from the evaluation questionnaire in England included the following 

comments: 

‘It focused my ideas. It was beneficial to hear the other views of magistrates I do not 

normally sit with.’ 

‘It was good to explain views and then discuss the implementation of realistic ideas.’ 

‘An opportunity to discuss matters of concern with fellow magistrates. We see little of each 

other normally.’ 

‘Possibly the only opportunity to hear and express views I’ve been given so far.’ 

‘One gets an inside version of how your fellow magistrates approach justice and penalties for 

wrong doing.’ 

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‘It is difficult to find the time when on the Bench to discuss fully the whole subject.’ (Davies 

1996 pp. 32-37) 

The comments regarding the usefulness of focus groups expressed above would suggest that 

they provide the panellists with a positive experience in that it offered them the opportunity to 

express their own views and hear the views of others. For the researcher the focus groups 

provided the chance to clarify the formal and the informal rules used by decision makers, as 

well as the opportunity to probe the tacit or underlying assumptions that decision makers hold 

about their role. The moderator can seek to determine the significance of meaning attached to 

different types of information received by decision makers. By providing stimuli material to 

a panel of peers with similar knowledge and status, it is possible to clarify meanings and 

ambiguities and to check whether one panellist’s comments correspond to what others say in 

the group. The interactionist nature of the discussion helps to promote greater insight as the 

moderator and other members of the panel can probe, challenge, and comment on the 

statements made during the discussions. 

Burglary scenarios 

In our comparative sentencing project we are asking professional and lay judges to give their 

views as to the likely sentence that a burglar described in five different scenarios would be 

given. Two of the five burglary scenarios are presented below. These two represent our most 

extreme cases in terms of seriousness. We would expect judges in all jurisdictions, even in 

Lithuania, to be able to consider a non-custodial sentence in Case 1. In Case 2, a more 

serious scenario with the offender having previous convictions, a Finnish judge would be 

likely to consider imprisonment. The three other scenarios provide less extreme examples 

where judges would have to exercise discretion to make decisions about borderline cases 

where either prison or community sanctions might be a possibility. We remind the judge that 

this is not a sentencing exercise where we would expect them to have a great deal more 

information, but is an exercise to see firstly in general terms what type of sentence they think 

is most likely, and secondly, to ask what further information would they need or request 

before they would make a decision in a real case. 

In the scenarios we present brief facts about the offence, the offender and the victim 

and in all the scenarios the defendants are male aged 24 and plead guilty. The scenarios 

exclude those where violence is used or weapons are involved. 

Case 1 

Offence 

Is a burglary of a flat during hours of daylight, when residents were at work. Access was 

gained through an open window, with no damage to property. The offence was opportunistic 

and the items stolen were foodstuffs for the defendant’s own consumption. The offence was 

discovered as a result of information from an informer, and the defendant admitted guilt to 

police when first interviewed and pleaded guilty in court at the first opportunity. 

Offender 

Defendant is of previous good character and has been unemployed for over one year. He has 

two children and a sick wife and he suffers from epilepsy. 

Victim 

Working couple who were in their mid-20s who did not realize initially that they had been 

victims of a burglary. 

Case 2 

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Offence 

Involves the burglary of house at 2 a.m. (at night), when residents were asleep upstairs. 

Associate of defendant had visited house previously to assess possibility of entry and 

belongings, posing as salesman. Entry gained by forcing outer door - some damage. An 

untidy search was carried out by the defendant though the residents were not disturbed. 

Jewelry worth £1000 and of sentimental value taken and not recovered 

Offender 

Defendant has three previous convictions for burglary, the latest being for dwelling house 

burglary for which he was given a custodial sentence and released from prison two months 

prior to the commission of this offence. For one of the previous convictions he was given 

community service but he did not successfully complete it. 

Victim 

Retired couple who were in their late-60s. The wife was semi-invalid. 

A covering letter is sent to the panelists in advance with details of the 

scenarios, a list of questions to be discussed, an explanation of the purpose of the study and 

the reasons why the session needs to be tape recorded. The success of the research depends 

on a number of factors but two are crucial. The first is to get the participation of respondents 

who are able to give an insight into the issues raised. The second is the quality of the 

discussions on the transcript that will provide the basis for the analysis. 

The other collaborators on this project are Paul Larsson [Department of 

Criminology, University of Oslo, Norway], Arnoldas Matijosius [Constitutional Court of the 

Republic of Lithuania and the Faculty of Law, Vilnius University], and Jukka-Pekka Takala 

[National Research Institute of Legal Policy, Helsinki, Finland]. 

References 

Davies M: Punishing Criminals: Developing Community-Based Intermediate Sanctions. 

Greenwood Press, Connecticut 1993. 

Davies M, J-P Takala and J. Tyrer Penological Esperanto and Sentencing Parochialism: A 

Comparative study of the Search for Non-Prison Punishments. Dartmouth, Aldershot 

1996. 

156


Timo Ahonen, LL.M., Assistant in sociology of law and jurisprudence 

Faculty of law, University of Turku 

Calonia 341 

FIN-20014 Åbo 

e-mail: timaho@utu.fi 

and 

Tarja Elisa Kauppila, M.A.Soc.Ss., Researcher, Ph. D. Student 

Department of Social Sciences, University of Kuopio 

P.O.B. 1627 

FIN-70211 Kuopio 

e-mail: kauppila@messi.uku.fi 

Part I: 

Tracing the basis of “constructive punishment” 

- Some answers to some unanswerable questions? 

About the General Principles of Sentencing in the Finnish Criminal System 

- something we need to know to be able to understand the idea of 

"constructive punishment" 

Timo Ahonen 

Faculty of law, University of Turku, Finland 

Few words of introduction 

In this paper I will briefly examine few of the questions we should be considering when 

discussing the concept of “constructive punishment”. I will bring up only few - but important 

- topics of the general principles of sentencing and try reflect them on the somewhat 

undefinet concept of “constructive punishment”. 

Accordig to the analytical pluralist conception, the application of punishment is guided by 

several differing basic values and goals (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 661). How to use these basic 

values and goals, or wich ones should be stressed in a specific situation, depens on the 

situation in hand and on the surrounding society and it´s values and goals. A penal (or 

criminal) law ideology can be described as the basic conception of crime and/or punishment 

(Jareborg 1992, 103). 1 This basic conception more or less guides person`s ideas and opinions 

about crime and punishment in general. At least for a criminal law scientis it is important - or 

essential - to recognize what is the penal law ideology she or he uses in his or hers work. 

Discussions and debates about different theories of punishment and crime have been ongoing 

for at least the last 250 years. This short paper will not solve any of the questions raised in 

1 Jareborg continues: “And obviously, anyone`s views on crime and punishment depent to a large extent on his 

views of the relation - if any - between God and Man, the relation between Man and nature, the optimal 

organization of society, causal mechanis, and the status of different types of persons.” (Jareborg 1992, 103) 

157


that discussion - nor does it try to do so. This paper serves mostly as a exercise for the author 

in directing his thoughts from the law and penal code to criminal. Because that is what 

criminal law is finally all about; the person on the reciving end. 

These joint papers by Ahonen and Kauppila are the result of a lingering e-mail discussion and 

article and paper excange which started last year after NSfKs 39. forskerseminar in Hirtshals, 

Denmark. The authors hope that more than just a result this paper could be a startingpoint to a 

long and productive cooperation between a social scientist and a criminal law scientist. We 

hope that our example of cooperation across scientific borderlines will encourage others to do 

the same. 

Purpose and limits of punishment? 

In the modern capitalist society the aim, the goal of the criminal sanctions system is in the 

prevention of crime and the increase in equitable distribution of well-being. It has been said 

that the purpose of the whole system of punishment lies in the prevention of behavior that 

violates the vital interests of society and its members (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 661-661, 666).1 2 

Criminal provisions may be used only to protect interests which are vital to the community. 

What are these interests that need to be protected? 3 According to Nuutila, in modern goalrational 

criminal justice the list of interests (Rechtsgüter) can be derived either directly or 

indirectly from the constitution and human rights. The interests to be protected by the 

criminal law would then be defined not in the minds of criminal law scholars and 

criminologist but also in the political discussions in Parliament and the international human 

rights conventions (Nuutila 1996, 308). The most important decisions on the use of 

punishment should be made by Parliament (also Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 658). This thinking 

gives penal sanctions the democratic backround they need in order to be efficient and 

acceptable in the long run. 

The aim of the modern neoclassical penal system in preventing crime is mainly general 

prevention. The effect of penal system in general prevention is assumed to be reached through 

the moral creating and enforcing effect in punishment rather than through fear, deterrence 

(Lappi-Seppälä 1992, 6). 4 General prevention theory assumes that the disapproval expressed 

in punishment affects the values and moral views of individuals. This is supposed to lead to 

the internalization of the norms of criminal law and the values they reflect. People refrain 

from illegal behaviour, not because it is followed by unpleasant punishment, but because the 

behaviour itself is regarded as morally blameworthy (Lappi-Seppälä 1992, 7). 5 The effect of 

punishment on the strengthening of morals also requires that the sysytem is not made overly 

2 Page numbers used here are from the English summary of Lappi-Seppälä´s dissertation. 

3 Overview of the principles governing criminal provisions, see Lahti, R. (1992). “Die Gesamtreform de 

finnischen Strafgesetzes: Zielsetzung und Strand der Reforbarbeit bis 1992: insbesondere im Blick auf die erste 

Phase der Gesamtreform”, in Lahti, L.-Nuotio, K (eds.): Criminal Law Theory in Transition. Helsinki. 

4 However Lappi-Seppälä states that: “In concrete decisions, the level of punishment should not appear to the 

court to be means for seeking general prevention: it should instead be seen as means for the court to establish the 

blameworthiness of the offence in question in relation to other acts” (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 667). 

5 Finnish and Scandinavian textbook definitions of general prevention emphasize the norm-strengthening impact 

of a properly working criminal system (Anttila & Törnudd 1992, 13). Deterrence can bee seen as a component of 

general prevention but not necessarily a major component (Anttila & Törnudd 1983, 156-159). 

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NSfK´s 40. forskerseminar, Espoo, Finland 1998 

techinical and complicated (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 658). The expediency of a criminal justice 

system is measured through its general prevention (Lahti 1985, 259). 

These two starting points - protection of the vital intrest of the community and general 

prevention - are also closely connected to each other. It could be presumed that if the “vital 

intrest of the society” are protected by criminal sanctions the “morals and values” of the 

members of the society would be in harmony with the punishments for violating these values. 

Its a nice circle. Of course, here lies at least two kinds of questions (a) how do we define these 

vital intrests of the society, and - what is more important - who does this definding and (b) 

how do we deal with those individuals who do not share those same “morals and values” as 

the majority of the population? Part of the answer to the first question could be found in the 

basic human rights and international conventions. The second part of the first question could 

be answered by refering to democracy and its power and legitimacy. The second question has 

been answered dozens of times by hundrets of theorist, but it still remains open. Behind these 

complex questions lurke countless number of more questions. 

Purpose of imprisonment? 

Even if it is relatively “easy “ to form reasons to justify punishment as such, it is not as easy 

to justify imprisonment as a form of punishment. The history of law and comparative law 

indicates that there is no direct correlation between the systems of sanctions and the level of 

crime; harder punishment do not necessarily degrease criminality and vise versa (Lappi- 

Seppälä 1987, 665). The hardest sanction in Finnish penal code is lifetime of imprisonment 

(for murder). The Criminal Law Commitee of 1972 particulary emhasized the heavy social 

costs of imprisonment and thought the use of it should be minimized (Anttila &Törnudd 

1992, 13). On the other hand, total abolition of prison sentences seems hardly possible. 

The emhasis on general prevention as one of the main principles of the Finnish criminal 

system easily leads easily to the conclusion that our reform ideology rejects totally individual 

prevention. This is not altogether true (Anttila &Törnudd 1992, 14). Special prevention just 

requires extensive discretion (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 658). The role of the individual prevention 

in penal institutions, and the role of imprisonment in our criminal sanctions system, has been 

characterized by the following excellent words: 

“To keep people in prison in order to cure them of their criminality is inhumane 

and irrational, as systematic research can not give any basis for hoping that the 

average offender will be less crime-prone after release. The period of time spent 

in prison should, nevertheless, be utilized positively as far as possible - and if 

there are certain categories of offences who can benefit from treatment, we should 

of course offer them this opportunity” 

(Anttila &Törnudd 1980, 48). 

The less the sanction affects the rights of an individual - less harm it brings to the offender - 

the smaller the risk of recidivism, and recidivism - in my opinion - is always a sign of a failed 

criminal sanctions system. Keeping that in mind we can say that in the present system, the 

risk of recidivism can be best lessened by avoiding the use of unconditional sentences of 

imprisonment. 

When sentencing recidivist the penal system in fact follows what could be called commonsense 

policy of incapasitation. The selective incapacitation explicitly accepted only as a guide 

159


in the choise of sanction for the most serious type of violent crime is used on recidivist 

(Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 668. See also Jareborg 1992, 108-110). 6 This might well be in harmony 

with the general prevention idea, but vital intrest of the society are nowhere to bee seen. 7 

Efficient, just and humane criminal justice... 

The following movements or tendencies can be discerned in Finnish crimal policy since the 

1960´s; 

a) critisism of so called treatment ideology 

b) emphasis on cost-bemefit thinking 

c) so-called neo-classicim in criminal law 

d) pragmatic reform work by utilizing modified ideas of the above-mentioned movements 

(Lahti 1990, 57). 

The important difference between Finland and the other countries is that the treatment 

ideology never established itself as the main reform ideology. Finland more or less jumped 

over the treatment stage in the historical developement of penal reform ideologies and went 

directly towards a more modern ideology, emphasizing rationality in the form of general 

prevention and classic principles of justice, rather than mechanism of e.g. deterrence or 

individual prevention (Anttila & Törnudd 1992, 12-13). 

From the mid 70´s the Finnish criminal justice system has been reformed in a “neo-classical 

spirit”. The emhasis has been, as mentioned - instead of individualization and rehabilitation - 

on legal security and the principles of proportionality, predictability and equality. A general 

preventive oriented sentencing system emhasizes fairness and justness of sanctions and in 

sentensing the central values are proportionality, predictability and equality (Lappi-Seppälä 

1992, 7-8). 8 

Efficient criminal justice shall be used for the prevention of unacceptable bahavior only to the 

extent proved necessary in a cost-effiency comparison of criminal policy measures (Lahti 

1985, 259). In other words; criminal provision must bring about more advantages than 

disadvantages to the society as a whole. The advantages beeing, of course, the preventive 

effects from the point of view of the protected intrest, and the disadvantages (a) suffering of 

the victim, (b) financial disadvantages to the state and (c) restriction of the liberties of 

individuals (see Nuutila 1996, 311-312). 

6 According to ch. 6:2 n. 4 of the Penal Code of Finland the following is a ground for increasing the punishment: 

“the criminal history of the offender, if the relation between it and the new offence on the basis of the 

similarity between the offenses or otherwise shows that the offender is apparently heedless of the prohibitions 

and commands of law”. 

7 Here I can not go in detail to discuss the culpability of the reoffender; agreement on whether repeated crime 

signifies increased culpability has not been reached. In my opinion recidivism does not necessarely make the 

offender more culpable. 

8 These ideas are also expressed in the basic norm of sentencing (Penal Code ch 6:1): ‘When meting out a 

punishment, all the relevant grounds increasing and decreasing the punishment and the uniformness of 

sentencing practice shall be taken into consideration. The punishment shall be meted out so that it is in just 

proportion to the damage and danger caused by the offence and to the culpability of the offender manifest in 

the offence .’ 

160


The justice of a criminal justice system is evaluated by the principles of equality, fairness and 

predictability (Lahti 1985, 259). Equality requires similar punishments for similar cases 

(Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 665). The principle of justice can bee seen as containing two demands 

that are in state of internal tension; formal (generalized) justice and (individualized) in casu 

justice. The former emhasizes predictability an the latter stresses that cases should be dealt 

with on an individual basis (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 665). Predictability is in connection with 

legalistic nulla poena sine lege -principle. 

Humaneness contains the idea of the criminal justice system beeing determined so that it is in 

harmony with the principles of human dignity, integrity, freedom of the individual and other 

human rights (Lahti 1985, 259, Nuutila 1996). 

One way of justifying the criminal justice system is justification on utilitarian grounds. It can 

also be said that the justification of the application of punishment is tied to the benefits that 

particular system offers to the society and to the fairness of the laws maintained through the 

threat of using that punishment (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 661). However, it is clear that the 

structure and operation of the penal system can not be determinated only on the bases of its 

utility. The penal system must be both goal-rational (utility) and value-rational (justice, 

humaneness) (Lahti 1990, 57). The answer to a successfull penal system is of course to 

balance these interest. 

This brings us close to the question of the principle of proportionality. This principle states 

that there should be a just relation between the offence in question and the punishment. 

However, this principle does not state anything specific about the criteria of how this relation 

should be determined or what are the standards used in anchoring these quantates together; 

there is no way of measuring what is the “right” punishment for any given crime. In general, 

the literature relies on the general sense of justice (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, 665).9 

...and “constructive punishment” 

So what could constructive punishment be in the light of the few general principles of 

sentencing discussed above? Is there a definition for a constructive punisment? Can 

punishment be - or should punishment ever be constructive - is punishment not something 

you just bring on to yourself by acting against societies intrest? Should the punishment be 

constructive for the offender or for the surrounding society. Or both? 

Constructive punishment in the eyes of the criminal sanctions system could be defined as a 

punishment which while protecting (only) the vital intrests of the society builds general 

prevention without endangering the human rights of the offender during or after the 

punishment. In this definition the punishment could be constructive for both the offender and 

the society. 

Can imprisonment be constructive punishment? In my opinion there has to be special 

conditions for the prison sentence before it can be constructive in any way. This leads us 

back to Anttila`s and Törnudd´s sentence: “The period of time spent in prison should, 

9 Lappi-Seppälä sees three justifications for this: a) if the public opinion were to be ignored, the confidence 

placed in the system would disappear, b) the ideal of democracy in itself requires that the sense of justice, as the 

will of the people, be adopted as a criterion in decisionmaking, and c) the feeling that criminal recive the 

punishment they “deserve” has a value of its own (Lappi-Seppälä 1987, p. 665). 

161


nevertheless, be utilized positively as far as possible - and if there are certain categories of 

offences who can benefit from treatment, we should of course offer them this opportunity”. If 

imprisonment is the only possible sentence in a given situation the time spent in prison should 

at least be utilized positively. Only then we can find a seed of constructiviness also in 

imprisonment. 

Part II: 

Insecurity and Life Control Among the Finnish Male Prisoners 

- Things we need to know in order to be able to act constructively 

Tarja Kauppila 

Department of Social Sciences 

University of Kuopio, Finland 

162 

“In the final analysis, human security is a child who did not die, a disease that did 

not spread, a job that was not cut, an ethnic tension that did not explode in 

violence, a dissident who was not silenced. Human security is not a concern with 

weapons - it is a concern with human life and dignity.” (Human Development 

Report 1994, 22.) 

The thoughts presented here are mostly based on a study of insecurity and life control among 

the Finnish male prisoners, and are intended as an introductional view of some preliminary 

results from this. The study is one part of a broad population research project on security, insecurity 

and coping by the Department of Social Sciences at the University of Kuopio. The 

basic idea was to look for further information about the prisoners' welfare problems and 

sollutions to them. It is obvious that this information is needed in order to be able to act 

constructively: to help people out of their problems and to develop our systems according to 

both their needs/aims and the aims of the society. The main questions here were: how 

security, as a value, takes its place in the prisoners' systems of value; whether or not there is 

insecurity among the Finnish male inmates, which parts of human life are potentially the ones 

most affected by insecurity, and what would be the the most common ways of life control 

among inmates. These questions were considered among the 259 prisoners who were interviewed 

using a structured question form at the end of 1993. Some of their answers are 

compared here with answers from civilian Finnish men who participated in the population 

research of insecurity and coping. It is expected that the study will be completed by the end of 

1998. 

Tracing problems of welfare 

One theoretic starting point of the study was security related to the concept of welfare: 

citizens' welfare, social security and life control are important but also demanding aims of 

social policy (cf. Riihinen 1979, Niemelä 1991, Raitasalo 1995; Niemelä 1997, 18). From the 

point of view of social policy and social work, it is important to know if people are suffering 

from problems related to welfare, and how common or accumulated these possible problems 

are among them. The findings of prisoners' values will point out what they prefer in their 

lives. If they seem to have some problems with the issues which are linked with these 

particular values, these problems might also be the ones - if any - that these people mostly 

prefer to get help for. In addition, if they seem to have problems with something they do not 

consider as so important for them, it might be very useful to try to find out why this is so, and


what this means from the point of view of social policy and social work - also from the point 

of criminal policy and correctional treatment of prisoners. 

Traditionally security can be defined as a central need, value and right within human life 

(Niemelä 1991, 8-11) - infact as an important part of well-being regardless of whether you are 

in prison or not. According to Riihinen (1979, 820) security cannot be placed in the hierarchies 

of needs, but instead it is more like a dimension or a variable which goes through all 

categories of needs. With this in mind, security was here defined as (sufficient) well-being 

and (sufficient) certainty of its continuation in the central areas of human life - e.g. health, 

human relationships, work, etc. - which are closely linked with basic human needs. Insecurity 

is defined "negatively" here: as a lack of security (to some degree) and/or as the uncertainty 

of the continuation of well-being (to some degree). Insecurity can be experienced in a 

situation where one's own means of dealing with what happens in life are not enough. Life 

can never be perfectly secure, but how we are able to deal with insecurity is important, and 

whether we have or have not enough motivation, abilities, force, rescourses and so on, for life 

control. (cf. Kaufmann 1970, 24-27; Suhonen & Suhonen, 1973, 2-7, 10-14; Riihinen 1979, 

819-820; Niemelä 1991, 8-15; Niemelä et al. 1994, 15-17; Lahikainen & Kraav & Kirmanen 

& Maijala 1995, 52; Väisänen 1995, 34-37; Järvikoski 1996, 44-45, Niemelä & co. 1997, 13- 

25.) 

Prisoners often seem to be influenced by physical, psychic and social forces of different 

kinds. According to the earlier reports in Finland, prisoners have many kinds of problems 

with health, both mental and physical, despite the fact that their age structure is relatively 

young (Joukamaa 1991). They are a group of people, mostly men, who have serious problems 

with alcohol and drugs, and their death rates have grown in the 1980's (Kääriäinen 1996, 171- 

172). They have economical problems (Mellais 1991, Kuivajärvi 1992), and their educational 

level is low compared with the average educational level of the rest of the population (Karvonen 

& Mohell 1990, 35-38). Their lives seem to more to resemble eventful paths from 

adventures to stages of marginalization (Kääriäinen 1994) rather than fast ways to great 

success. Some of the prisoners have the problems described above, but actually we do not know 

how common or accumulated these problems are among prisoners and whether the 

problems cause them insecurity or not. Furthermore, we do not know if these problems bother 

them and if they want to get away from them or not. Infact we do know that there are many 

strategies used by some of the prisoners to find ways out of the stage of marginalization (e.g. 

Kuure 1996), but it is unclear just how commonly used they are. It has been said that if 

prisoners try to live without crime they should be able to change their ways of thinking and 

behaving, which often may be dominated by the social meaning structures of prison which do 

not work outside of it (Ulvinen 1996). What do the Finnish male prisoners think about their 

ways of life control? 

Participants and methods 

The 259 prisoners who participated in the study (81% of the original sample of 320 prisoners), 

were interviewed using a comprehensive questionnaire. The questionnaire was based 

on the one used in the population reseach project mentioned above (Niemelä ed. 1991). 

Prisoners' answers about security as a value are compared with the answers of the 239 civilian 

Finnish men who participated in the population study of insecurity and coping in the years 

1991-1992. The questions about values were the same in both studies, prisoners' and civilians' 

and they were developed from the basis of the study of values made by Rokeach (1973). 

163


The prisoners' sample consisted of Finnish male prisoners from the provinces of Häme 

(f=130), Kuopio (f=84) and Vaasa (f=45) wh were serving their sentences in six closed 

institutions (provincial or central prisons). The youngest of the prisoners was 19 years old, 

and the oldest was 73 years old (mean=33.4 years, standard deviation 9.1 years). As there 

were only five prisoners over the age of 55 years, 54 was taken as a boarder line in both 

samples to make the groups more comparable. Therefore 17% of the prisoners were of an age 

between 18 and 24 years; 45% at an age between 25 and 34 years; 28% at an age between 35 

and 44 years; and 10% at an age between 45 and 54 years. The Prisoners' principal crimes 

were: robbery 10%, another crime against property 29%, violent crime 35%, drunken driving/traffic 

offence 18% and another crime 9% of the prisoners. 

The first sample of civilian men consisted of 239 men from the Province of Kuopio. A sample 

was taken from the broad research group, 3 266 people by using the criterion created according 

to certain variables (sex, age, marital status, basic training and socio-economical status) 

and their frequency among the sample of prisoners. The first sample of civilians was created 

according to the prisoners' numbers above: 17% (f=40) of the civilian participants were from 

18 to 24 years; 45% (f=108) from 25 to 34 years; 28% (f=68) from 35 to 44 years; and 10% 

(f=23) from 45 to 54 years. The second sample consisted of 2 019 men who took part into the 

population research project in 1991-1995. Their age varied from 18 to 54 years (18-24 years 

16%, 25-34 years 25%, 35-44 years 30% and 45-54 years 30%). 

About security and insecurity in the prisoners' life 

The prisoners were asked the question, "What things are included in a secure life?". Almost 

all of the participants, 91%, replied that human relationships are included in it. About half of 

the prisoners mentioned family or especially a spouse and children. Every fifth prisoner 

interviewed mentioned friends. Two-thirds of the prisoners said that sufficient livelihood, and 

half said that a residence are elements of a secure life. Also, half of the prisoners mentioned 

that health is a part of security. Thirty-nine per cent of the prisoners mentioned work, and 

about every fifth mentioned freedom. All of these things seem to be quite closely linked with 

our basic needs (cf. Doyal & Cough 1991). So, what does insecurity mean for them? Thirty 

per cent of prisoners answered that it means problems with your human relationships. Thirty 

per cent said that insecurity includes some health problems. Every fourth mentioned economical 

problems. Other examples include problems with residence (23% of the participants), 

uncertainty about one's future (22%), sense of fear (19%) and problems related to work - 

mostly the lack of it, unemployment (15%), were mentioned. It may be argued that many of 

these things can arise from problems in satisfying our basic needs. (See Kauppila 1997a.) 

One very important aspect of this study was to try to find out what is important in life for 

these people. According to the findings of the research, the central values releated to security, 

family security and own security, are highly valued - infact among the "top ten" in both of the 

research groups, prisoners' and civilians' (N=239). This supports the very idea of both this 

study and the broad population reseach project. Family security is important for 92% of 

prisoners and for 97% of civilians; own security is important for 88% of prisoners and for 

93% of civilians. The beginning of the value ranking list is fairly similar in both groups: freedom, 

health and true friendship or companionship come first. The greatest differences 

between the groups were in the importance of work, national security, unpolluted nature, and 

social respect. In general, all of these things seem clearly to be more important for the 

civilians than the prisoners. It seems that people prefer the things that are some way closely 

linked with their daily life. (See Kauppila 1997b.) 

164


What are the most common sources of insecurity among prisoners? Almost all of the 

prisoners said that the decrease in freedom, that people cannot decide about their own life, is a 

source of insecurity. In addition many things related to "environmental insecurity" - such as 

contamination of the nature, destruction of life, ozone depletion and the Greenhouse Effect - 

were among the ten most common causes of insecurity. These things were realtively highly 

rated among the civilian men too. There were also some social problems; peoples' disregard 

and violent crimes, as well as the reduction of social and health services, cutting unemployment 

benefits and amount of expences, that were very common sources of insecurity among 

prisoners. For example, in all, 57% of prisoners had been unemployed before being sent to 

prison. Infact all of the ten factors mentioned here caused more, and most of them much more, 

insecurity to the prisoners than to the civilians. The biggest differences were in the following 

factors: "bureaucracy", "amount of expences" and "people cannot decide about their own 

life". Do these differences tell us something about the differences in the living conditions 

and/or in the ways of living among these two groups of people? 

Table 1. The ten most common causes of insecurity among the prisoners as compared with 

the figures among the civilian men (%) 

___________________________________________________________________________ 

Male prisoners Civilian men 

(N=259) (N=2019) 

[causes me great insecurity] 

Causes of insecurity: 

__________________________________________________________________________ 

1. People cannot decide about their own life 93 [65] 54 

2. Contamination of nature 93 [54] 82 

3. Destruction of life 91 [60] 70 

4. Peoples' disregard for one and another 85 [47] 63 

5. Bureaucracy 83 [54] 34 

6. Violent crimes 83 [49] 62 

7. Reduction of social and health services 83 [42] 60 

8. Ozone depletion and the Greenhouse 

Effect 83 [41] 55 

9. Amount of expences 81 [48] 39 

10. Cuts in unemployment benefits 80 [51] 58 

___________________________________________________________________________ 

In all there were 65 factors which caused insecurity for at least every second prisoner, and 22 

factors that caused insecurity for at least three out of four prisoners. Nineteen factors of these 

65 caused inseurity especially for at least 50% of the civilian, 18-54-year-old men, who took 

part into the population research project (N=2 019). There were only 24 things that caused 

insecurity for at least every second person of the civilian sample - both men and women - who 

took part into the population research project in 1991-1995 (N=6 784; see Niemelä & co. 

1997, 79). There were only two things among these 65 that caused more insecurity for the 

civilians than for the prisoners: "unemployment or losing one's job", which caused insecurity 

for 70% of civilian men; and "the situation in the former Soviet Union", which caused 

insecurity for 75% of civilian men. Among the prisoners the corresponding figures were 58% 

and 66%. 

165


One aspect of life control and the future in the prisoners' eyes 

What we think about our - or any other quarters' - possibility to influence our own future can 

be seen as a part of our life control, a part of manageability in life (e.g. Järvikoski 1996, 45; 

Pietilä 1994, 21). Therefore the prisoners were asked how much they think that certain 

quarters, including themselves, have an influence on their future. Almost all of them - 98% - 

answered that oneself at least has a little influence on one's life, and 86% of 

Table 2. The quarters having influence on the prisoners´ own future (%) 

Quarters having influence on the prisoners´ 

own future: 

166 

Not at all A little Great Sum N 

Prisoner himself 2 12 86 100 259 

Friends and companions (in civilian life) 

Family 

Coincidence 

Social situation in Finland 

World situation 

Authorities (in civilian life) 

God 

Relatives 

Beforehand ordained fate 

Fellow prisoners 

Prison personnel 

Neighbours (in civilian life) 

19 

25 

25 

29 

35 

38 

51 

53 

51 

63 

68 

69 

prisoners said that one has great influence on one's own future. Friends and family come next 

on this list. The influence of coincidence was also relatively highly ranked among the 

prisoners, and according to them, has more impact on their future than, for example, some 

authorities in civilian life. It is interesting to see that neighbours, persons that live next to you 

in civilian life; and prison personnel, persons that you cannot avoid meeting in prison, were 

not ranked highly. 

Some steps on the way to conclusions 

According to the preliminary findings of the research, security as a concept is closely linked 

to basic or central human needs. A secure life seemed to be consist of many social aspects, 

like human relationships, work and love. However, sufficient livelihood, residence and health 

also play a central role. Insecurity as a concept seems to imply problems with the satisfaction 

of human needs or some kind of uncertainty of the continuation of well-being. This result is 

also supported by the earlier studies among civilian people (e.g. Väisänen 1995, Niemelä 

1997). The prisoners' ideas of a secure life were in general more similar, i. e. with the same 

contents, as compared with their thoughts of insecurity. The aspects of insecurity varied a lot, 

and perhaps they more often stemmed from the basis of the participant's personal life 

experiences. Security is more like an ideal situation, an idea of a good life - insecurity reflects 

something about the reality people are living with and the problems they meet while trying to 

56 

35 

54 

42 

44 

44 

27 

37 

30 

34 

23 

27 

25 

40 

21 

29 

21 

18 

22 

10 

19 

3 

9 

4 

100 

100 

100 

100 

100 

100 

100 

100 

100 

100 

100 

100 

258 

255 

258 

258 

258 

255 

255 

258 

257 

259 

256 

258


manage. Information on both of these is needed if our aim is to act constructively: ideals give 

us the aims to struggle for and reality shows us the obstacles we should to be able to remove. 

The central values linked to security, like family security and own security, are highly valued 

among prisoners and civilians. The prisoners seem to think that the things which are nearer 

them or their family, like freedom, health, family security and love, are more important than 

those linked with phenomena far removed from their daily life, such as world peace, national 

security - or even work - may be. Perhaps the differences here are also linked with the 

differences in their life conditions: certain values are more important to people partly because 

they might have more to lose if those particular things are or should be threatened. 

Traditionally work forms the most significant part of the daily activities in Finnish prisons. 

What is the effect on these activities if prisoners generally do not greatly appreciate work - 

i.e. the traditional forms of work that are available for them in real life in and outside prison? 

What does this mean from the point of view of managing in civilian life? However 39% of the 

prisoners said that work is included in a secure life. And there were many other more highly 

valued things among them. Perhaps we should think about, how to link the things they 

appreciate more with the constructive elements of activities like work; e.g. earning a living 

(even partly), having something meaningful to do and finding one's place in society without 

committing crimes. What could be the new legal and more constructive ways of selfrealization 

during the sentence, the ways that could continue of be useful after release? 

It can easily be seen within the answers of the prisoners that their autonomy has been 

threatened and limited during their life: for example decreasing freedom and bureaucracy are 

among the ten most common causes of insecurity. The threat of marginalization causes them 

insecurity in the form of peoples' disregard for one and another, reduction of social and health 

services, amount of living expences and cutting unemployment benefits. In comparison with 

the samples of civilian men it becomes prominent that in general prisoners feel much 

insecurity and to a greater degree in Finnish society. Instead of locking many doors of 

survival we should be able to open some more. Our right to take their freedom should 

increase our reponsibilty and duties to try to help them to keep their freedom after release. 

For the most part it is an extremely good thing to trust oneself in getting out of troubles. But 

trusting mostly only in oneself is not such a good thing. If one succeeds, there is only oneself 

to thank for it, but if one does not succeed, who is to blaim? Many of the prisoners underline 

that "everyone is the master of their own fortune". As a social worker in a Finnish prison I 

have met many "lonely riders" who have lost their lands, horses and whatever still remains of 

their self-respect in this way. Among the prisoners' it seems to be quite general to trust 

friends, companions and family too - the "unofficial" people near them - and less general to 

believe in professionals, authorities and prison personnel. But what if there are not so many 

friends or family members available or they already have quite a lot of problems of their own? 

It is a great challenge for both prisoners and people trying to help them to build a confidential 

and functional relationship. But who do you trust and what do you do if you really mostly 

believe that coincidence has such a great influence on your future anyway? 

It is obvious that the Cognitive Skills Training Program, other programs or any other means 

are needed to support peoples' control over their personal life - perhaps also in prison rather 

than just outside it. But it is worth remembering that everything in life is not just in our own 

hands. Life control is never only a question of individuals. There are always some meaningful 

others; community, society and so on, even coincidences, to be somehow taken into account. 

167


Nowadays it seems to be impossible to manage totally alone, and it is to be hoped that we do 

not expect anyone to do so - whether having gone through some supportive programs or not. 

Instead we could consider, whether there is anything we have not tried yet, or have not tried 

enough, to be able to meet those problems constructively. Anyway it can be said that constructive 

solutions require willingness, abilities and rescourses to cooperate - from everyone 

involved. 

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Rokeach, M.: The Nature of Human Values. The Free Press, New York 1973. 

Suhonen, P. & Suhonen, L.: Turvattomia suomalaisia. Tutkimus turvattomuuden 

kokemisesta.Rauhan ja konfliktintutkimuslaitos. Tutkimuksia n:o 4, 1973. Tampere 1973. 

Ulvinen, V-M.: Vankilaelämän kasvatukselliset alueet vankeinhoidon tavoitteiden 

kehyksessä -estettyjä kuvia? Acta Universitatis Ouluensis E Scientiae Rerum Socialium 22. 

Oulu: Oulun Yliopistopaino. 1996. 

Väisänen, R.: Työelämän turvattomuus, sen syyt ja hallintakeinot. Tutkimus ydinkeski- 

ikäisistä (45-54) työntekijöistä Kuopion läänissä. Kuopion yliopiston julkaisuja E. 

Yhteiskuntatieteet 28. Kuopio 1995. 

169


Gorm Gabrielsen, Lecturer 

Department of Management Science and Statistics, Copenhagen Business School 

Julius Thomsens Plads 10 

DK-1925 Frederiksberg C 

e-mail: stgg@cbs.dk 

and 

Peter Kramp, Head of Clinic of Forensic Psychiatry, 

Ministry of Justice 

Slotsholmsgade 10 

DK-1216 København K 

170 

The increasing number of forensic psychiatric 

patients in Denmark, 1980-96 

Causes and perspectives 

The number of forensic patients in Denmark has increased dramatically during the last 15 

years from 300 in 1980 to about 1000 today. In this presentation we shall try to explain why 

forensic psychiatry has become an exploding business. 

Section 16 of the Danish penal code states, that “Persons who at the time of the act, were 

irresponsible owing to mental illness or similar conditions or a pronounced mental deficiency, 

are not punishable”. The term “mental illness” is equivalent to the psychiatric term 

“psychosis”. Section 68 establishes, that measures other than punishment can be used against 

psychotic offenders, namely 1: placement in a psychiatric hospital, which means, that the 

offender cannot be discharged before a new court order. 2: Psychiatric treatment, where the 

offender is admitted to a psychiatric hospital or department, and it is then for the psychiatrist 

to discharge and if necessary - together with the probation office - readmit the patient. 3: 

Outpatient treatment. Section 69 of the penal code establishes, that psychiatric treatment 

sanctions can be used instead of punishment to non-psychotic but otherwise mentally 

abnormal offenders. 

Denmark, a small country with about 5 millions inhabitants, is administratively divided into 

15 counties. Each county is responsible for the total health-service to the inhabitants of the 

county including the forensic patients. All forensic patients are thus treated within the 

ordinary psychiatric treatment-system. In principal the forensic patients are looked upon as all 

other psychiatric patients. Some counties have special wards for some of these patients, but in 

several counties they are treated at ordinary wards together with non-criminal patients. The 

forensic patients are not registered in any special way by the counties, and consequently the 

authorities responsible for the treatment, do no know the numbers - perhaps do not want to 

know the numbers . However, almost all the forensic patients with a sanction of “psychiatric 

treatment” and “outpatient treatment” are under supervision by the Department of Prison and 

Probation too, Kramp and Gabrielsen, 1994. Patients with a “placement order”, who cannot 

be discharged, of course do not need a probation officer.The Department of Prison and


Probation has offices in every county, and with some minor unimportant exceptions, is the 

area served by the local office identical with the county. Each office reports monthly to the 

Department the number and type of clients under supervision - those with suspect sentences, 

prisoners released on parole, forensic patients and so on. In this way it is possible to count the 

number of forensic patients in each county month by month, i.e. the monthly prevalence of 

forensic patients in each county. This registration has taken place since 1977, and for the 

present analysis the material from 1980 is used to follow the development in prevalence of 

forensic patients. Patients with a placement order, most of them suffer from schizophrenia and 

have committed serious violent crime are not under supervision and therefore are not included 

in the present material. The number, however, is limited, around 80,(Lund,1997), which 

means that our figures are minimum figures covering a least 90% of the total number of 

forensic patients. 

In 1994 we looked at the development of the prevalence of forensic patients, figure 1, Kramp 

and Gabrielsen, 1994. 

The dotted line is the number of patients increasing from about 300 in 1980 to about 700 in 

1993. The smooth line is the statistical model showing an annual growth rate on 6.83%.From 

1980 until 1993, the growth exhibited an almost perfect exponential growth. Such a curve is a 

rarity within the social sciences; one expect exponential growth within biology or physics but 

never within the social sciences. This is due to the fact, that developments in social sciences 

are affected by feed back mechanisms. Nevertheless, to find an exponential growth curve in 

this case might be because the forensic patients form a rather small fraction of patients within 

the mental health care system, and thereby has not been noticed until now. 

Three years later in 1996 we repeated the study, Kramp and Gabrielsen,1996. We extrapolated 

the model with an annual growth rate on 6.83%, figure 2, and we inspected how reality - the 

number of patients - fitted the model, figure 3. As it appears from the figure the model fits 

almost perfect - the growth rate still seems to be 6.83%. It can be added that the prevalence of 

forensic patients is still growing - at the end of April 1998 the number has increased to 1068. 

One can add this last point to figure 3 and see that the model still fits. 

171


Thus, the latest numbers of forensic patients still exhibit exponential growth and thereby 

support the hypothesis that some kind of mechanism generates this increase. It should be 

noted that the same trend has been seen in many other countries. 

In the following we shall discuss some possible answers to this increase in the prevalence of 

forensic patients. 

Figure 4 again shows the number of forensic patients and furthermore the crime rate per year 

in thousands (the counts of bicycle theft and shop lifting has been removed from the crime 

rate). From the figure it is seen that the increasing number of forensic patients by no means 

can be explained by the increasing crime rate. The number of offenses reported to the police 

has remained almost unchanged the last 10 years, the annual number being about 400000, 

however, the prevalence of forensic patients has doubled. 

For many years one has discussed “the criminalization of the mentally ill”, however, the 

opposite the “psychiatrization of the criminals” has also been put forward as an explanation - 

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that the penal system transfers more and more criminals, first of all the most troublesome, to 

the psychiatric system. Some years ago we investigated this hypothesis, Kramp,1993. Table 1 

shows the total number of forensic patients in 1987 and in 1991. As mentioned '16 

encompasses the psychotics, § 69 the non-psychotics. As already seen there is an increasing 

number of forensic cases - from 1987 to 1991, the number has increased by 26%. However, if 

one divides the patients into two groups, the psychotics and the non-psychotics, it is seen that 

there is a decrease in the number of forensic patients who do not suffer from psychoses, while 

the psychotics increase dramatically. If there should be any support of the “psychiatrization of 

the criminals” one should expect an increasing number of non-psychotics i.e. §69-patients, 

however, this has not happened, on the contrary - they are decreasing. 

Table 1. Forensic patients in 1987 and 1991 

Total 

§16 

1987 

521 

335 

§69 

186 

§16: Psychotic when committing the crime 

§69: The non-psychotics 

1991 

658 

538 

120 

Difference 

137 / 26% 

203 / 61% 

-66 / -35% 

The material consists only of the number of cases, and does not allow any diagnostic 

classification. However, there are various Danish studies about forensic patients including the 

diagnoses of the patients, Table 2 shows uniformly that the majority of the forensic patients 

were psychotics and around 50% suffered from schizophrenia. An unpublished cross-sectionstudy 

carried out by Jens Lund in Crhus from November 1997 shows a fraction of 

schizophrenia among §16-patients between 65% and 70%. In conclusion in Denmark at least, 

there has been no “psychiatrization of the criminals”, for sure the opposite - “criminalization 

of the mentally ill”, first and foremost the schizoprenics. 

Table 2. Forensic Patients in Denmark 

Forensic Patients, 01.01.70 - 31.12.78, Copenhagen County 

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n=103; psychotic; 73, of this 42 Schizophrenic; non-psychotic: 30 

Kofoed-Nielsen, H. and Odgaard, K: Kriminalpsykiatrisk Undersøgelse. Ufl 1983, 145, 1241 - 1245 

Forensic Patients < 30 years, 01.01.78 - 31.12.87, Copenhagen City 


Jørgensen, Eva F. m.fl.: Unge med behandlingsdom i København. Ufl 1993, 155, 3006-3009 

Forensic Patients, 01.06.87, whole country 


Lund, J.; Retspsykiatriske patienter. Ufl 1988, 150, 1209-1212 

Forensic Patients, 01.03.91, KAS Nordvang, dept. R 


Hasle, N-J and L.E. Eplov: Retspsykiatriske patienter - diagnose, kriminalitet og sanktion. Ufl 1994, 156, 4683 - 

4689 

Forensic Patients, 03.1.92, whole country 


Kramp, P.: Registerundersrgelsen, unpublished. 

Another explanation of the increasing prevalence of forensic patients could be that the 

duration of the sanctions stately increase. If so the constant input of new forensic patients, 

would cause an increasing prevalence, because the patients remain longer and longer in the 

system. 

In Denmark sentence to psychiatric treatment is time unlimited; the sanction is abolished by a 

court order. It has been argued that the prosecution for various reasons do not bring these 

cases for the court whereby the patients remain longer and longer in the system. There does 

not exist data which allows an examination of this possibility for the period 1980 to 1987, but 

from 1987 the monthly intake and discharge of patients for each county is known. Figure 5 

shows the yearly intake for the whole country for the years 1989 to 1995 and correspondingly 

figure 6 shows the yearly discharge of forensic patients for the same years. The intake rate, or 

the incident rate, is estimated to 4.3% per year and the discharge rate to 4.3% per year. These 

two rates being equal supports the hypothesis that the duration of sanctions has been stabled 

during the considered years. The average duration of a sanction can be estimated to around 4 

years, so the considered period is in the shortest to cash up any change in duration time. On 

the other hand the pictures give no support to any hypothesis of an increasing duration time of 

sanctions. 

Recently it has been argued by Olsen and Ravn ,1998, that this argument does not hold. 

However, the arguments of Olsen and Ravn are in the authors point of view incorrect. As this 

discussion is very technical it is omitted from the present paper and interested can look it up 

in Gabrielsen,1998. In conclusion there is no support for the hypothesis that an increasing 

number of forensic patients can be explained by an increasing duration time of the sanctions. 

174


Finally, the reduction in the number of psychiatric beds could be a possible explanation of the 

increasing criminality among the mentally ill. As mentioned earlier it is possible to collect 

monthly data on the number of forensic patients in each county from 1980 until 1997. 

Furthermore, it is possible to collect data on the number of disposable psychiatric beds in each 

county. Also it is possible to obtain the number of occupied beds, i.e. the number of consumed 

beds. These numbers are received from The Institute of Psychiatric Demography in Aarhus. 

During the period 1980 to 1997 a dramatic change has taken place in the mental health care 

system. Back in the 1980 we still had the large mental hospitals, whose patients were not only 

from the local county, but also from the neighbour-counties. During two decades the mental 

health care system has been reorganized into community mental health care and social support 

to psychiatric patients. In Denmark a substantial part of this reorganization has consisted in a 

transfer of resources from the large mental hospitals into community mental health care. The 

reorganization implied or included a close down of psychiatric beds in the order of 55%. 

However, a reorganization of a naturally grown system adapted to the increasing need of 

mental health care into a “from above” planned system of local community health care, does 

not take place without expenses. The needs from the real world seldomly fits into the planed 

needs. Thus, a radical reorganization should be expected to be reflected within different areas 

of the mental health care. 

However, the speed of the reorganization of the mental health care system differed between 

the counties. This gives us an opportunity to consider the reorganization as a quasi 

experimental setting, in which the counties are the experimental units and “the speed of 

reorganization” is the intervention and the growth rate of forensic patients is the outcome. 

It should noted that from 1980 until today which is the study period, there has been no 

changes what so ever concerning the Danish registration of mentally abnormal offenders; 

there has been no changes in diagnostic criteria used by forensic psychiatrists; no changes in 

how the prosecution administrates the rules of mental abnormal criminals and no changes in 

other part of the system dealing with forensic patients. The fact, that the whole system has 

remained unchanged in our study period, is of course very important, because new legislation 

or other changes could influence the number of patients. Furthermore, the Penal code is the 

same for the whole country covering all 15 counties, and as previously mentioned, the 

175


Department of Prison and Probation which cover the whole country, registers nearly all the 

forensic psychiatric patients. On the other hand the counties have a high degree of autonomy 

concerning allocation of resources. There might be a high degree of dissimilarity between the 

counties concerning resources allocated to the large mental hospitals versus the local 

community mental health care and thereby a high degree of dissimilarity in the speed with 

which the single county reorganizes the mental health care system from large mental hospitals 

into local community mental health care. 

Figure 7 shows for county 15 the number of disposable beds, the number of used or consumed 

beds and the number of forensic patients for the years 1980 to 1997. This is typical curves for 

a county - a decreasing number of psychiatric beds and a decreasing number of consumed 

beds - but around 1990 the number of consumed bed stops to decrease and in several counties 

one even sees a slight increase - in spite of the decrease in disposable beds. When the number 

of consumed beds crosses the number of disposable beds, overcrowding occurs. And we have 

had overcrowding at nearly all psychiatric wards in Denmark the latest years. 

Figure 8 shows for the whole country the number of disposable beds and the number of 

consumed beds. In the beginning of 1990 the decrease in the number of consumed beds fades 

out and from 1992, there has been an increasing overcrowding in the mental hospitals; today 

in average around 10%. 

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In order to prove the postulate, that the decreasing number of psychiatric beds is the cause of 

the increasing number of forensic patients we have disaggregated the number of forensic 

patients and the number of consumed beds to the level of counties. Figure 9 shows for another 

county, Aarhus county, the number of disposable beds, the number of consumed beds and the 

number of forensic patients. It is seen that the number of consumed beds is not decreasing 

with the same (negative) growth rate as in county 15 and similarly the number of forensic 

patients are not increasing with the same growth rate in the two counties. 

For the statistical analysis therefore, two growth rates for each county are calculated - the 

(negative) growth rate of consumed beds and the growth rates of the prevalence of forensic 

patients from 1980 until today. In figure 10 the growth rates of forensic patients are plotted 

against the (negative) growth rates of consumed beds. Furthermore, an estimated line is 

added, the slope of this line being significantly different from zero , p=0.05. This means, that - 

in a county - when the number of consumed beds decreases rapidly, the number of forensic 

psychiatric patients increases rapidly. 

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Without going into details concerning the statistical analysis it can be mentioned that the 

analysis is carried out as a multi level analysis so that the hypothesis of the slope of the 

regression line being zero is tested against the between-county variation. 

Conclusion 

In Denmark the number of forensic patients has tripled in the period 1980-1997 - from 300 to 

1000. The reason for this very serious development cannot be found in changes of the 

registration of mental abnormal offenders, or changes in clinical practise or changes in the 

administration of the rules, or changes in the crime rate. The main reason seems to be the 

reorganization of the mental health care from mental hospitals into local community health 

care and thereby the closure of 4000 psychiatric beds. This study does not tell anything about 

whether the reorganization of the mental health care system has been of any benefit for some 

of the patients to the mental health care system. It tells that a reorganization of a natural 

grown system adapted to the increasing need of mental health care into a “from above” 

planned system of local community health care does not take place without expenses. This 

study shows that the most serious ill, the schizophrenics, seems to be some of the loosers in 

this reorganization. 

References 

Gabrielsen,G.: Increasing number of forensic psychiatric patients. A comment. To appear. 

1998. 

178


Kramp,P.: ‘Psykotiske lovovertrædere: Kriminalitetsudvikling og behandlingsstruktur.’ I: 

Månedsskrift for praktisk lægegerning, 71-1993, s. 17-23. 

Kramp,P. & G. Gabrielsen: ‘Tilsynsklienter idømt psykiatriske særforanstaltninger’. I: 

Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidnskab, 81-1994, s. 4. 

Kramp,P. & G. Gabrielsen, (1994): ‘Antallet af psykiske syge kriminelle fordoblet på ti år’. I: 

Nyt fra kriminalforsorgen. Nr. 5-1996. 

Lund,J.: Personal communication,1997. 

Olsen,J. & L. Ravn: ‘Mere statistik om psykisk syge tilsynsklienter’. I: Kriminalistisk årbog 

1997. Københavns Universitet, 1998. 

179


Mårten Landahl, BSocSs (Criminology) 

Henriksdalsringen 1 

S-131 32 Nacka 

e-mail: info@crimiknowledge.a.se 

180 

Crime Prevention and Criminological Theory 

Introduction 

Over the last two hundred years, numerous theories has been presented as the only, or at least 

the principal, explanation of crime and/or criminality. Although these theories pinpointing 

one or a few factors are scientifically important, their use for the practitioner interested in the 

prevention and control of crime is somewhat limited. For the practitioner (eg administrators 

and CP-coordinators) these theories have little to offer since most individual theories reflects 

only a fraction of the everyday reality faced by the practitioner, so (if even the experts can’t 

agree about what the problem is, or on what to do about it) why bother with theory? 

Yet a theoretically founded strategy for intervention is of crucial importance, since there is no 

other way to develop consistent and efficient techniques to reduce criminal victimization. 

The crime prevention practitioner needs a conceptual framework in which important key 

elements of disparate theories can be brought together and integrated in a model to facilitate 

the understanding of crime and the planning of crime prevention initiatives and to improve 

the understanding of; 

a) Where (in the causal chain from societal and individual background factors, to 

the criminal opportunity that) a specific crime prevention initiative is directed? 

b) Is the proposed initiative proximal or distant to the criminogenic situation. 

c) If it is reasonable to assume that the plan will work, and 

d) How changes in Society will affect the type, number and distribution of 

criminal events. 

In this paper I will outline such a model. I have attempted to integrate what I consider to be 

key concepts of interesting theories of crime and criminality. I have worked backwards, from 

the criminal event, through the situation in which it occurred, more and less proximal 

background factors and on to the composition and structure of society. The model is however 

presented in the traditional fashion beginning with theories of society and human nature and 

ending with the decision-making of individual offenders (figures 1-6). 

The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how one (of several possible) such integrations can be 

construed. I will also briefly discuss the implications of the model for crime prevention. 

1. A multi-level model 

The model can be divided into four “level boxes” preceding the actual (criminal)event (figure 

1). These boxes are overlapping since levels on the makro-micro scale are somewhat floating. 

The contents of each of the “level boxes” is presented as mutually exclusive concepts, one 

figure (2-5) for each of the four “level boxes”, and as the complete model (figure 6).


Figure 1 A Multi-level Model 

Structural base 

The Socialization 

process 

Motivational and 

situational drives 

The Decisionmaking 

process 

Event 

1.1.1 Societal organization 

The basic assumption of the model is that macro-level societal factors such as economic and 

political system, religious life and degree of Industrialization and urbanization, predetermine 

three important aspects influencing human behavior. First; underlying societal factors 

strongly influence biological and social characteristics of the population such as the age 

structure, the number and survival rate of children and the social desirability of having 

children of a certain sex. It also determines the parenting and child raising practices and 

associated features. Second; the degree of Communitarism of neighborhoods, of extended 

families and between individuals and institutions. Third; the type and kind of media coverage 

of different events are given as well as what type and kind of individuals are exposed to 

coverage of particular news and views. 

1.1.2 Population Characteristics 

Most people will agree that societal organization determinates, to a great extent, the 

characteristics of the population. Not only in the society as a whole (eg number of children 

and age structure) but that it also, through segregation, affects the characteristics of the people 

that will live in the individual communities. 

Tradition, religion, social service and pension benefits, and degree of labor-intensive 

agriculture plays interrelated and important roles in explaining eg. birth frequency, 

educational structure and other important differences in population character. In countries like 

India and China, the social desirability of children of a certain (eg. male) sex combined with 

modern methods of fetus diagnosis, leads to a decrease in the birth rate of the less desired sex 

which affects the population characteristics of those societies. 

181


Figure 2 Structural Base of the Model 

1.1.3 Communitarism 

”The more weakened the groups to which (the individual) belongs, the less he depends on 

them, the more he consequently depends only on himself and recognizes no other rules of 

conduct than what are founded on his private interest.” (Durkheim: Suicide, quoted in Hirschi 

1974 p.16). In modern society, the concept of group must include the social structures of the 

area of residence. 

”Communitarism is a condition of societies. In communitarian societies individuals are 

densely enmeshed in interdependencies which have the special qualities of mutual help and 

trust. The interdependencies have symbolic significance in the culture or group loyalties 

which take precedence over individual interests. The interdependencies also have symbolic 

significance as attachments which invoke personal obligation to others in a community of 

concern, rather than simply interdependencies of convenience as between a bank and a small 

depositor.” (Braithwaite 1984 p.100) Braithwaite describes Communitarism as a condition of 

societies, which seems to be rather static in a given society and differ only between societies. 

In this model, however, the degree of Communitarism differs not only between societies but 

also between communities. Communities are seen as subject to variations caused by 

differences in government presence and policies in different neighborhoods (eg social service 

and policing practices). With this adaption the concept of Communitarism is included in the 

model. 

The level of communitarism influences, and is influenced by, individual social learning 

processes, and the population characteristics of a community . 

1.1.4 Media influence 

The influence of media (such as papyrus rolls, television or internet) can be understood in 

terms of the faith or credibility placed in a specific type, agent or publisher by consumers, the 

differential exposure to news and views in individuals and communities, and the social 

importance of singular media events which is closely linked to the total measure of media 

supply potential. For reasons of simplicity I will restrict the examples to the medium 

television. The same basic assumptions can be transposed to any kind of media. 

When the media supply potential is virtually unlimited (as in cable TV) the relative credibility 

(of television in general, as well as of eg a television news anchor) is diminished due to 

182


competing and non coherent priorities attributed to different news and views , or in other 

words, differences in casting policy. A recent study of the Crime content in the three major 

Swedish television news programs shows that one network showed more than 3 times the 

amount of crime news reaching the viewers of the program showing the least crime (3.1, 4,1 

and 9,4 % of total news air time respectively) (Johnson 1995). 

The number of people exposed to a particular media is dependent on a combination of media 

supply potential and personal or peer or primary group preferences. The social importance of 

media reflects the degree in which media output is a focal concern in everyday life. In 

Sweden, with two television channels in the early 1980s yesterdays TV was a natural subject 

for discussion, eg. around the coffe-table at work, which gave broadcast consumption a social 

value. Today, a massive increase in media supply potential has diminished the social 

importance of watching television since only a minority is likely to have seen the same 

programs, there is no common ground for discussion. At the same time as credibility and 

social importance, and exposure to particular television channels is diminishing, exposure (in 

daily viewed minutes per capita) to television in general has increased 33.6 % from 104 

minutes in the fiscal year 1982/83 when two channels were operating, parallel with a massive 

increase in radio and television media supply potential to 139 minutes in 1994 when 60 % 

have cable. (figures from Westrell, personal com.) 

Figure 3 The Socialization Process 

1.2.1 The Social Learning process 

In its basic form Social Learning Theory stipulated that all behavior is learned and that 

learning of social behaviors occurs through face-to-face interaction. Hence, the impact of the 

composition of the neighborhood (population characteristics) is obvious. The neighborhood 

level of Communitarism is of crucial importance to the socialization process. Consider, as an 

example, life in a small town with a butcher, a grocer, small shops where you stay and chat 

183


for a while, and a limited number of people. Most people in such a town will know each 

other, at least by appearance, and will react to harmful behaviors exercised by others thus 

rendering a high level of informal social control. In such a community it is more likely that 

damages to the socialization process caused by deprived or outright dreadful home 

circumstances and/or parenting practice will be reduced trough the social network, than in the 

impersonalized social and shopping environments of our great cities. The social learning 

process affects, and is affected by, the level of communitarism in the community. 

We now expand the concept of social learning process to include observational learning, and 

media influence. The point of departure is the fact that most behavior is learned by 

observation, often in absence of external reinforcements. ”Humans have evolved an advanced 

capacity for observational learning that enables them to expand their knowledge and skills on 

the basis of information conveyed by modeling influences, indeed, virtually all learning 

phenomena resulting from direct experience can occur vicariously by observing people’s 

behavior and its consequences for them.” (Bandura 1989, quoted in Hjelle & Ziegler 1992 

p.337). 

A long-lasting prejudice in theories of the behavioral sciences is that significant others (those 

from which behaviors, attitudes and motivations are most likely to be learned) are exclusively 

to be found among family and friends. As any parent knows, this is not true. In the ’Canadian 

Peer Study’ schoolchildren were asked to write the names of their friends. As the pupils 

behavior was monitored, the study showed that the pupils were much more likely to model 

their behaviors after persons they unilaterally rated as friends, than after persons who they 

rated and were rated by as friends (McCord, personal com.). It is obvious that a one-sided 

friendship (from A to B) must be much stronger to last for any duration of time, than a 

reciprocal one. Thus, idols are indeed significant others. This is well known among the 

market/advertisement psychologist’s and can be expressed thus;(role)”Models who appear 

high in competence, who are alleged experts, or who are celebrities or superstars are likely to 

command greater attention than models lack these attributes. Advertisers of everything from 

footwear to feminine products capitalize on this idea, utilizing television personalities, 

athletic superstars, and financial wizards to hawk their products. Other variables that are 

especially important at this stage are the observer’s own, preexisting capabilities and 

motives.”/.../”Essentially, any set of characteristics that causes a model to be perceived as 

intrinsically rewarding for prolonged periods of time increases the probability of more careful 

attention to the model, and, consequently, the probability of modeling.” (Hjelle & Ziegler 

1992 p.345). 

In 1986 Bandura showed that when our attention is directed to a model, positive incentives do 

not enhance observational learning. ”This is supported by research showing that children who 

watched a model on television in a room darkened to minimize distractions later displayed the 

same amount of imitative learning regardless of whether they were told in advance that such 

imitations would be rewarded or were given no prior incentives to learn the modeled 

performances.”(Hjelle & Ziegler 1992 p.347). 

Key factors in determining media impact on the individual social learning process are; apart 

from that individual’s social circumstances, the exposure to different media content, the 

degree of credibility he or she attributes to it, and the social importance of the received 

information content in the contemporary culture. A Massive media supply potential tends to 

increase exposure to favored types of media content, while, at the same time diminishing its 

credibility and social importance in particular beyond the immediate group of peers. 

184


The characteristics of the population and the degree of communitarianism, in combination 

with the media influence causes differences in the statistical distribution of outcomes of the 

social learning process. 

Conscience, aspirations and lifestyle preferences is one important result of the social learning 

process. 

1.2.2 Conscience 

In this model, conscience is defined as a set of internalized values in which the individual 

truly believes. To their nature they can be pro-social, asocial or anti-social, or anything in 

between. The question we pass on to the Propensity box is, as Hirschi put it; ”Why does a 

man violate the rules in which he believes?” It is not ”Why do men differ in their beliefs 

about what constitutes good and desirable conduct ” (1974 p.23). 

If a criminal event occurs while the offender exercises what he or she truly believes to be 

good and desirable conduct, the cause is either a cultural conflict (as between a totalitarian 

regime and dissidents, or between incompatible majority and minority cultures) due to 

different outcomes of the social learning process, or differences in the perception or 

interpretation of reality caused by mental illness. 

Conscience is regarded as a direct result, determined by the social learning process, with no 

interference other than those stemming from biological differences in the capacity or 

functioning of the nervous system. 

1.2.3 Strain 

Strain can be defined as the discrepancy between an individuals goals and desires in life and 

his or her perceived prospects of reaching these goals in a lawful manner. 

Since the mid 1800s when books of fiction begun to be increasingly available to members of 

the middle and lower classes, and in particular with the television revolution during the last 

generation, images and models of carefree life, as well as deviant lifestyles, has become 

available to the general public like in no other time in history. This causes a general raise of 

aspirations in the population, some more realistic, some less. It also displays criminal role 

models and rationalizations for criminal conduct, thus suggesting alternative lifestyle and 

(criminal)career opportunities. There is no such things as ’universal success goals’, but 

individual success goals tend to move in one general direction. 

”The increased stress on achievement norms inflate the expectations and aspirations of the 

lower-class adolescent. At the same time, it limits the career opportunities available to him, 

demanding levels of education which he experiences special disadvantages in attaining. In 

addition, he finds that the career possibilities for which he is qualified have become 

excessively competitive, so that discriminatory criteria are covertly applied. Under such 

conditions he is inclined to locate the source of his troubles in the social system rather than in 

his own shortcomings. His sense of injustice encourages him to withdraw sentiments 

attributing legitimacy to the dominant social order and to search for a more efficient means to 

achieve his aspirations.”(Cloward & Ohlin 1960 p.1121), 

When individual success goals are not met, there are two possible alternatives. Either failure 

is attributed to oneself, and goals modified to become more realistic or eg education 

185


improved, or the failure is attributed to society (or to discrimination) which results in the 

individual questioning the legitimacy of system thereby reducing his sentiment. 

”The democratic ideology of equality of opportunity creates constant pressure for formal 

criteria of evaluation that are universalistic rather than particularistic, achieved rather than 

ascribed-that is, for a structure of opportunities that are available to all on an open 

competitive basis rather than the proprietory right of a select group and that are achieved by 

one’s own effort rather than acquired by the mere fact of birth into a particular race, religion, 

social class or family.”(ibid p.119). ”Yet there are often significant discrepancies between the 

criteria which should and those which do control social evaluations. Even in a democratic 

society, for example, where the dominant ideology stresses criteria based on social equality, 

talent, skill, knowledge, and achivement, many competitive selections and judgments take 

account of such nonuniversalistic criteria as race, religion, family prestige, wealth, social 

class, and personal friendship.”(ibid p.115) 

The level of strain a person perceives has effects on his choice of routine activities and 

lifestyle as well as on his long-term crime potential or Propensity. 

1.3.1 Propensity 

The individual’s propensity to make criminal choices is a combination of the degree of selfcontrol 

that the individual is able to exercise, and, his or her readiness to utilize 

rationalization techniques for self-justification of criminal behavior. 

Individual propensity is the grand total of a persons conscience and the strain under which he 

or she lives. An individuals propensity to commit crimes does change over time, but is 

relatively stable in relation to others of the same age cohort. 

Gottfredson & Hirschi (1990) ascribe stable individual differences in criminal behavior to 

self-control (p.87). They mention six elements of self-control, of which four are either 

irrelevant or subcomponents to the two remaining, that low self-control facilitates immediate 

and simple gratification of needs and desires. 

Rationalization techniques are self-justifications for breaking the rules that;”is based on what 

is essentially an unrecognized extension of defenses to crimes, in the form of justifications for 

deviance that are seen as valid by the delinquent but not by the legal system or society at 

large.”(Sykes & Matza 1957 p.666) 

Rationalization precedes deviant behavior, thus making it possible. A person with a low level 

of self-control and a high readiness to apply neutralization techniques will have a very high 

propensity to make criminal choices. However, we should note that this box of the model 

presupposes that;”If the deviant is committed to a value system different from that of 

conventional society, there is, within the context of the theory, (this box) nothing to explain.” 

(Hirschi 1974 p.23). 

186


Figure 4 Motivational and Situational Drives 

1.3.2 Routine Activities versus Lifestyle 

Routine activity is influenced by the level of strain, and in part by the propensity to pursue 

immediate satisfaction of desires, which is closely linked to the propensity to make criminal 

choices. The level of self-control (or ability to delay or divert gratification) plays an impotent 

part in explaining what kind of lifestyle, as well as what kind of activities a person, regardless 

of lifestyle, is likely to carry out. 

Routine activity is defined as any activity repeated with some regularity. Driving a car is a 

routine activity, being involved in a car crash is not. Usual routine activities are working, 

commuting, sleeping, watching television, dining out, etcetera. The reason for including what 

some would label a ’non-activity’, sleeping in the concept is it being the best example of the 

observation that;”The assumption, widely shared, is that a person can be simply too busy 

doing conventional things to find time to engage in deviant behavior.”(Hirschi 1974 p.22) 

In contrast, lifestyle is a set of personal preferences that effect the qualitative content of 

routine activities, home furnishing style etcetera. Going to a bar, or to the cinema is a routine 

activity, as opposed to the the choice of what to wear, choice of bar/film to see, or who to go 

with, and individual interaction pattern on the selected location(s) which are expressions of 

lifestyle. An individual involved in a lifestyle that also attracts crime-prone individuals is 

more exposed to crime opportunities than other individuals, and therefore more likely to 

commit crimes as well as to be victimized by others. 

Routine activity and lifestyle strongly influence the creation of situations in which the 

individual finds herself/himself. 

1.3.3 Situation 

The lifestyle and routine activities of the individual has a strong impact on the situations in 

which the individual finds himself. This model’s concept of situation has been strongly 

influenced by Ekblom (1994). 

A situation consists of a) a place, b) the presence or absence of at least one potential offender 

and a crime target (object or person), and c) of modulators. 

187


The environment of a place consists of two main components, the logistic (physical) 

environment that facilitates or obstructs the perpetrator’s ability to commit a crime or 

modulator’s ability to alter the event, and factors in the (psychological/emotional) 

environment that affect the motivation of perpetrator or modulators. 

The crime target is described in terms of its desirability and/or provocability. If the target can 

defend itself (eg by hitting back or in case of a car, by being equipped with an alarm) that 

aspect of the target is considered to be a modulator. Modulators are persons or objects that 

influence the environment, the target or the potential perpetrator in a way affecting the 

probability of a criminal event. 

Particulars of the situation influences motivation, the perceived level of frictions and 

temptations, and, the perceived risk of punishment and/or detection. 

1.3.4 Motivation 

Motivation is the result of interaction between the baseline propensity, the cognitive cues in a 

particular situation, and the wood-bee offenders present mood, presence or absence of 

intoxication and other short-term conditions affecting the current perceptual and emotional 

state of the individual. 

The current motivational state, or short-term crime potential, is an important factor 

influencing the individual’s perception and interpretation of the frictions and temptations of 

life. 

1.4.1 Frictions and Temptations 

The perception of frictions and temptations is closely linked to the current motivational state 

and to the particulars of a situation. 

Frictions are situations causing feelings of wrath or anger towards a person or an object such 

as symbols for something the person dislikes (eg election posters or symbols for a ’hostile’ 

football team). A temptation can be defined as a potential crime target that is attractive to the 

potential perpetrator. 

Changes in emotional and cognitive states caused by sudden bursts of desire or anger affect 

the perception of risk and thus the decision-making process. 

1.4.2 Perceptions of Risk and Deterrence 

The individual’s perception of the risk for detection and/or severity of punishment is 

determined by the particulars of the situation and his/her present perception of frictions and 

temptations caused by the recent emotional and cognitive state combined with what Stafford 

& Warr conceptualize as experiences of punishment and punishment avoidance. (Stafford & 

Warr 1993). Such experiences can be personal (direct) or indirect, that is, through the 

experiences of friends, by reputation or of others about whom the decision-maker has some 

knowledge. The experiences are not only about punishment, but also about successful 

strategies to avoid detection and/or punishment. 

The individual’s perception of risk is an important part of the decision-making process. 

188


Figure 5 The decision-Making Process 

1.4.3 Decision-Making and the Concept of a Limited Rational Choice 

The model stipulates that perceived risk of punishment and detection combined with 

perceived levels of temptations and frictions are powerful influences in the decision-making 

process. 

Criminals as decision-makers is not an uncontroversial subject in the field of Criminology. Is 

it reasonable to assume that,”For example, an individual contemplating breaking into a 

warehouse will estimate the probability that he or she will be apprehended (e.g., as .25), the 

possible gains and punishments to be achieved, and the levels of satisfaction that will be 

gained from the break-in if he or she is not apprehended (e.g., the utility of gaining $500) or is 

apprehended (e.g., the utility of gaining $500 and receiving a $700 fine)/.../To continue our 

example, the individual would make the following calculation: 

EU=.75 u(x° + $500) + .25 u(x° - $700), (9.1) 

where u is a function that converts dollars into levels of satisfaction, and x° is the individual’s 

initial wealth. The individual will commit the criminal act if his or her expected utility, as 

calculated above, is higher by doing so than by not doing so. (example from Lattimore & 

Witte 1986 who don’t believe so either) 

This level of elaboration is, in view of our knowledge of crimes and criminals, unbelievable, 

yet the ”assumption that rewards and punishments influence our choices between different 

courses of action underlies much economic, sociological, psychological, and legal thinking 

about human action. ”(Cornish & Clarke 1986 p.V). The notion of a reasoning criminal, who 

employs the same sorts of cognitive strategies when contemplating offending as he and the 

rest of us utilize in other respects, ought not to be strange. 

The solution to the problem is the introduction of a concept of limited rational choice. 

”Rationality is not about meaning, but about instrumental achivement.” (Niggli 1994 p.85). 

”From this it follows that applying RCT does not inevitably require a view of (individual) 

offenders as thoughtful and intellectually sophisticated,...”(ibid p.84). 

189


When making choices people do not, generally, use all the information available to them. 

People tend to use information that is consistent with what they believe (cognitive dissonance 

theory), easy accessible and readily available. 

I believe Niggli sums up the limited rational choice concept quite well as he writes;”Given 

the individual level and the ’limited’ character of rational calculus, concrete, short-term 

factors should be more important in utility calculations than abstract, general factors. For the 

rationally acting individual therefore the severity of sanctions is meaningless if there is only a 

small risk of detection or capture, since the severity of sanctions does not really address the 

individual but rather applies to the general societal level. (Ibid p.91f) 

The result of the limited rational choice process is the decision to commit a criminal act, or to 

choose another course of action. 

Figure 6 A Model Framework of Integrated Key Concepts of Criminological Theories 

190


2. Offender Awareness Space and Crime Occurrence 

To commit a criminal act is a source of stress for the offender. There is (also in situations 

favorable to criminal outcomes) always an element of uncertainty (what if the public 

interferes, the police show up etcetera). Offenders will commit most of their crimes in areas 

that are well known to them in order to limit the risks and increase their personal safety (it’s 

always good to know what’s behind the next corner). The physical as well as psychological 

qualities of the area is important for the offenders feeling of security and control. 

The areas about which most knowledge is available are those in which the potential offender 

spends most of his time, eg the present or former area of residence, work, shopping and 

entertainment areas which are visited often. These areas are called the Activity Space of the 

individual. (fig a) 

Figure from Brantingham & Brantingham 1984 p 353 

The concept of Awareness Space includes the individual’s Activity Space and an area around 

and between the everyday Activity Space, which is well known to the individual and the area 

that is seen from the transit links (roads, buses) that are used for transportation between the 

areas of activity (fig b) (Brantingham & Brantingham 1984). 

The offender is likely to commit his crimes within his Awareness Space, but not too close to 

his home or other places where he might be recognized and subjected to formal or informal 

sanctions. The area should be well known to the offender, but he/she should not be easily 

identified. 

191


Further, for a criminal event to occur the awareness space of the individual and criminal 

opportunities that are attractive to the potential offender must coincide at such a time and 

place where the offender is present (Brantingham & Brantingham 1984). 

192 

Figure from Brantingham & Brantingham 1984 p 362 

This means that crimes are most likely to occur in such places that has a sufficient number of 

potential crime targets, that is not crowded or well-kept, and that are within the awareness 

space of the potential offender, but not in his/her own block due to lack of anonymity. 

3.1 Implications for Crime Prevention Strategy 

“The criminal event is usually taken to be a single episode. However, in reality, it is far more 

like a dynamic process. There are two ways in which this aspect can be captured.. First, the 

possibility that the offender, the target and the environment repeatedly combine to produce a 

succession of similar events, as with domestic disputes or racial harassment, should be 

allowed for. Second, even what for legal or administrative purposes may be regarded as a 

single event may have quite a complex structure. Cornish (1993) uses the concept of ‘scripts’ 

to describe the linked sequence of scenes through which a would-be offender has to navigate 

in order to successfully conclude the crime. Scripts are a kind of logistical map of the offense. 

For example ‘ringing’ (changing the identity of stolen motor vehicles to facilitate disposal) 

involves several stages, some of which may be crimes themselves: target selection> > theft> 

concealment> disguise> marketing> conversion or disposal. The pursuit of such specificity 

within the criminal event is useful in getting closer to causal mechanisms and opening up 

points of intervention. In many respects (as in the example) the script is peculiar to the type of 

crime, and cannot be used in classification of prevention. However, it is possible to identify


more or less ‘universal’ scripts which describe the common scenes through which most 

offenders have to pass in order to reach their goal.” (Ekblom 1994 p 197f) 

Figure from Ekblom 1994 p 200 

“There is, of course, an alternative set of scripts. Criminal events may end up as aborted or 

failed attempts; if completed they may lead on to discovery, detection, arrest, trial and 

punishment or treatment. These additional events may involve formal legal processes or their 

informal equivalents ranging from official cautioning to private acts of revenge.” (Ekblom 

1994 p 198) 

3.2 Crime intervention and Crime prevention implementation 

If the causes of crime are many, multi-level and diverse (as the conceptual framework 

implies) how can crime prevention possibly work? 

We do know that some victims are repeatedly victimized and that a small number of criminals 

commit a significant portion of all crimes. We also know (or can quite easily find out) where 

in place and time crimes cluster. We can also generate knowledge of the processes and 

circumstances surrounding the outbreak of criminal events on such hotspots, and analyze 

these incidents using the proximal circumstances model proposed by Ekblom, or a similar 

one, then take appropriate action in order to reduce the probability of criminal choices on 

high-risk locations and times. 

The absolute minimum requirements when planning and performing CP intervention projects, 

are (or ought to be) to; 

a) have identified and defined the particular problem to be prevented 

b) have gathered information about and analyzed the problem 

c) have a clear idea of what to do about it 

d) formulate an action plan 

e) to critically consider the plan. Is it likely to deliver the desired result? 

f) to make sure it is implemented properly, and to; 

g) evaluate the program and make adjustments when necessary 

193


3.2.1 How can we know if a prevention plan will work? 

Criminal events are concentrated in time and place. Some potential crime targets are 

disproportionally victimized. A relatively small group of offender commit a significant 

number of criminal acts. 

Preventive efforts directed with these statements in mind are based on reality, and has thus a 

greater chance of success than any proposal ignoring the above facts. The next step is to 

consider the policy theory and the method of implementation. We know what behavior we 

wish to prevent, where and when it typically occurs etcetera. 

The closer to the potential criminal event the preventing efforts are directed, and the shorter 

the chain of implementation, the better are the chances of successful intervention, other things 

being equal. 

194 

Figure from Ekblom 1994 p 212 

When we consider the possible occurrence of criminal events as part of a sequence of 

interrelated circumstances, and also consider the process of implementing crime prevention 

initiatives as acts taken with the ultimate aim of influencing the decision-making processes of 

would-be offenders, it leads us to two conclusions. 

First, that preventive intervention that occurs early in the causal chain leading towards 

potential criminal events (eg Societal reforms, programs for troubled youth, social programs) 

will affect a large number of people and will, if they are effective, lead to long-term reduction 

of people’s propensity to make criminal choices and thus to a reduction of the crime level. 

Second, that preventive strategies working directly in proximity of the (possible) criminal 

event has a direct effect on the outcomes of situations that might lead to a criminal event. The 

places where, and the times when, criminal events are likely to occur are often well known to


members of the public, police officers and researchers. A direct and immediate reduction of 

the quantity of crimes will be the result of successful intervention on such places. 

4. Conclusions 

Since little of crime is carefully planned, and many criminal events are triggered by frictions 

or temptations, there is little or no reason to assume that displacement effects will occur when 

(non-trafficing)crime is prevented on some locations. 

It is possible to influence human behavior. Since criminal events cluster, any changes in the 

logistic, physical, emotional or social environment of hotspots and/or hot targets will have 

some kind of effect on the choices made by those present in the situation, including the 

would-be offender. The ultimate goal of situational crime prevention efforts is to change the 

cognitive cues of hotspots and/or hot targets, in a way affecting the potential offenders. By 

affecting individual’s perception and ability to rationalize in, a situation, it affects his/her 

evaluation of the situation as a ‘good’ opportunity to commit a crime, and a criminal choice 

is thus made less likely. 

The early (social) intervention strategies work towards background factors far from the 

concrete situation and often have long and complicated chains of implementation. The social 

crime prevention strategies are difficult to implement and it is difficult to measure their 

effects. If, however, the chosen social crime prevention strategies are effective, a long-term 

decreases in the future level of criminality will occur and, thus lead to a reduction of the 

future crime level. 

The situational crime prevention strategies offers immediate and measurable reductions in the 

number of criminal events on selected locations. If hotspots (as opposed to well-off low-crime 

residential districts) are chosen for effective crime prevention efforts, the overall crime level 

will be reduced. 

Personal Communication 

Felson, Marcus: Tuesday seminar 1991-02-26. Dpt of Sociology, University of Stockholm. 

McCord, Joan: Lectures Spring term 1994. Dpt of Criminology, University of Stockholm. 

Wentrell, Claes: Media Mätning i Skandinavien MMS AB (Media measurment in Scandinavia 

Ltd) 1996-01-12 Phone conversation. 

Litterature sources 

Braithwaite, J: Crime, Shame and reintegration. U press, Cambridge 1989. 

Brantingham, P & P. Brantingham: Patterns in Crime. Macmillian Publ Co, N.Y. 1984. 

Cloward, R.A. & L.E. Ohlin: Delinquency and Opportunity. Free Press, New York 1960. 

Cornish,D B & Clarke, R V (Eds): The Reasoniong Criminal. Springer, New York 1986. 

Ekblom, P: ‘Proximal Circumstances: A Mechanism-Based Classification for Crime 

Prevention’. In: Crime Prevention Studies vol. 2-1994, Criminal Justice Press. 

Gottfredson, M.R. & T. Hirschi: A General Theory of Crime. Stanford U press, 1990. 

Hagan, J: Modern Criminology; Crime, Criminal Behavior, and its Control. McGraw-Hill, 

Singapore 1988 (2 nd . printing). 

Hirschi, T: Causes of Delinquency. U of California press, 1974 (3 rd . Printing) 

Hjelle, L.A. & D.J. Ziegler: Personality Theories. McGraw-Hill, Singapore 1992 (3 rd . ed.) 

Johnson, Michael: Brott som nyheter- En kavntitativ studie av brottsinnehållet i tre svenska 

TV-nyhetsprogram under 1991 (transl. Crime as News- A Quantitative study of the 

Crime content of three Swedish TV-News programs during 1991). Bachelor’s thesis, 

195


dptm of Criminology, U of Stockholm 1995. 

Kornhauser, R.R.: Social Sources of Delinquency- An Appraisal of Analytic Models. U of 

Chicago 1984. 

Lattimore, P & Witte, A.: Models of Decision Making Under Uncertainty: The Criminal 

Choice. In: Cornish & Clarke (Eds) 1986. 

Niggli, M.A.: ‘Rational Choice Theory and Crime Prevention’. In: Studies on Crime and 

Crime Prevention vol. 3-1994. National Council for Crime Prevention, Sweden 1994. 

Stafford, M C & M. Warr: ‘A Reconceptualisation of General and Specific Deterrance’. 

Journ o Res in Crime and Delinquency vol. 10, Nr. 2-1993. 

Sykes, G M & D. Matza: ‘Techniques of Neutralization: A Theory of Delinquency’ Amer. 

Sociological Review vol 22-1957, pp 664-670. 

Wikström, P-O H: ‘Self-Control, Temptations, Friction and Punishment’. In: Wikström, 

Clarke & McCord (Eds) Propensity and Opportunity; National Council for Crime 

Prevention, Sweden 5-1995. 

196


Anna Kristín Newton, under graduate student, dep. of psychology, University of Iceland 

Private adress: Grjótagötu 12 

IS-101 Reykjavik 

e-mail: alans@vortex.is 

and 

Íris Böðvarsdóttir, under graduate student, dep. of psychology, University of Iceland 

Private adress: Smárahlið 14g 

IS-603 Akureyri 

e-mail: iris@ak.is 

Research Results of Sexual and Violent Offenders in Iceland 

This paper is part of a BA thesis at the Department of Psychology, University of Iceland. The purpose 

of the study was to explore various crime patterns in sexual and violent offenders in Iceland. 

Violent and sexual crimes were studied as these are considered to cause significant mental and bodily 

harm in victims (Kendall and Hammen, 1995). 

When questioned about the type of crime most feared, the general public frequently identify violent 

and sexual crimes, while the physical damage and the mental anguish of being a victim are identified 

as the main aspects of the crime most feared. Those who have been a victim of any type of 

crime more often than not fear that they will be attacked again (Viogt, Thornton, Barrile and Seaman, 

1994). 

According to Pollock and Rosenblat approximately 40% of the American public are afraid of becoming 

a victim of a serious crime, where serious crimes include murder, violent assaults and sexual 

offences (Beirne and Messerschmitt, 1995). 

Of the various factors that have been associated with criminal behaviour, alcohol is probably one of 

the main ones and the most frequently mentioned. Therefore in this study the connection between 

alcohol and crime has been considered closely. This was done by studying how many offenders 

were intoxicated when the crime took place. Consideration was also given to the time of day at 

which the crime was committed. This was done on the basis that most crimes are committed at times 

when people are more likely than not to have been drinking. We were also interested in the 

relationship between the offender and the victim, specifically if the offender and victim knew each 

other before the crime took place. 

When considering crime in general and how it comes about, situational factors are nearly always 

mentioned, that is the situation has to be right so that the offender has the chance to commit the 

crime. With this in mind we thought that by looking at some of the situational factors that are present 

when the crime took place we might get a clearer picture of how the crime came about. 

197


The Icelandic judicial system classifies violent and sexual crimes as serious and therefore 

offenders often receive long sentences. According to Icelandic law it is possible to sentence 

offenders to serve 16 years for violent crimes and up to 12 years for sexual crimes (Icelandic 

Penal Code, 1995). Although the crime rates in Iceland is considerably lower than in other 

European countries, crime is a problem. Ideally we would like to see crime rates decline but 

for that to happen society will have to change the way it deals with crime. Crime prevention is 

a very difficult area to deal with but at the end of this paper we have put forward a few of our 

own ideas regarding crime prevention in Iceland. It should be made clear that these ideas 

have not in any way been tried or tested in Iceland. They are the authors• suggestions and 

hypothesis based on the information and results obtained during the course of the study. 

Method 

Subjects 

The subjects consisted of 106 criminal offenders who had served a prison sentence for their 

crimes in Iceland during the years 1991-1995. The age of the offenders ranged from 16-75 

years and the average age of the offender when the crime was committed was 28.9 years. The 

subjects were classified into three groups depending on the type of crime they had committed 

according to Icelandic law. 

The categories were: 

198 

Violent Offenders (N = 43) 

Sexual Offenders (N = 37) 

Child Abusers (N = 26) 

Instruments 

A checklist was designed by the authors with the help of our supervisors Dr. Jón Friðrik 

Sigurðsson and Dr. Gísli Guðjónsson.The checklist was compiled of twenty items about the 

crime, the offender and the victim. The items were chosen with regards to the hypothesis that 

were put forth by the researchers. 

Procedure 

All of the data in the study was collected through careful examination of court transcripts, 

where the offenders and victims statements were used as the primary source. Each transcript 

was read at least twice and information pertaining to the checklist was filled out. If for some 

reason the information in the transcripts was not satisfactory with regards to the checklist then 

they were left blank and filed as missing values. After the checklists had been filled out they 

were checked again against the transcripts to ensure that the information collected was as 

reliable as possible. All the data was collected and tested at the Prison and Probation 

Administration in Reykjavik 

Results 

Figure 1 indicates for each type of offence, the number of offenders that were intoxicated and 

those that were not intoxicated when the crime was committed.


Figure 1. Number of offenders who were and were not under the influence of alcohol when 

the crime was committed. 

As can be seen in figure 1 most of the violent (92%) and sexual offenders (70%) had been 

drinking before they committed the crime where as most of the child abusers (86%) were 

sober when the crime was committed. 

Figure 2 indicates the time of day at which the crime occurred. The term variable means that 

the same victim, the child, was abused on more than one occasion by the same offender. 

Figure 2. What time of day the crime took place. 

199


As could be expected most of the violent and sexual crimes took place during the night, 

between 1 • 8 am. It is not evident however from figure 2 that most of these crimes took 

place on Friday or Saturday night. 

The relationship between the offender and victim, with regards to whether they knew each 

other before the crime was committed can be seen in table 1. 

Table 1. The relationship between victims and offenders. 

Offender 

Spouse 

Relative 

Friend 

Step-parent 

Acquaintance 

Stranger 

Unknown 

Total 

200 

Violent Offences 

N (%) N 

5 

0 

1 

0 

14 

20 

3 

43 

12 

0 

2 

0 

33 

46 

7 

100% 

Sexual Offences against 

Adults 

4 

4 

2 

1 

15 

9 

2 

37 

(%) 

11 

11 

5 

3 

40 

24 

6 

100% 

Child Abuse 

N 

0 

7 

3 

7 

6 

3 

0 

26 

(%) 

0 

27 

12 

27 

23 

11 

0 

100% 

Almost 80% of all violent crimes in this study were committed by strangers or acquaintances. 

The term acquaintance in this study was used to indicate a situation where the victim and the 

offender knew of each other rather than actually knew each other. This proves to be 

complicated in a small society such as Iceland as people are likely to recognise a number of 

persons without having any personal contact with them. This should be kept in mind when 

considering the percentage of sexual crimes committed against adults. About 40% of the 

sexual crimes were committed by acquaintances. In 25% of the sexual crime cases the victim 

knew their offender personally. In the child abuse cases the offence was usually committed 

by a person that the child knew well, as might be expected. This is probably because to 

commit a sexual crime against a child the offender in most cases needs to gain its trust. The 

fact that many child offenders commit more than once offence against a single victim makes 

this point clear. 

In table 2 it can be seen where most of the crimes took place.


Table 2. Location of crime 

Place of crime 

Victims home 

Offenders home 

Hotel 

Public place 

Violent 

offences 

13 

5 

0 

4 

% 

30 

12 

0 

9 

Sexual offences 

against adults 

13 

12 

4 

% 

35 

32 

11 

Child abuse 

Outdoors 

21 49 

6 

16 3 12 

Total 43 100% 37 100% 25 100% 

Most of the sexual crimes against adults and the child abuse cases took place in the victims or 

offenders home, this is a different pattern tothat seen with violent crimes in Iceland, where 

most of the violent offences took place outdoors. 

Discussion 

Similarities in crime types 

When we look at the information as a whole we can see that different crime patterns emerge 

depending on the type of crime that has been committed. Most violent crimes take place at 

weekends during the night, the offenders have usually been drinking before the crime took 

place. The offender and victim in these cases seldom know each other well. A similar pattern 

arises with regards to sexual crimes that are committed against adults. The offender is more 

often than not drunk whilst engaging in the criminal offence and it usually takes place at 

night. In over half the sexual crime cases the offender and the victim do not know each other 

personally. There is however a difference in the location of the crime, most sexual crimes 

(both against adults and children) take place either in the victims or the offenders home. 

When we look at the information gathered on child abuse the criminal pattern changes 

somewhat. The offender and the victim usually know each other quite well and the offender 

is in most cases sober when the criminal act takes place. There seems to be quite a large 

difference between those offenders who commit violent or sexual crimes against adults and 

those who commit sexual offences against children. This is a point that we think has not been 

emphasised enough when crime prevention is being discussed. 

Differences in crime types 

Often when people talk about crime prevention they speak as though the same method will 

prevent all types of crime. From our research results we conclude that different prevention 

methods needs to be employed according to the type of crime that is to be prevented. 

Preventing crime is not an easy task but the work has to start somewhere, thus we have come 

up with a number of ideas that we believe justify further investigation, it should be made clear 

that these are only suggestions and that they have not been tested in any manner. 

2 

6 

8 

13 

1 

0 

% 

32 

52 

4 

0 

201


Violent crime preventio 

Many people believe that aggression is a natural human instinct. What is more difficult for 

people to agree on is how aggression influences behaviour and why some of us are more 

aggressive than others. As of yet it is difficult to prove how large a part aggression plays in 

violent behaviour. However, we believe that aggression should be looked upon as a health 

problem rather than a criminal one. By accepting aggression as a contributing factor to 

violent behaviour and dealing with it as we deal with other health and medical problems we 

maybe able to assist people who have problems controlling their aggression. This we think is 

a better solution in the long run as young adults could seek help before they commit a 

criminal offence. For this to happen it is necessary to make treatment readily available to 

those who recognise that they need it. It is also important that those people who seek this 

kind of help need not be ashamed to do so, it has to be socially accepted. The connection 

between alcohol and violence seems to be quite strong and we suggest that people who have 

problems controlling their aggression be made aware of this. In such cases it may be 

beneficial for the subject to reduce their alcohol intake. 

Sexual crime prevention 

Sexual crime prevention we think has to start at an early age. In the icelandic rape victim 

report from 1995 there is an increase in reported rapes (compared to the years 1990-1994) 

where the offender is between 16-20 years old. We believe that changes should be made with 

regards to sexual education in Iceland. Sex education should not only focus on the physical 

act of reproduction (as seems to have been the case for many years) but also on the moral and 

psychological aspects of sex. This can be done by various methods, for example role playing. 

Teenagers could be given certain projects where they try to imagine themselves as victims or 

offenders of a sexual crime. These exercises might help to increase awareness in teenagers of 

how certain situations can lead to criminal acts taking place. Hopefully it will also deter them 

from committing similar acts themselves in future. Alcohol plays a part in sexual crime as 

most of the offenders and victims are under the influence of alcohol when the crime takes 

place. Therefore we recommend as before that people be made aware of this factor and that 

help be made readily available to those who think they need to control their drinking. We 

would also like to see some kind of help be made available to those who have committed 

sexual offences so that they may be less likely to commit another similar act. 

Crime prevention • child abuse 

Child abuse is arguably one of the most difficult crimes to prevent. It is very unlikely that a 

person who is thinking of abusing a child seeks help, as child molestation is a very taboo 

subject in almost every society. Our research leads us to believe that a more profitable area of 

study may be to inform and study potential victims of child abuse rather than potential 

offenders. As the victims of child abuse are sometimes very young, it is necessary to start 

working with them from a young age. It is probably not viable to work with children younger 

than two or three years of age. 

Most children in iceland start play-school around this age and this would more than likely be 

the best place to start the prevention programme. The idea is to encourage family role playing 

at the play-schools which is supervised by the play-school workers. What the children are 

supposed to learn is how they can connect and communicate with their family members. This 

idea stems from the fact that in iceland most parents work a full day and therefore are unable 

to spend a lot of time with their children. We think that it is very important that families 

202


members feel comfortable with each other and can trust and tell each other things. This idea 

can not work if it is a one sided project. The other family members have to be aware of what 

the child is learning at play-school and they need encouragement from their family. In many 

cases we think it would be just as beneficial for the parents and other adults around the family 

to participate in this programme, it might teach everyone something about relationships and 

communication. 

Child abuse • sex education 

Sex education for young children is something we feel should be taught. We believe that 

most children over the age of six know vaguely what sex is and that it has some kind of 

forbidden element. What they do not know is what a normal or abnormal sexual relationship 

consists of. This should be explained to them in a way that they can understand. By 

explaining this we hope that if someone tries to violate the child the child has more of a 

chance of stopping it before anything happens as the adult is unable to gain their trust. The 

main point here is that the child has learnt that the adults behaviour is wrong and will tell 

someone about it, rather than keep the secret. 

We do feel as before that child abusers need professional help to change their behaviour, this 

kind of help should be readily available to them. Our prevention ideas focus more or less on 

children and teenagers who in most cases are still at school. Therefore it should be possible 

to try out some of them without too much trouble or cost. Hopefully these ideas will become 

reality sooner rather than later. 

References / sources 

Beirne, P. and Messerschmidt, J.: Criminology 2 nd edition. Harcourt Brace and 

Company, USA 1995 

Blackburn, R.: The psychology of criminal conduct: Theory research and practice. 

John Wiley & Sons, Chichester 1993. 

Ministry of Justice: Icelandic Penal Code. Oddi, Reykjavík 1995. 

Kendall, P.C. and Hammen, C.: Abnormal Psychology. Houghton Mifflin 

Company, Boston 1995. 

Voigt, L., Thornton, E., Barrile, L. and Seaman, J.M.: Criminology and Justice. McGraw Hill, 

New York 1994. 

203


Ilppo Alatalo, Planerare 

Justitieministeriet, PB 319 

FIN-00181 Helsingfors 

e-mail: ilppo.alatalo@om.vn.fi 

204 

Våld och hot om våld mot fängelsepersonalen 

- situationelt perspectiv 

Jag har undersökt våld och hot om våld mot fängelsepersonalen på basis av anmälningar som 

fängelserna gjorde till fångvårdsavdelningen under perioden 1993-1996 

(“anmälningsmaterial”) och material från en förfrågan riktad till fängelserna 1995 

(“enkätmaterial”). Båda material utgår från våld och våldshot upplevda av personalen, rentav 

så att den ursprungliga avsikten med registreringen av fallen var att påvisa det förkastliga i 

fångens handlande. 

Jag har främst koncentrerat mig på de våldsrelaterade situationernas karaktär och innehåll. 

Kvantitativt visar resultaten endast en allmänna tendens, visserligen samma allmänna 

förhållande mellan dold kriminalitet och upplevt våld, som är bekant från offerundersökningarna. 

Anmälningsmaterialet omfattar i regel fall som upplevts som allvarliga och som lett till 

rättsliga åtgärder. Gärningsmannen har i dessa fall vanligen åtalats för våldsamt motstånd mot 

en tjänsteman. Anmälningsmaterialet inbegriper 74 fall under fyra års tid. Kvalitativt är 

anmälningarna ojämna. I allmänhet ingår person- och straffuppgifter, förhörsprotokoll och 

andra referat av händelserna. Uppgifterna om objektet inskränks i allmänhet till namn och 

arbetsuppgift. Tid, plats och huvudsakligt förlopp ur personalsynpunkt framgår i allmänhet 

relativt väl. Fångsynpunkten är däremot bristfällig, ofta är gärningsmännen synnerligen 

fåordiga vid förhören. 

Enkätmaterialet innehåller uppgifter om i princip samtliga registrerade fall av våld eller 

våldshot mot personalen. Det handlar om ca 150 fall. Merparten har åtgärdats genom 

disciplinförfarande inom anstalten eller tillrättavisning av gärningsmannen. Här har vi att göra 

med ett ännu brokigare material. Anstalternas praktik vid registreringen har varierat olovligt 

mycket, så uppenbarligen också satsningen på svaren. Både bakgrundsinformation och 

fallbeskrivning påvisar brister. Men i flesta fall är det trots allt möjligt att skapa sig en bild av 

händelseförloppet. 

(Här kan det nämnas att instruktionerna till anstalterna angående anmälning av exceptionella 

fall har nu i vår förnyats och man håller på att utarbeta en blankett för uppföljning av våld och 

våldshot mot personalen.) 

Kompletterande källor är dessutom diskussioner med anställda i olika uppgifter i anstalterna 

och fångvårdsavdelningen samt mina tidigare intervjuer med fångar om fängelselivet. 

Om gärningsmännen 

Fångar med våldsamt beteende mot personalen är yngre och har en längre strafftid än 

genomsnittet. Deras medelålder var i anmälningsmaterialet 27,5 år, medianen 25, medelåldern


för samtliga fångar var 35. I jämförelse med de intagna under en slumpmässigt vald dag var 

den bekanta strafftiden (ca 3,5 år) vid tidpunkten för gärningen ett år längre än genomsnittet. 

Antalet anstaltsvistelser varierade vanligen mellan två och fyra. Brottsbakgrunden 

dominerades av brott och brottsförsök mot liv och våldsbrott. Långa förteckningar på diverse 

smärre brottmål var också typiska. Notiser om tidigare våldsamt motstånd mot en tjänsteman 

var relativt vanliga. Resultaten i enkätmaterialet var analoga. 

Uppgifter om hälsotillstånd har jag inte haft till mitt förfogande. På basis av andra 

hänvisningar i materialet verkar det rimligt att dra slutsatsen att också psykiskt labila personer 

ingår i gruppen. 

Gärningsmannen handlar nästan alltid ensam, det finns bara några få fall när två eller tre 

fångar samarbetar. I anmälningsmaterialet gjorde sig drygt tio procent av gärningsmännen 

skyldiga till handlingen mer än en gång, antalet är analogt i enkätmaterialet. 

Om objekten 

Den överlägset största delen av objekten tillhörde övervakningspersonalen. Och också när så 

inte var fallet, var väktarna tvungna att ingripa när situationen reddes upp. Primärobjektet av 

vanligen en person. I händelseförloppets olika skeden, från start till lugnande, deltog i 

anmälningsmaterialet i medeltal fyra personalmedlemmar, i enkätmaterialet tre. 

Allmänt om fallen 

I flesta fall startade händelseförloppet i anstaltens boendeavdelning. Händelserna följer 

samma rytm som fängelserutinen i allmänhet. Händelserna avlöser varandra från väckningen 

och öppningen av cellerna till stängningsdags, natten är en tyst period. Det finns preliminärt 

sett inga skillnader mellan veckodagar eller årstider. 

Fallen i anmälningsmaterialet är kvalitativt sett allvarligare, typfallet omfattar förutom 

verbala hotelser även motstånd, spjärnande emot och slagförsök. Resultatet var relativt ofta 

småtörnar. Förstahjälp av läkare behövdes några gånger. God tur bidrog delvis till att 

allvarligare följder kunde undvikas. Våra data om gärningsmännens domar inför rätta är 

bristfälliga, de tycks variera mellan några dagsböter och fängelsestraff på tre-fyra månader. 

Typfallet i enkätmaterialet är verbal hotelse. Hotelserna riktades både mot bestämda personer 

och generellt mot de närvarande i situationen. Innehållet i hotelserna varierade från 

administrativ förtret till avlivning antingen i fängelset eller i sinom tid i friheten genom 

gärningsmannens eller hans kumpaners försorg. Den typiska påföljden var vistelse på från två 

till fyra dagar i fängelsets specialavdelning. I anmärkningsvärt många fall ansåg man en 

tillrättavisning vara den lämpliga påföljden. 

Merparten av fallen handlade inte om vapen. Skjutvapen ingick i tre fall, i två av dem tog man 

gisslan i samband med rymning. Under undersökningsperioden sköt man aldrig mot 

personalen. (Följande år hade vi att göra med en rymning under vilken man bl.a. sköt med 

kpist genom en tillkallad väktares vindruta.) 

Om situationerna 

Typiska situationer med våldsamt beteende är 

- i samband med granskning, antingen av person eller cell 

- när man avlägsnar ett antaget otillåtet föremål/ämne från en fånge 

205


206 

- när man internerar en fånge på grund av berusning eller någon annan orsak 

- när man, i synnerhet i samband med internering, avlägsnar och granskar en 

fånges kläder och byter till annan utrustning 

- när konflikter mellan fångar vänds mot personalen 

- när obehagliga beslut (t.ex. straff eller förflyttningar mot en fånges vilja) 

tillkännages 

- när man klandrar en fånge som brutit reglerna, förbjuder någonting eller ger 

order om hur en fånge skall handla i en viss situation. 

S.C. Lights artikel Assault on Prison Officers: Interactional Themes, som grundar sig på 

rapportering av exceptionella händelser (New York State Department of Correctional 

Service), nämner som den mest allmänna orsaken “Unexplained”. I nästan 26 procent av 

fallen hade orsaken till incidenten förblivit oförklarlig för objektet. I mitt material begränsas 

analoga fall till några enstaka. Men de vanligaste identifierade orsakerna i nämnda artikel 

påminner i övrigt i hög grad om orsakerna i det finska materialet. 

Om verkande faktorer i situationerna 

Fängelsekulturen, i vilken dels fångkulturen och dels övervakningspersonalens kultur ingår, 

innehåller ett motsatsförhållande mellan de två sistnämnda (den innehåller naturligtvis också 

många förmedlande och dämpande element). Om man granskar situationerna med hjälp av en 

indelningsmodell från Luckenbils (1977) eller Felsons (1984) analyser, där modellens nästa 

skede alltid representerar en längre framskriden eskaleringsfas, kan man i flera situationer 

uppenbarligen konstatera att utgångskonstellationen är från början spänd. Trotset och 

konflikten mellan rollerna är kontinuerlig. 

Luckenbil: 

1. Offret trotsar gärningsmannen. 

2. Gärningsmannen tolkar detta som en personlig utmaning. 

3. Gärningsmannen framför en motutmaning eller inleder redan ett fysiskt angrepp. 

4. Offret tillmötesgår inte gärningsmannen eller går till motattack. 

5. Det uppstår ett slagsmål som grundar sig på ett gemensamt outtalat avtal. 

6. Efterspel. 

Felson: 

I. En verbal (eller symbolisk) konflikt 

- angrepp mot motpartens identitet 

- försök att påverka motpartens beteende 

- misslyckande 

II. Hotelser, medlings- och väjningsförsök (som kan göras både av deltagarna i konflikten och 

av utomstående; de kan också förekomma under den första fasen) 

- medlings- och förlikningsförsök 

- sporrande och uppviglande 

III. Fysiskt angrepp 

I en dylik situation och kulturmiljö blir den mest obetydliga frågan lätt en prestigefråga, och 

när så skett tryter den egna referensgruppens positiva lösningsmodeller för att behålla 

ansiktet. Väktaren glömmer att han representerar systemet och fungerar som en kränkt 

individ, fången å sin sida strävar efter rationaliteter bestämda av fångkulturen på ett sätt som 

för en utomstående verkar vansinnigt. Dessutom kan motstånd åtminstone för ögonblicket ge 

fången känslan av att han själv bestämmer över vad han gör, en liten bit autonomi. Också för


vaktpersonalen kan konfliktsituationer utvecklas till höjdpunkter i ett annars (lyckligtvis) 

rutinmässigt arbete och stöda en eftersträvansvärd professionell image. 

I mitt material var fångars våld eller hot om våld mot personalen i traditionell mening 

rationell verksamhet endast i samband med några rymningar. I dessa fall var våldet ett på 

förhand medvetet valt medel i syfte att nå ett bestämt mål. Då kan man tala om instrumentellt 

våld. 

Till slut några observationer om vaktpersonalens sätt att handla. En stor del av de individuella 

reaktionerna återspeglas antagligen inte i materialet på grund av rådande rapporteringspraktik. 

Likaså inverkar rapporternas ursprungliga syfte - dvs. att påvisa det berättigade i personalens 

verksamhet och det förkastliga i fångens handlande - säkert på hur man antecknar fallen. Men 

man kan ändå särskilja två verksamhetsinriktningar. Den första betonar professionalism. Man 

har gått in för att lugna fången, kraftåtgärderna är genomtänkta och motiverade. Den andra 

förhåller sig på ett eller annat sätt personligt till händelserna: “Det var jag som skulle gripa 

honom, jag är ju ingen boxboll”. 

207


Ragnhild Sollund, Forsker 


PB 6872, St. Olavs plass, N-0130 Oslo 

e-mail: ragnhild.sollund@jus.uio.no 

208 

Voldsdømte flyktninger 

Bakgrunnen for prosjektet 

Prosjektet jeg arbeider med handler om voldsdømte flyktninger i Norge, det vil si menn 

mellom 15-35 år, dømt for forbrytelser mot liv, legeme og helbred, herunder drap, grove ran 

og voldtekt. 

Jeg holder på med datainnhentingen til prosjektet nå, og disse er følgelig ikke ferdig 

analysert. Jeg vil derfor måtte forholde meg til resultatene av prosjektet som de fremstår i dag. 

Bakgrunnen for prosjektet er at flere flyktninger enn det man er klar over har vært ofre for 

tortur, mange lider av traumer som følge av det, og som følge av krigshandlinger i form av 

post traumatisk stressyndrom. 

Mottakssystemet i Norge er i liten grad utviklet med tanke på å avdekke psykiske lidelser. 

Ved psykososialt senter for flyktninger er det lange køer. 

Når flyktningen kommer til Norge kan det i første omgang ta lang tid før søknaden om 

oppholdstillatelse er ferdig behandlet. I denne tiden bor flyktningene i asylmottak, ofte blir de 

sendt fra sted til sted. I svært mange tilfelle får flyktningene først avslag, dermed blir 

søknadsbehandlingstiden ytterligere forlenget ved at de anker. Denne tiden er preget av 

usikkerhet i forhold til fremtiden og i forhold til situasjonen for familie som er igjen i 

hjemlandet. Ofte må flyktningene gå i dekning mens anken behandles for å unngå utvisning. 

Når vedtak om opphold er gjort opplever mange å bli sosialt isolert på grunn av manglende 

språkkunnskaper og og grunn av manglende arbeidslivstilknytning. Flyktninger har større 

problemer enn nordmenn med å få innpass på arbeidsmarkedet på grunn av diskriminering, på 

grunn av manglende kompetanse eller fordi utdanningen ikke blir godkjent i Norge. 

En viktig problemstilling ved prosjektet er å avdekke hvorvidt manglende oppfølging fra 

mottaks- og hjelpeapparatet for flyktninger, i kombinasjon med livssituasjonen og de 

problemer de som flyktninger møter i Norge, kan utløse voldslovbrudd. Prosjektet er 

finansiert av Justisdepartementet i Norge med ni månedsverk. 

Metode 

Datainnhentingen gjennomføres i tre trinn. Det første var en karlegging av hvor mange 

innsatte som sitter i norske fengsler som har opphold på humanitært grunnlag eller politisk 

asyl, og som er dømt for alvorlige voldslovbrudd. 1Via fengselsstyret sendte jeg brev til alle 

fengselsanstaltene i Norge, vedlagt skjemaer til utfylling for opplysninger vedrørende alder, 

grunnlag for oppholdstillatelse, type lovbrudd, alder ved lovbrudd og dom. 

1Vold og voldtektsforsøk (strf.lovens § 192), Forbrtytelse mot liv, legeme og helbred (Strf.lovens §§ 127, 228- 

233, 237, 238,242,243,267,268).


De utfylte skjemaene jeg fikk i retur viste at det pr. februar 1998 satt 22 flyktninger i norske 

fengsler. 2Disse satt i seks anstalter, alderen varierte mellom 24 og 37 år. Dommene de soner 

er fra 60 dager til 21 år. Ti var dømt for drap. Seks hadde sikringsdommer. 

Grunnen til at jeg valgte en aldersbegrensning fra 15-35 år, var at menn i den alderen kanskje 

i mindre grad enn eldre menn er utenfor en etablert familiesituasjon, og derfor i større grad 

enn eldre og yngre vil kunne ha en løs sosial tilknytning og havne i situasjoner hvor 

voldsanvendelse kan oppstå. En grunn til at aldersgrensen oppad ble satt til 35, var også at 

innvandrerungdom som er skyldig i voldslovbrudd er et gjennomgangstema i massemedia. 

Jeg ønsket derfor å se i hvilken grad dette var tilfellet i forhold til flyktningegruppen. 

I midlertid synes det ut fra datainnhentingen ved Ila landsfengsel som om aldersbegrensingen 

oppad heller skulle vært satt til 40 år, da den livssituasjonen flyktningene befant seg i forut 

for lovbruddet heller kan relateres til andre sider ved livssituasjonen enn alder. 

Den totale fangebefolkningen utgjorde pr. januar 1998; 2591 innsatte. Av disse var det altså 

med forbehold kun 22 i alderen 15-35, med flyktningebakgrunn og som var dømt for 

voldslovbrudd. 

Neste trinn i datainnhentingen var intervjuer. Jeg sendte forespørsel om intervju til de ni 

innsatte ved Ila landsfengsel og sikringsanstalt via sosialkonsulentene i fengselet. Av disse 

har en sagt nei til å delta i prosjektet, syv har sagt ja og en har etter purring via 

sosialkonsulent bortfalt da han ikke har gitt positiv tilbakemelding. Av disse har jeg foreløpig 

intervjuet seks personer. 

I tillegg har jeg intervjuet de to sosialkonsulentene ved Ila, fordi det gjennom samtaler med 

dem kom frem at de kunne ha informasjon som ville kunne supplere intervjuene med de 

innsatte. F.eks. var det gjennom dem det kom frem at det sitter flere innsatte på Ila som er litt 

eldre enn 35, og som ellers svarer til utvalgskriteriene. 

Hvert intervju varte mellom to og tre timer. Ett intervju ble gjennomført med tolk fra 

Tolketjenesten i Oslo. Jeg brukte en intervjuguide i intervjuene hvis hensikt først og fremst 

var å strukturere samtalene rundt forskjellige temaer. 

På slutten av intervjuet ba jeg informanten om samtykke til å gå inn i domspapirene deres. 

Før intervjuene visste jeg ikke hva hver enkelt informant var dømt for. Dette var bevisst. 

Lovbruddene de er dømt for er til dels grusomme. For å unngå at mine fordommer og min 

antipati kom i vegen for en fruktbar samtale, valgte jeg å ikke gå inn i saken før etter at 

intervjuet var gjennomført. De fikk selv fortelle meg sin versjon av det de hadde gjort, uten at 

mitt inntrykk av det var farget av forhåndkunnskap. 

Tredje trinn i datainnhentingen er en analyse av domspapirene i forhold til intervjuet. 

Samtidig som jeg ønsket informantenes versjon og forståelse av handlingen de er dømt for, 

ønsket jeg også å se denne i relasjon til domstolens vurdering. 

2Det hefter noe usikkerhet ved disse tallene, da Ullersom ikke hadde sikre opplysninger om grunnlaget for 

oppholdstillatelse. Pr. 13.7. 89, er dette fortsatt ikke klarlagt, da Utlendingsdireltoratet må gå gjennom 

saksmappene til de aktuelle innsatte. 

209


Etiske perspektiver 

Det er etiske perspektiver knyttet til denne type forskning. Det første jeg vil ta opp handler 

om dette prosjektets tema. Ved å sette fokus på denne type problematikk kan jeg, avhengig av 

funnene jeg gjør, risikere å nøre opp under fordommer som eksisterer i forhold til 

flyktningegruppen. Det ligger et stort ansvar i å formidle resultatene av denne type prosjekter 

slik at man unngår å gi innvandrerfiendtlige politiske grupperinger flere argumenter til sin 

propaganda. 

Det er etiske problemstilling knyttet til denne type forskning generelt. Samfunnsforskning 

kan, kanskje særlig av hensyn til informantene, ikke rettferdiggjøres av erkjennelse for 

erkjennelsens egen skyld. Dette vil imidlertidig avhenge av i hvilken grad de utforskede 

involveres i prosjektet. Jo mindre informantene involveres, jo mindre må en kunne anta at 

omkostningene ved å bli utforsket vil være. Kanskje vil forskerens ansvar for informantene 

reduseres i takt med dette. Ut fra et slikt perspektiv kan en kanskje hevde at forskere i så stor 

grad som mulig bør unngå forskningsprosjekter som involverer direkte kontakt med 

informantene. En kontakt som antakeligvis vil kunne oppleves som mer belastende jo mer 

utsatt gruppen en ønsker kunnskap om er. Ved at man går inn og intervjuer mennesker som er 

i en vanskelig livssituasjon kan man risikere å påføre dem ytterligere belastninger. De kan bli 

tvunget til å gå inn i temaer de ellers unngår fordi det er for smertefullt. Men hvis en ikke kan 

mennesker i en vanskelig livssituasjon vil forskeren stå overfor metodiske problemer. I et 

prosjekt som dette, må en f.eks. kunne anta at det vil være vanskelig å utføre prosjektet og 

finne svar på problemstillingene uten at noen informanter vil involveres direkte. En annen 

innvending vil vil være om den utforskede gruppen vil komme bedre ut av det, ved at de ikke 

gjøres til gjenstand for forskning. Kanskje vil den langsiktige totale gevinst ved å forske på en 

sårbar, utsatt gruppe være større enn summen av belastningene for de enkelte som blir direkte 

involvert. Denne diskusjonen kan kanskje delvis parallellføres til diskusjonen rundt 

almenprevensjon, selv om en tross alt må kunne anta at belastningene ved å straffes vil være 

større enn belastningen ved å gjøres til forskningsobjekt. Er det riktig å straffe én, for å unngå 

at andre begår lovbrudd? Er det riktig å forske på en for å få vite noe om andre, og ikke minst 

er det i det hele tatt mulig? 

Selv om jeg har innhentet samtykke fra informantene, kan det stilles spørsmål ved hvor reellt 

dette samtykke er. Kanskje har ikke informantene forstått hva det handler om, og sier ja fordi 

de tror de må. Kanskje sier informantene ja fordi livssituasjonen deres i fengselet er så 

tyngende at ethvert avbrekk vil være positivt. Selv om de dermed også kan sies å hente noe 

positivt ut av det, kan en kanskje også hevde at forskeren utnytter den vanskelige 

livssituasjonen informantene befinner seg i. Kanskje er det nettopp de tap informantene 

utsettes for i fengsel gjennom krenkelsesprosessen, som fravær av sosial kontakt med det 

annet kjønn, fravær av selvbestemmelsesrett mm. som letter forskerens innpass. Ikke minst vil 

intervjuet i seg selv kunne være opprivende og få konsekvenser for informanten, som han 

ikke selv overskuer i det han samtykker til intervju. Dette kan være forsterkning av psykiske 

problemer, skyldfølelse mm. ved at han ikke får anledning til å legge det han har gjort bak 

seg, men må gjennom det en gang til. Det er noe skjevt og urettferdig, ja nærmest 

parasittaktig ved forskerens gjerning, når hun som jeg i dette tilfellet går inn i et fengsel, 

grafser og rører opp i menneskers vonde erfaringer, for deretter å bli låst ut døren. Så kan jeg 

som forsker fordype meg i det som nå er blitt data, mens informantene sitter igjen med sine 

ødelagte liv. De kan ikke gå, mine data er deres liv. 

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Kanskje vil det likevel også kunne være positivt for den enkelte å bli utforsket. I dette 

prosjektet vil kanskje fordelene for informantene også i noen grad oppveie belastningene, 

fordi forskeren kanskje også kan tilføre informanten noe positivt. Informanten kan ha behov 

for å snakke om og gi sin egen versjon av det som hendte. Kanskje kan det å bli hørt, det å ha 

betydning og være viktig for et formål også ha en positiv verdi. 

I dette prosjektet er jeg nøye med å understreke at informantens deltakelse i prosjektet ikke 

vil kunne påvirke soningsforhold, utvisningsvedtak o.l. ,men at deres deltakelse på sikt 

kanskje vil kunne føre til at flyktninger får en lettere mottaks- og livssituasjon i Norge. Flere 

av informantene ga uttrykk for at dette var viktig for dem. 

Dette synliggjør også forskerens ansvar i forhold til informantene. Det er viktig at dette ikke 

bare blir tomme ord som ga meg innpass, de må også forplikte. Kanskje er det også positivt 

for informanten med et avbrekk i en rutinefyllt hverdag. Det å møte en utenfor 

fengselssystemet kan også være en positiv erfaring. Selv om det kan være en belastning å 

være forskningsobjekt, vil det sannsynligvis være snakk om grader av belastning, etter grader 

av involvering. De som i minst grad er involvert, vil kanskje i mindre grad oppleve det som 

en belastning å delta. Selv om deltakelse i prosjektet var avhengig av samtykke, vet jeg ikke 

om det kan ha blitt opplevd som belastende å motta forespørselen. Kanskje kan bare det å 

motta introduksjonsbrevet som jo anslår et tema og kategoriserer informanten, i seg selv 

oppleves som en belastning. 

Foreløpige resultater 

Intervjuene viser noen felles trekk. Av de seks informantene jeg har intervjuet på Ila 

landsfengsel er det fire som har sikringsdommer for drap og voldtekt. To er kun idømt 

fengselsstraff. Fire lider av psykiske problemer. Videre er det vanskelig å se at opplevelsene 

til de to som er idømt kun fengselsstraff fra hjemlandet ikke skulle ha betydning for 

handlingen de har begått i Norge, selv om dette ikke er gjort til noe poeng av dommerne ved 

straffeutmålingen. (Den ene er dømt til 21 års fengsel). 

Dette gjaldt f.eks. en palestiner som var oppvokst i flyktningeleiren Shatilla i Beirut. Faren 

hans var blitt drept i krigshandlinger, selv hadde han vært geriljasoldat siden han var 15-16 år, 

og han hadde også vært med på direkte væpnede konfrontasjoner. Han var ettersøkt i Libanon 

og Syria og har i Norge opphold på humanitært grunnlag. Her soner 7 års fengsel for drap. 

Foranledningen for drapet var at to menn kom hjem til ham, truet, trakasserte og slo ham i 

flere timer. Han forsøkte gjentagne ganger å rømme, men ble hver gang holdt tilbake og slått. 

Til slutt grep han en brødkniv, og forsøkte å true seg ut. I basketaket som da oppstod i det 

inntrengerene forsøkte å hindre ham i å rømme, ble den ene drept. Informanten hevdet i 

intervjuet med meg, og også i politiavhøret, at han hadde vært livredd og at han ikke hadde 

ønsket å drepe noen. Dommeren på sin side fastslo at provokasjonen fra inntrengerne ikke 

stod i forhold til handlingen og idømte ham 6 år av almenpreventive hensyn, en straff som ble 

skjerpet til syv år med samme begrunnelse. 

Jeg ser at forskerens rolle tydeliggjøres gjennom denne type prosjekt. Mens dommeren må 

forholde seg til jussen og dens begrensninger, har jeg som forsker mulighet for å trekke 

mange flere perspektiver inn i fortolkningen av handlingen. I dette tilfellet synes jeg så langt 

at det er vanskelig å se at ikke de erfaringene informanten hadde fra sin oppvekst skulle ha 

betydning i en situasjon hvor han blir truet på livet og mishandlet. 

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Noe som også går igjen er at flere hadde oppsøkt hjelpeapparatet for å få hjelp, men hadde 

opplevd å bli avvist, eller de opplevde at de ikke fikk den hjelpen de hadde behov for. Dette 

kunne f.eks. skyldes at problemene deres ble bagatellisert. 

Et gjennomgående trekk er at livssituasjonen for informantene forut for lovbruddet er preget 

av manglende sosial tilhørighet, sykdom og desperasjon. Sykdommen har utviklet seg i løpet 

av oppholdet i Norge, situasjonen tilspisser seg og kulminerer i handlingen. 

Jeg finner i halvparten av intervjuene, og delvis også i det fjerde tilfellet, store sprik mellom 

informantenes versjon av handlingen de er dømt for, og domstolens. Noen benekter at de har 

gjort det de er dømt for og hevder seg uskyldig dømt. Andre bagatelliserer handlingen, og 

særlig gjelder det for dem som er dømt for voldtekt. 

Sikringsordningen er blitt sterkt kritisert. Likevel mener informantene i dette prosjektet som 

er idømt sikring at deres livssituasjon pr. i dag er bedre enn situasjonen de var i som 

kulminerte i voldshandlingen. 

Ut fra de datene jeg foreløpig har samlet inn, kan det se ut til at det norske samfunnet er nødt 

til å påta seg et større ansvar for de flyktningene som får komme. Det er ikke tilstrekkelig å gi 

dem opphold, hvis de ikke får den psykososiale oppfølginghen de har behov for. Ikke minst 

gjelder dette for overføringsflyktningene. Hvis man går inn i leire og tar ut flyktinger, må man 

anta at de opplevelsene de har bak seg gjør at de har behov for mer enn mat, bolig og 

oppholdstillatelse. En av mine informanter sier det slik: 

“Det hadde vært fint om vi bare kunne blitt møtt med litt større velvilje!” 

En annen sier: 

“Når vi ikke kan få noe hjelp, hadde det vært bedre om vi aldri hadde kommet hit.” 

Jeg vil understreke at prosjektet ikke er ferdig og at jeg i liten grad har analysert datene. 

Derfor er dette foreløpige resultater, og muligens vil den endelige rapporten fra prosjektet gi 

et annet bilde. Da vil også relevant litteratur komme med. 

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Karsten Ive, Head of Secretariat 

Crime Prevention Council 

Odensegade 5, 2. Sal, DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø 

Crime Prevention in Denmark 

In 1971 it was decided to establish the Crime Prevention Council (Det Kriminalpræventive 

Råd) with the task of working within the frames of existing legislatures, for the prevention of 

crime. The background for establishing the council was a drastic rise in crime up through the 

1960s. At the same time a reform of the decentralised structures in the administration took 

place, in result of which several small municipalities were put together into large municipal 

units. Consequently there was a loss of social control, and an increased need to develop 

advice regarding method and co-ordination of crime prevention. 

Right from the beginning it was agreed that crime prevention should be based on broad social 

insight, knowledge and practical experience. For this reason the Council was structured as an 

assembly consisting of a number of nationwide private organisations and societies and public 

units of administration, which together constitute the Council´s highest authority “The 

Plenum”. Today more than 40 organisations and units of administration have a seat in the 

Council. An executive committee, at present 8 people, appointed by “The Plenum” makes 

ongoing decisions about general and principle questions, and about financial matters. 

The member organisations have appointed representatives who take part in specialised 

working groups, at present 5, which each concern themselves with strategic subjects within 

crime prevention: 

− The technical Security measures Committee, which works with advice as regards technical 

protection against crime. 

− The Strategy Committee, whose task it is to develop broad counselling to the citizens 

concerning behaviour and routines that can reduce the risk of falling victim to crime. 

− The Crime Prevention Information Committee, which is concerned with the role of crime 

prevetions in schools, institutions and clubs. 

− The Committee for Crime Prevention in Local Planning, which concerns itself with town 

and housing related strategies for well-being, sense of security and joint responsibility as 

crime prevention factors. 

− The SSP Committee (The committee for co-operation between Schools, Social services 

and the Police), whose task it is to develop patterns for the organisation of crime 

prevention in the municipalities and local communities. 

Once anually the committees hold a debate on a specific theme, as a result of which the 

executive committee together with the chairmen of the 5 specialist committees lay down the 

fundamental work themes for the Council´s work. The themes pointed out express fields with 

a special public need for crime penvention development. 

The Council’s work is co-ordinated by a secretariat put at its disposal by the National 

Commissioner of the Police. The staff has legal, police, social and educational training. 

Moreover, a nationwide network of contact persons has been built up in the secretariat. This 

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gives the possibility of quick, informal and direct co-operation in the daily work between the 

Council and the local participants in crime prevention. 

The Crime Prevention Council may, by virtue of its structure, be regarded as a large 

“reporting system”. The member organisations report to the sepcialised groups about new 

knowledge, collected experience, trends in the present time etc. The reports are worked up in 

the committees and communicated to the users through the secretariat and the organisations. 

All in all, the fundamental idea in the Council’s communication and advice is that the 

recipient: 

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- either learns to protect himself against crime, 

- or learns to say no to crime as an acceptable form of behavior, 

- or is enabled to make a contribution to crime prevention in his local area. 

The Council’s interest and target groups are politicians on national and local level, authorities 

and organisations, employees in the police, schools and social work etc. and the ordinary 

citizens, young as old. 

Crime prevention as such is performed locally in the municipalities and local communities 

and is based on local needs and conditions. 

The Crime Prevention Council is, seen from a local point of view, the place that passes on 

specialist assistance, inspiration and the material to implement and develop the local work 

further. The secretariat today gives considerable advisory support to local activities. A 

recurrent theme - not only in the Council’s organisation, but also in the Council’s 

recommendations and advice - is that the Crime Prevention effort must take place in broad, 

interdisciplinary co-operation, and that the citizens involved must be active participants in the 

work, not just passive recipients of a public benefit. Most of the Danish municipalities have 

today, on recommendation from the Council, set up local SSP committees, whose 

fundamental idea is an expression of interdisciplinary work that transcends traditional barries. 

Crime Prevention in the Nordic Context - “The Nordic Model” 

The Nordic countries’ historical, cultural and lingustic affinity constitutes a platform for 

extensive and inspiring co-operation within various areas. In keeping with the Nordic 

tradition, the Nordic crime prevention organisations also co-operate - Det Kriminalpræventive 

Råd (DKR) in Denmark, Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råd (KRÅD) in Norway, the crime 

preventing delegation in Finland, Brottsförebyggande rådet (BRÅ) in Sweden and the 

Ministry of Justice and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Iceland. Iceland has established a board for 

drug and alcohol prevention in 1997. 

The Nordic countries are characterised by having comparatively large public sectors and 

generally well developed welfare systems. Public expenditure on social welfare for children, 

old people, the socially or physically disabled, is comparatively high. Although the 

improvement in welfare has been an end in itself and not a means to prevent crime, it is no 

exaggeration to claim that social crime prevention has had and has high priority in the daily 

social work and school work in the Nordic countries. 

The Nordic crime prevention organisations are national organisations, whose task it is to 

further the work within cirme prevention, frist and foremost locally. It is also their task to


follow and analyse the development in crime and to further the development of knowledge 

and methods within this area. 

The joint Nordic platform has had the consequence that work in the crime prevention 

organisations, in the main, shows great similarity, although the order of priority of the tasks 

can vary as can the methods employed. Thus, there is an fundamentally shared model for 

crime prevention work in the five Nordic countries: “The Nordic Model”. 

The Nordic Model may be described from the point of view of the function of crime 

prevention, as regards the judicial system, the sociopolitical area, child and youth 

development and crime occurrence. The Nordic Model is characterised by a strong affiliation 

to areas outside the judicial system, and the balance made between social and situational 

crime prevention. 

With regard to the judicial system the Nordic crime policy is infeuenced by the view that 

criminal law system can have only a minor effect on the prevention of crime. The role of the 

judicial system is primarily that of creating basic standards and preventing crime in general 

terms. In many countries outside the Nordic countries crime prevention, on the one hand, is 

equated with stricter punishment, and other controlling and repressive measures on the other 

hand. 

With regard to social policy, it is an end in itself to avoid marginalisation, to support vocal 

vulnerable people and to ensure that everyone has equal opportunities for education and for 

making a livelihood. Neither is a means of preventing crime. Outside the Nordic countries 

there are many examples of crime prevention measures that co-incide with what in the Nordic 

countries constitutes ordinary social work and is regarded as a citizen´s right. 

The main sociopolitical goal with regard to children and young people is that they have as 

good conditions for growing up as possible and as good a life as possible. This type of social 

prevention can have a general influence or contribute to finding children and young people 

who are in danger of developing in an undesirably way and thus prevent crime and other antisocial 

behavor. 

As regards the type of crime prevention which is intended to decrease the occurence of crime, 

situational prevention, it is possibly not remarkable in the Nordic Model what is done, as 

much as how it is done. The measures taken are the same as are to a larger or smaller extent 

used in other countries. But a Nordic characteristic is that we value informal social 

supervision. As in the case with the social care intended for children and youths, it is a 

specifically Nordic trait to involve the citizens themselves in participating actively and 

directly in the crime preventive work. 

The Nordic Model for crime prevention is also marked by the effort to base crime preventive 

measures on concrete knowledge. As far as possible, crime prevention is based on national 

and international research and other knowledge. Research can also contribute to assessing the 

effectiveness of crime preventions measures. It is the task of research to systemise and 

compare the information available. It is also the task of research to develop new knowledge. 

The Nordic Model for crime prevention is remarkable in its efforts that prevention is to be 

effected on the citizens’ terms and in their best interest. Finally the Nordic Model is marked 

by the fact that people’s sense of security has a prominent place. The Nordic Model is in itself 

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an important instrument to creating and upholding an open and secure community for 

everyone. 

216


Hannu Takala, Executive Secretary 

National Council for Crime Prevention 

PB 1200, FIN-00101 Helsinki 

e-mail: hannu.takala@om.vn.fi 

Crime Prevention in Finland 

Jan Andersson used 18 minutes to describe crime prevention in Sweden. I had some 40 

seconds to do the same for Finland, if the time is shared in proportion to those resources the 

crime prevention councils have in Sweden and Finland. I could do it showing following 

transparent which contains the most important information on the young and tiny crime 

prevention council we have in Finland. 

Figure 1 

National Council for Crime Prevention, Finland 

Set up on 1989 

Permanent committee under the Ministry of Justice 

Expertise 

Planning 

Co-operation 

Focused on situational crime prevention 

Chairperson, vice chairperson and 11 members from 

the Ministry of Justice 

the police 

The Ministry of Social Affairs 

criminological research 

municipalities 

insurance 

trade 

appointed by the Government for a 3-year term 

3 persons working in the secretariat, extra resources on project base 

Current major project: preparing the national program for crime prevention 

In Finland the National Council for Crime Prevention was set up nine years ago. Nordic 

examples and a recommendation from the Council of Europe had a strong influence on the 

decision to set up a special body for crime prevention. In a way, crime prevention was 

imported to Finland - without a national need to strengthen fight against crime. 

217


I can prove the lacking demand for new measures to prevent crime in Finland, a Finnish 

peculiarity, by using figures made by Tapio Lappi-Seppälä for other purposes. He uses them 

to prove that the increase of criminality in Finland is not a consequence of the crime policy 

which has decreased the number of prisoners. 

Figure 2 

Criminality has increased almost identically in four Nordic countries as the left picture shows 

(penal code offences; the level differences are mainly due to statistical systems). The picture 

on the right side shows that Finland is an exception: in Denmark, Norway and Sweden the 

number of prisoners has been almost constant, in Finland it has gone drastically down. Now, 

my question is: In which kind of society that kind of decrease in prison numbers as we have 

had in Finland is possible? 

My answer is: It is possible only in a society where criminality is not a major political 

question. Both the demand for harsh repressive measures and the possibilities to market the 

alternative crime prevention are based on the public concern on crime problems. In Finland 

crime issues have not been high on the political agenda. The Finns have lived too well with 

the existing criminality. That is the reason why our council has remained so diminutive. 

Time is changing. There are clear signs that the public concern on crime problems is 

increasing. I’m not unreservedly happy. 

The council was not planned to serve as a body with co-ordinating power in crime policy. The 

reason, I think, is that in Finland we traditionally don’t have an illusion of unrealistic 

consensus in criminal policy issues. Conflicting views on crime problems have been relatively 

open in our country, partly because the police belongs not to the Ministry of Justice, but the 

Ministry of Interior. At the same time there is a strong need for a forum for co-operation in 

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crime prevention. - Luckily conflicts in criminal policy issues haven’t got in Finland such 

kind of party political character we can find in several other countries. 

The mandate of the Finnish crime prevention council is limited. The statutory provision states 

that special attention should be paid to the possibilities to reduce crime by influencing 

conditions that cause crime. Our main focus is thus the s.c. situational crime prevention. 

The background for this limited mandate is officially that in the field of the situational crime 

prevention there was earlier no special planning body and therefore there was need to 

strengthen planning in this crime prevention strategy. There are other explanations, too. In the 

Finnish criminology a long tradition, longer and stronger than in other countries, has been to 

use the opportunity structure as the main explanation for the variations in crime. I refer 

especially to the work Patrik Törnudd has done in the Finnish criminology. The third 

explanation is that the mandate was very much written in Strasbourg, where I met frequently 

ex-director of the Swedish crime prevention council, Bo Svensson. According to him other 

approaches of crime prevention mainly lack the documented evidence of success. 

I’m proud of the work the Finnish council has done in the situational strategy in spite of it’s 

young age and minimal working resources. For example our study on situational prevention 

of economic crime is internationally the first comprehensive study in this field, as far as I 

know. Our report on bank robberies is a Finnish success story in crime prevention. 

The council is not a research unit, but planning unit. Borderline between planning and 

research is often vague because all good planning is based on research. However in principle 

there is a clear division of tasks and on the other side a tight co-operation between council 

and the criminological unit of the Research Institute of Legal Policy. The council works 

physically and intellectually, but not administratively in the same environment. The situation 

has shown to be fruitful for both parts, not only for us. The council believes that it has a right 

to articulate crime prevention interests in the Finnish criminological research and therefore 

we subscribe research and provide financial support for it. 

The main task for our council under last one and half year has been drafting the national 

crime prevention program for Finland. The example we have used in our work is Swedish. 

That illustrates the value of the Nordic co-operation in crime prevention: in our countries it is 

not necessary to do the whole work every time right from the beginning, but we can often use 

the work already done in the other Nordic countries. 

Our council proposed to the Government that Finland should prepare a similar kind of crime 

prevention program Sweden have. The Government responded with enthusiasm and gave the 

council the drafting duty. 

Now the council’s work is almost done. The draft contains - not suprisingly - a lot of similar 

ideas as the Swedish program. But it is not a copy. 

In Finland we have been in that lucky situation that by beginning our work later than Sweden 

we have been able to “Sherman check” our proposals. At leats our proposals try to follow 

more close the ideal of evidence-based crime prevention than the Swedish program. 

That leads to the main point of my presentation: 

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While drafting the program and trying to use all information we have on effects of preventive 

measures, it was painful to notice how little we know. Perhaps we understand the criminal 

behavior relatively well. That’s good. But we have really limited knowledge of what works. 

The scientific base of the car traffic safety planning is essentially stronger: in traffic safety 

planning there is lot of evidence what works and this knowledge is well documented. I like to 

use car traffic safety as a comparison. The task of crime prevention is to prevent damages 

caused by crime analogically to the task of traffic safety planning to prevent damages caused 

by traffic accidents. 

In crime prevention there is an overflow of weak and unrealiable information, badly done 

evaluations, descriptions of enthuasiastic initiatives without any evidence of effects and, in 

the worst case, abused research. To manage this overflow of information has become more 

and more demanding task for us who try to take care honestly our duties in crime prevention 

and even keep the critical mind alive. 

Crime prevention has challenged criminology. It has done that in a new and more 

thoroughgoing way than traditional competing criminological theories of causes of 

criminality challeged each other. And, I will lastly point out, I’m not at all harnessing 

criminology to serve policy making only. The challenge comes from the pure scientific 

interests: it calls for development of criminological theories and methods. 

220


Jan Georg Christophersen, Rådgiver 

Det Kriminalitetsforebyggende Råd 

PB 8005 dep., N-0030 Oslo 

Aktuelle kriminalitetsforebyggende tiltak i Norge 

Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råd (KRÅD) har et omfattende mandat. I dette ligger rådets 

overordnede mål. Samtidig sier mandatet noe om hvilke oppgaver rådet skal løse og hvordan 

de skal løses. Fordi mandatet er meget omfattende og ressursene relativt beskjedene, er det til 

enhver tid nødvendig å prioritere enkelte oppgaver framfor andre. Det er dette som er tilfelle 

i inneværende periode hvor hovedsatsingsområder er barn og unge. Men i tillegg til 

hovedfokus har rådet en lang rekke aktuelle prosjekt hvor siktemålet er forebygging av 

lovbrudd. 

1. Skolen som hovedtema 

Innledning 

Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råd (KRÅD) har for inneværende periode 1996 -1999 prioritert 

arbeid rettet mot barn og unge. Forebygging av lovbrudd blant barn og unge er et viktig tema, 

som også skolen gjennomgående vurderer som viktig. Når skolen ikke i særlig grad tar opp 

emner innefor feltet, skyldes det at det er læreplanen som styrer - og skal styre - skoles 

innhold. Dersom et emne har status som fag, vil det sikres bred og grundig behandling i 

skolen. Det er imidlertid mange prisverdige tiltak som ønsker innpass i skolen. Forebygging 

av lovbrudd må derfor stille i kø sammen med mange andre tema som ønsker seg en plass på 

skolens fagplan. Fagene i skolen er sterkt fastlagt, og rådet har ingen mulighet til å få inn et 

nytt fag. Rådets valg har derfor vært å lage et “tverrfaglig fag”. Ved å ta delemner fra seks av 

de sentrale fagene i skolen, har rådet satt sammen en plan for arbeidet med forebygging av 

lovbrudd. For hvert trinn fra 1. til 10. klasse angir planen emner av forebyggende karakter 

tilpasset alderstrinnet. Alle tema er laget på grunnlag av emner som allerede har plass i den 

nye læreplanen av 1997 (L97). 

Prosjektet handler om “god oppvekst og forebygging i skolen” som har fått navnet LEV VEL. 

Dette er betegnelsen på undervisningsmateriell til hjelp i det forebyggende arbeidet i skolen. 

Drivkraften i rådets arbeid med prosjektet er preget av omsorg for barn og unge, og et ønske 

om å bidra til å øke ungdommenes livskvalitet. 

Rådets håp er at skolens ledelse vil komme til at materiellet er et godt hjelpemiddel til å sette 

innsatsen på dette området i system. Undervisningsmateriellet er gratis og ble sendt ut til alle 

landets 3330 skoler i august 1997. 

Målet for skolesatsingen 

Kriminalitetsforebyggende arbeid i denne sammenheng handler om å hjelpe barn og unge til å 

utvikle en sunn personlighet. Hele skolemiljøet, hjemmene, fritid og nærmiljø er aktører som 

til sammen utgjør barns og unges oppvekstmiljø, og alle har viktige funksjoner i det 

forebyggende arbeidet. Skal de ulike aktørene dra i samme retning og utfylle hverandre, vil 

det være av stor verdi å ha kjennskap til hverandre og samordne arbeidet. 

221


Rådet har erfaring for at skolene er reservert i forhold til emnet kriminalitet før tilfeller av 

lovbrudd er et faktum. Navn på materiellet tar blant annet av den grunn, utgangspunkt i å 

reflekterer både at rådet ønsker et bredt siktemål som tar vare på flere sider av elevenes 

utvikling, og som tar hensyn til skoles ønsker. Derfor fokuserer materiellet på det positive, 

ikke det problemorienterte. Rådets forslag til mål for skolens forebyggende virksomhet har 

fått følgende utforming: 

222 

- Gi elevene kunnskap om etiske spørsmål, prinsipper og vurderinger, samt hjelpe 

elevene til gjøre gode etiske valg. 

- Bidra til gode oppvekstforhold. Det gjelder elevenes oppvekstmiljø på skolen, i 

hjemmet og i fritiden, samt elevenes personlige vekst og utvikling. 

- Gi elevene kunnskaper om hva lovbrudd er og hvilke konsekvenser det kan få for 

utøver og offer, samt påvirke holdninger og atferd slik at elevene unngår å begå 

lovbrudd. 

Plan for det forebyggende arbeidet 

Forskning omkring barn og unges kriminalitet i Norge viser at det fra 1960 har vært 

total nedgang i den registrerte kriminalitet for aldersgruppen inntil 15 år. Det er kriminaliteten 

for gruppen over 15 år som har økt. Men tallene viser også at færre unge begår lovbrudd, med 

de lovbrudd de står for, er flere og mer omfattende (Clausen 1995). Dette kan indikere at det 

forebyggende arbeidet som allerede er gjort, til en viss grad har virket. Det foreligger i dag 

mye forskningsbasert kunnskap om barn og unges kriminelle atferd og hva som er årsakene til 

den. Spørsmålene blir derfor: Kan skolen bidra til å bryte noe av det skadelige mønster som 

enkelte havner i, og ikke minst hvordan kan skolen være med på å hindre at et slikt mønster 

utvikler seg? 

Det er kjent at flertallet av dem som har en kriminell løpebane, begynner denne i ung alder. 

Videre er det slik at den som for alvor har begynt med lovbrudd, ofte forblir i det kriminelle 

miljøet. Derfor må det forebyggende arbeidet begynne før den kriminelle løpebane starter. 

Hovedoppgaven blir slik rådet ser det å fokusere på hva som hjelper barn og unge til å leve et 

meningsfylt liv. Viktige stikkord i denne utviklingen blir identitet, egenverd, mestringsevne, 

grensesetting, utvikling av empati, sosial kompetanse, gruppetilhørighet, spenning og 

utfordring. 

Utvalget av stoff gjenspeiler målet om at gode oppvekstmiljø er den beste forebyggingen for 

normalelever på grunnskolenivå. Det er progresjon i vektleggingen fra småskolens vekt på 

positivt læremiljø fram til ungdomsskolens større vektlegging av problemområder. 

Med utgangspunkt i L 97 foreslår rådet i sin plan tre emner for hvert klassetrinn, og de fleste 

av disse er allerede godt kjent i skolen. Valget av emner ivaretar både variasjon og progresjon 

og gjenspeiler at det beste lovbruddsforebyggende tiltak er et godt oppvekstmiljø. Mange 

skoler har i dag undervisningsplaner innen sentrale holdningsskapende områder som 

rusmidler, trafikk og mobbing. Arbeidet med disse, eller lignende tema, kan lett integreres i 

rådets plan for forebygging. Skolen får på denne måten en helhetsplan for det forebyggende 

arbeidet. 

Den nye læreplanen for grunnskolen vektlegger tema- og prosjektarbeid. Dette vil være en 

egnet metode i rådets type arbeid fordi egendeltakelse og egenansvar står sentralt i et hvert 

prosjektarbeid. Rådets materiale er bygget opp for blant annet å kunne brukes i slik 

undervisning. 

Undervisningsmateriellet


Det er en rekke aktører på skolesektoren når det gjelder det kriminalitetsforebyggende 

arbeidet. Mange oppfatter det som om det foregår en konkurranse om å nå fram med sitt 

budskap. Alle har sine spesifikke behov for informasjon og praktiske ideer når det gjelder 

stoff og metode. Derfor vil aktørene ha behov for ulike hjelpemidler. Samtidig er det 

avgjørende at materiellet og aktiviteten til hver enkelt aktør er koordinert til en helhet. En 

komplett undervisningspakke i kriminalitetsforebyggende arbeid bør slik rådet ser det, 

inneholder en rekke elementer som blant annet tar for seg temaene mobbing, vold, rus, 

kriminalitet og rasisme. Det er utviklet egene undervisningspakker for småskoletrinnet, 

mellomtrinnet og ungdomstrinnet, som inneholder lærerveiledning, hefter og annet variert 

undervisningsmateriell tilpasset aldersgruppene. Materiellet kan brukes i den daglige 

undervisningen eller til tema- og prosjektarbeid. Som en del av skolepakken er det utarbeidet 

en egen plan for kriminalitetsforebyggende arbeid i skolen. Videre er det i samarbeid med 

Foreldreutvalget i grunnskolen laget et eget foreldrehefte med forslag til plan og emner for 

forebyggende tema i foreldreregi. Utvikling av pakken til nye områder, for eksempel 

videregående opplæring blir for tiden vurdert. LEV VEL er et samarbeidsprosjekt mellom: 

Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råd, Justisdepartementet, Kirke- utdannings- og 

forskningsdepartementet, Barne- og familjedepartementet, Sosial- og helsedepartementet, 

Kommunal- og regionaldepartementet, Regjeringens handlingsplan mot vold i bildemediene 

og grunnskolene. 

Evaluering av LEV VEL 

Evalueringen skal skje over 3 år. Møreforskning i Volda fikk i oppdrag å gjennomføre denne. 

Første trinn av evalueringen er avsluttet og gir oss data om hvordan LEV VEL ble mottatt og 

brukt i skolen. De to neste trinn av evalueringen vil bli gjennomført i 1998 og 1999. 

Svarprosenten på første del av undersøkelsen var 65 %. Det ser ut som LEV VEL er blitt godt 

mottatt av skolene, og mange har lagt konkrete planer for bruken av pakken. Svarene fordeler 

seg med 37 % fra barneskoler, 40 % fra ungdomsskoler og 21 % fra kombinerte barne- og 

ungdomsskoler. Dette er ganske likt det utvalget som fikk tilsendt spørreskjemaet. Svarene fra 

byskolene utgjør 60 % og fra landsskoler 40 %. Utvalget som spørreskjema var sendt ut til, 

var 73 % byskoler og 28 % landsskoler. Landsskolene svarer med andre ord svært bra på 

spørreskjemaet, med en svarprosent på 94. Fordelingen av responsen fra byskolene gir ca 1/3 

på hver av de tre typer skoler: sentrumsskoler, skoler ved bysentre og skoler som ligger 

utenfor bydelssentrum. Blant landsskolene ligger 42 % ved kommunesentrer, 38 % ved 

bygdesentrene, og 20 % ved skoler i utkantstrøk. Svarene fra by og land stemmer godt med 

det utvalget det ble sendt til. Fordelingen av svarene fra små skoler 23 %, fra mellomstore 

skoler 34 % og fra store skoler 43 %. Svarprosenten fra disse skolene stemmer også bra med 

utvalget som spørreskjemaet ble sendt til. 

Ved halvparten av skolene fikk det pedagogiske personalet forhåndsinformasjon om LEV 

VEL-pakken. De fleste fikk informasjonen om skolepakken på et lærermøte. Det var 87 % av 

respondentene som svarte at skolen hadde mottatt pakken, og 13 % svarte at de ikke hadde 

mottatt den. Det ble gitt informasjon om LEV VEL-pakken i både kollektive og individuelle 

fora., flertallet av skolene i kollektive fora. De fleste som mottok pakken, hadde altså 

behandlet den. Dette viser at skolene har stor interesse for LEV VEL-pakken. Det finnes en 

sammenheng mellom de skolene som ikke forhåndsinformerte personalet om LEV VELpakken 

våren 1997, og de skolene som ikke mottok skolepakken. Det kan indikere at enkelte 

skoler har administrative problemer. Skolene får tilsendt mange undervisningsopplegg 

gjennom året. Dette representerer i mange tilfeller et administrativt problem og et 

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kapasitetsproblem for skolene. Det finnes ingen sterke indikasjoner på at enkelte geografiske 

områder faller dårligere ut når det gjelder mottak av pakken. 

Undersøkelsen viser at 87 % vurdere pakken som svært nyttig. Dette bekreftes når 82 % skal 

bruke hele pakken eller deler av den. De fleste planla å bruke LEV VEL-pakken høsten 1997. 

Det var bare 3 % av de resterende skolene som hadde konkrete planer om å bruke pakken 

neste skoleår. Blant skolene som mottok LEV VEL-pakken, svarte 75 % at de kom til å bruke 

den i undervisningen. Det va16 % av de skolene som mottok pakken, som svarte at de ikke 

ønsket å bruke den. Det finnes ingen indikasjoner på at klassetrinn eller skolestørrelse har 

innvirkning på bruken av skolepakken. I materialet kommer det fram at uavhengig av 

klassetrinn eller størrelse vil om lag 80 % av skolene bruke skolepakken helt eller delvis. 

Det ser ut til at LEV VEL passer godt inn i skolenes nye årsplaner. Av respondentene svarte 

80 % at skolepakken enten passer “svært godt” eller “godt” inn i skolenes årsplaner. 

Det faglige innholdet vurderes som “veldig godt” eller “tilfredsstillende” av 62 % av skolene. 

Mange skoler hadde ikke gjort seg opp noen mening om dette ennå da pakken nylig var 

mottatt. Av de temaene som skolene pekte ut, var mobbing, rusmiddel, etikk og verdi og 

sosialiseringsprosesser de viktigste. Tallene viser at mange skoler er opptatt av 

allmenngyldige kategorier. 

De fleste skoler 97 % synes å være opptatt av kriminalitetsforebyggende arbeid. Det kommer 

også fram at skolene har egne handlingsplaner for forebyggende arbeid. 

Det er 85 % av skolene som mener at de har risikoelever. Disse skolene har som oftest et 

faglig opplegg for slike elever. Om lag 40 % mener at LEV VEL-pakken er nyttig for denne 

gruppen. Det er en jevn fordeling av yrkesgruppene innen skoleverket som arbeider med 

denne type elever. Om lag havparten av skilene har en koordinator ved skolen som er 

ansvarlig for arbeidet på feltet. 

Halvparten av skolene har registrert kriminalitet ved skolen. Tyveri og skadeverk er mest 

utbredt. Resultatet viser også at alvorlig mobbing, registrert som kriminalitet, representerer et 

mindre omfang. Skolene vurderer imidlertid mobbing generelt som et viktig tema i LEV 

VEL-pakken. 

De fleste skoler samarbeider med et eller flere eksterne organ. Samarbeidet med politi er mest 

vanlig. Det er 61 % av skolene som holder foreldremøter med forebyggende tema minst en 

gang i året. 

2. Strategier på kommunalt plan 

Både forskning og erfaring viser at det er klare sammenhenger mellom samfunnsstruktur og 

samfunnsutvikling, oppvekstmiljø og kriminalitetsutvikling. Forebygging av lovbrudd bør 

derfor rette seg både mot enkeltindivider og mot ulike samfunnsinstitusjoner og myndigheter 

lokal og sentralt. Derfor er arbeid i forhold til lokale miljø en viktig del av det 

kriminalitetsforebyggende arbeidet. Det krever blant annet samarbeid innad og på tvers av 

offentlige og private sektorer i kommunene. Rådet gjennomføret i perioden 1990-1993 et 

prosjekt kalt “Samordning av lokale kriminalitetsforebyggende tiltak” (SLT) i sju kommuner. 

Verdifull erfaring som ble vunnet gjennom prosjektet, er videreformidlet på flere måter. Rådet 

har siden den gang videreført arbeidet med å finne fram til tverretatlig samarbeidsformer i 

kommunene med tanke på forebygging av lovbrudd. Blant annet har rådet fått utviklet en 

“sjekkliste” for kommunalplanlegging hvor hensynet til plan- og bygningsloven når det 

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gjelder utforming av områder for bolig, næring og tjenesteyting ligger til grunn. Erfaringene 

fra SLT-prosjektet benyttes for å utvikle informasjonsmateriell for tverretatlig kommunalt 

samarbeid. Medvirkning på kommunale konferanser, informasjonsmøter og konsulentbistand 

er andre måter hvor kunnskapen om prosjektet formidles. 

Videre bistår rådet i arbeidet med å skolere sivilarbeidere i voldsforebyggende arbeid i 

kommunene. Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råd har videre sagt seg villig til å finansiere en 

evaluering av det arbeid som drives ved Siviltjenesteadministrasjonen - Hustad om “Vold og 

konfliktforebyggende tiltak blant ungdom” (VOKT). Evalueringen planlegges i disse dager og 

vil være igang fra januar 1999. 

Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råds “Nabohjelpsprosjekt” bør også nevnes i denne 

sammenheng. “Aksjon nabohjelp” ble startet i 1985 på initiativ fra Det 

kriminalitetsforebyggende råd, Justisdepartementet og Norges forsikringsforbund. I 1991 

inviterte Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råd landets politikamre til å finne prøveområder for 

“Prosjekt Nabohjelps-område”. Prosjektet er avslutte fra rådets side, men naboer har mange 

steder fortsatt nabohjelpen i samarbeid med politiet og kommunen. Rådets målsetting med 

prosjektet har vært at de som bor i området selv tar ansvar for utviklingen i nabolaget, prøver 

å skape bedre kontakt mellom naboene for å få ned frykt og kriminalitet. Rådet oppfordrer 

hvem som helst til å starte slike prosjekt. Det kan være boligbyggelag, borettslag, 

velforeninger eller privatpersoner. 50-100 husstander er ofte nok. Det 

kriminalitetsforebyggende råd har fortsatt å yte konsulentbistand og skriftlig materiell om 

nabohjelp og hvordan man kan ha nytte av det. 

3. Økonomisk kriminalitet 

En gang i året inviterer Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råd til konferanse om et tema knyttet 

til økonomisk kriminalitet. Målgruppen er næringslivet, offentlige etater, departement, politi, 

påtalemyndighet, rettsvesen og forskningsmiljø. Økokrimkonferanse gir anledning til å 

diskutere spørsmål som har sammenheng med bedriftenes lovbrudd. Det kan være nye 

problemstillinger eller “gamle” eller kanskje tidløse. Konferansen gir de som arbeider med 

forskning og utredning muligheter til å møte de som i praksis skal utøve kontroll. Det er med 

andre ord en kontaktkonferanse hvor mulighetene ligger godt til rette for å styrke nettverk og 

bygge nye relasjoner. 

Bedriftskriminalitet er et område man ikke “blir ferdig med”. Nye former for lovbrudd 

oppstår, andre metoder tas i bruk for å forebygge, perspektivene utvikles, tidligere 

arbeidsformer må revideres. Det kriminalitetsforebyggende råd ønsker gjennom de årlige 

konferansene å belyse ved foredrag og diskusjon det arbeids som gjøres i 

forskningsinstitusjoner og i kontrollorganene. Bekjempelse av bedriftenes kriminalitet har 

gjennom lang tid vært et satsingsområde for myndighetene. Hovedhensikten er å oppnå 

avskrekking og holdningsskapende effekt gjennom økt oppdagelsesriskiko og 

straffeforfølgning, samt å frata gjerningspersonen det økonomiske utbyttet. 

Kriminalitetsforebygging vil i tiden som kommer kreve stadig mer av helhetsløsninger. 

Bedriftslovbrudd må gis et ansikt slik at flest mulig bli klar over virkningene; nemlig at denne 

type overtredelser har flere offer enn noen annen form for lovbrudd - det rammer oss alle. Økt 

synlighet og bedre innsyn er slik rådet ser det måter å angripe problemet på. 

4. Forskning 

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Det kriminalietsforebyggende råd er avhengig av forskningsbasert kunnskap for å 

videreutvikle sin virksomhet. En rekke forskningsinstitusjoner har en vitenskapelig 

innfallsvinkel som er relevant for de forskjellige aspektene av rådets virksomhet. Det har 

derfor i inneværende periode vært tatt initiativ til forskningsprosjekt som kan belyse barn og 

unges kriminalitet, kriminalitetens årsaker, utvikling og effekten av tiltak. Mer konkret kan 

det nevnes at rådet har latt utarbeide en forskningsrapport med oversikt over og en vurdering 

av norske og nordiske forskningsprosjekter om kriminalitetsforebygging. Det 

kriminalitetsforebyggende råd har deltatt i finansieringen av et forskningsprosjekt om 

helerivirksomhet. Rådet har initiert et forskningsprosjekt som vil bli avsluttes i 1998 om 

gjengkulturens betydning for ungdomskriminaliteten. Videre evalueres skolepakken LEV 

VEL. 

5. Informasjon 

Informasjon er ett av rådets viktigste virkemidler som har en overgrepene funksjon for rådets 

satsningsområder. Rådet sørger for informasjon om kriminalitetsutviklingen og 

kriminalitetsforebyggende strategier og tiltak overfor virksomheter og publikum. En annen 

viktig oppgave er å gjøre rådet kjent som kompetansemiljø med kontaktnett til fagmiljøer som 

arbeider med kriminalitetsforebygging. 

Informasjonen fra rådet går til ulike målgrupper. De informasjonskanalene som anvendes er 

tradisjonelle massemedier, men moderne teknologi som Internett vil bli tatt i bruk i nær 

framtid. Informasjonen utformes som forskningsrapporter og populariserte utgaver av disse, 

bibliografier, brosjyremateriell rettet mot særskilte områder i samfunnet og 

konferanserapporter. Videre er møtedeltakelse og foredrag en måte som benyttes for å få ut 

informasjon. 

Rådet deler årlig ut en kriminalitetsforebyggende pris på NOK 50 000,-. En brosjyre om 

butikktyver og svinn er distribuert . Det har vært arrangert en konferanse med tema “Når det 

lovlige blir umoralsk” og en konferanserapport er distribuert. 

6. Internasjonalt samarbeid 

Internasjonalt samarbeid på det kriminalitetsforebyggende området tvinger seg fram som 

følge av en generell internasjonalisering. På nordisk nivå har det lenge vært et godt uformelt 

samarbeid. Et nordisk arbeidsutvalg har utvekslet informasjon om lokale strategier. Det 

kriminalitetsforebyggende råds intensjon med dette arbeidet er å innhente og gi informasjon. 

Rådet ser det som viktig å styrke samarbeidet mellom de nordiske rådene ved årlige møter og 

systematisk utveksling av kunnskap og erfaringer. Som eksempel på et konkret resultat av 

dette arbeidet kan nevnes engelsk oversettelse av dokumentet “The Nordic Model” hvor 

målgruppen er internasjonale organisasjoner. 

7. Avslutning 

Det kriminalpolitiske klimaet har i de senere årene blitt kjøligere. Krav på sterkere 

virkemidler og lov og orden framsettes på mange hold og har fått sterkere gjennomslag enn på 

lenge. Økte forholdsregler som samfunnets setter i verk for å bekjempe forbryterondet, ses av 

mange som den eneste rette veien å gå i bekjempelse av kriminaliteten i samfunnet. Det 

kriminalitetsforebyggende råd vurderer kontinuerlig de muligheter og begrensninger som 

ligger i det forebyggende arbeidet. Rådet er fullt på det rene med at kriminalitetsforebyggende 

tiltak bare er ett av flere virkemidler som samfunnet bør sette inn for effektivt å løse 

samfunnets problem. 

226


Referanser 

Clausen, Stein-Erik: Barne- og ungdomskriminalitet i Norge, 1980-1992. Norsk Institutt for 

by- og regionforskning (NIBR), Rapport 1996:4, Os, lo1996. 

Nolet, Ronald og Elrid Digernes: Evaluering av skolepakken LEV VEL: en kartlegging av 

bruken av indervisningsmaterialet LEV VEL i grunnskolen i Norge 1997, 1998. 

227


Karl Steinar Valsson, Superintendent 

Reykjavik Police 

Hverfisgötu 115, IS-150 Reykjavik 

e-mail: karlsteinar@police.is 

228 

Crime Prevention in Iceland 

In contrast to the other Nordic countries, in Iceland there is no central organisation whose task 

is to prevent crime. Recently the Minestry of Health has establish a separate committee, 

Icelands´s Council for the prevention of the use of drugs. Still there is a willing to put forward 

a proposal for a Committee covering all forms of crime prevention. 

In 1988 a separate department was established under the Chief of Police in Reykjavík. The 

main intention was that the department was to take care of public relation and crime 

prevention work. Since then this deparment has increased in size and judies. Currently 11 

officers and one sociologist are working for the department. The ideology behind the job is 

community policing in a broad perspective. The department has put forward many different 

programs in schools, for parents and others in different fields of crime prevention. 

The focus on crime prevention has for a long time often been on particular types of crime, but 

not all known criminal activities. In my piont of view there is a need of change here, having 

the officers looking at the preventional part of all crimes they are handling. What I have in 

mind is that an officer takes into consideration when he is investigating a case how that 

particular activity could be prevented. By doing this we would have much more active work 

in this field and hopefully better results. 

In Iceland there are also many other groups and agencies that work in the field of crime 

prevention. Most of them focus on the narcodic field but some having broader view. The City 

of Reykjavík is participating with the ECAD organisation (European Cities of Drugs) on a 

project to fight against drug use in Iceland.


Bodil Karlsh j Poulsen, Kontorchef 

Direktoratet for Sundhed og Forskning, Hjemmestyret på Gr nland 

Boks 1160, Grønland-3900 Nuuk 

e-mail: bkp@sundhed.hotel.gh.gl 

og 

Elisæus Kreutzmann, Kriminalforsorgsleder 

Kriminalforsorgen i Grønland 

Boks 139, Grønland-3900 Godthåb 

Gr nlandskort med angivelse af byer og bygder 

af Bodil Karlshøj Poulsen 

Bodil Karlsh j Poulsen, kontorchef i Direktoratet for Sundhed og Forskning, hvor jeg er 

leder af det centrale forebyggelseskontor PAARISA (•lad os passe p hverandre•). 

Jeg vil kort fort lle lidt om m lsætningerne for det forebyggende arbejde, s tte nogle tal p 

vore problemfelter og fort lle, hvorledes vi har organiseret forebyggelsen. 

Gr nland har tilsluttet sig Ottawa Chartret om sundhedsfremme. Det betyder, at vi har 

forpligtiget os til: 

- at styrke indsatsen i lokalsamfundet, 

- at udvikle de personlige f rdigheder, 

- at skabe st ttende milj er, 

- at udvikle en sundhedsfremmende politik. 

Landsstyrets har opsat en r kke m ls tninger for det forebyggende arbejde. 

• Misbrug af hash, tobak og alkohol skal v re v sentligt formidsket inden rtusindskiftet. 

Hash/cannabis er totalforbudt i Gr nland. Det er indtil videre det eneste narkotika i landet og 

m siges at v re s rdeles udbredt. 75% af de 17- rige drenge angav ved en unders gelse i 

1994 at have pr vet at ryge hash. Blandt de voksne oplyste ca 20% at have r get hash mere 

end n gang. 

Tobak: 80% af befolkningen er rygere. 

Alkohol: vores st rste •fjende•. Alkoholforbruget er g et drastisk ned fra godt 22 l ren 

alkohol pr voksen indbygger i 1980'erne til 12,6 l i dag. 

Der gennemf res i 1998 ved NAD i samarbejde med Gr nlands Hjemmestyre, Politi og 

Kriminalforsorg en unders gelse af befolkningens brug af og holdninger til alkohol og hash. 

* Borgernes egenomsorg og lokal sundhedsfremme skal styrkes. 

* Bygdernes sundhedsforhold skal forbedres. 

229


Der udgives et sundhedsblad •PAARISA-avisen•, med generelt sundhedsoplysende indhold. 

Derudover udgives en r kke pjecer og information gennem radio og TV. Et af de forhold, der 

fordyrer og vanskeligg r information, er, at alt materiale skal udgives p to sprog: 

gr nlandsk og dansk. 

* Omsorgen for uf dte, sp de og sm b rn samt deres m dre skal h jnes. 

* Antallet af u nskede graviditeter skal nedbringes. 

Antal aborter er lig med antal f dsler. Is r en del voksne kvinder benytter sig af abort som 

pr vention. 

• Det nuv rende niveau for k nssygdomme skal reduceres. HIV-smittespredningen skal 

begr nses mest muligt, og omsorgen for HIV-smittede og AIDS-syge skal forbedres. 

HIV spredes fortrinsvist gennem heteroseksuelle forhold. Der er ingen spr jtenarkomaner i 

Gr nland. Gennemsnitsalderen for smittede ligger omkring 49 r. Der arbejdes intensivt p 

oplysningskampagne over for de unge og voskne for at f stoppet smittespredningen. 

* Antallet af ulykker herunder brandulykker skal nedbringes. 

* Tiltagene til forebyggelse af det uforholdsm ssigt store antal selvmord is r blandt 

unge skal intensiveres. 

Vi oplever omkring 50 selvmord om ret, hvilket er en meget h j rate i et land med 55000 

indbyggere. Der gennemf res kurser for ressourcepersoner og er udgivet en pjece som 

opfordrer til at tale om problemet. 

Vi tror p , at forebyggelse skal ske lokalt. Der bliver i disse r ansat en forebyggelseskonsulent 

i hver kommune. Det lokale netv rk best r af samarbejde mellem sundhedsv sen, 

skoler, politi, kriminalforsorg og kommunernes socialforvaltninger. Dette samarbejde n rer 

vi stor tiltro til. Vi tror p , at et godt helbred og sikring af arbejde til alle er den bedste 

kriminalpr ventive indsats, vi kan yde og l gger derfor vore kr fter i at sikre alle sundhed 

og arbejde. 

230 

Kriminalpræventivt arbejde i Grønland 

af Elisæus Kreutzmann 

I tilslutning til Bodil Karlshøj Poulsens indlæg, kan jeg supplerende fortælle lidt om SSPK’s 

tilblivelse i Grønland. 

Under et landsdækkende socialchefmøde i 1986 var der nogen fra Hjemmestyret og Nuuk 

kommune, der efterlyste en mere fremadrettet og mere forebyggende indsats frem for, at vi 

hele tiden lavede lappeløsninger. 

På baggrund heraf tog Nuuk kommune initiativ til at starte SSP-arbejdet. Der blev sendt en 

delegation afsted til Danmark, hvor kriminalforsorgen deltog. Derfor kom det til at hedde 

SSPK.


I 1988 startede SSPK officielt i Nuuk kommune, og har siden udviklet sig meget. I dag har vi 

et særskilt sekretariat under socialforvaltningen, hvor der er ansat 3 medarbejdere, ligesom 

man nu har fået ansat 7 miljømedarbejdere. 

Der har været gennemført mange projekter i løbet af årene, og dem kan man læse om i 

brochurer m.m. 

Resten af Grønland blev herefter inspireret i alle former for forebyggelse. Det er meget 

forskelligt fra kommune til kommune, ligesom andre interesseorganisationer også kører en 

anden form for forebyggelse. 

Den grønlandske Retsvæsenskommission har i sit arbejde drøftet kriminalitetsforebyggende 

arbejde, og har således indhentet oplysninger fra forskellige kommuner. 

Herefter har kommissionen lavet et forslag om, hvorledes et landsdækkende kriminalpræventivt 

arbejde eventuelt kunne se ud. 

Kommissionen udgiver sin betænkning i år 2000. 

231


Ingrid Sahlin, dr. fil. 

Brottsförebyggande rådet 

Boks 6494, S-11382 Stockholm 

e-mail: ingrid.sahlin@brottsforebygganderadet.se 

232 

Inverterad prevention 

Inledning 

Syftet att förebygga brott är så att säga positivt per definition och brottsprevention fungerar 

som ett slags argument för verksamheter som kanske både bedrivs och avvecklas främst av 

andra skäl och med andra konsekvenser. Det verkar finnas politiska "konjunkturer" inte bara 

för hur viktigt det är att förebygga brott, utan också för hur det skall ske. Metoder glöms bort, 

lyfts fram, döps om, läggs ned eller återupptas relativt oberoende av deras effekter på 

brottsligheten, och det är oklart om forskningen är orsak till eller verkan av denna 

förändringsprocess. 

När jag i slutet av 1995 började arbeta på BRÅ pågick diskussioner om ett nationellt 

brottsförebyggande program, som antogs 1996 (Allas vårt ansvar, Ds 1996:59), då också en 

kommitté för brottsförebyggande arbete bildades för att genomföra det på lokal nivå. Jag fick 

intrycket att brottsförebyggande arbete hade en helt annan innebörd än det haft fem år tidigare, 

då jag för BRÅ:s räkning studerat 1980-talets lokalt förebyggande ungdomsprojekt i 

samverkan (Sahlin 1992). Bland annat skildes brottsprevention ut från andra former av 

prevention (av t.ex. missbruk och psykisk ohälsa) på ett sätt som jag inte kände igen, andra 

aktörer och verksamheter dominerade i projekten och tidsperspektivet framstod som starkt 

förkortat: gränsen mellan att förebygga och omedelbart förhindra brott föreföll utsuddad. 

Begreppsapparaten var också förändrad. Grovt uttryckt verkade "brottsprevention" i mitten på 

1990-talet framför allt associeras med situationell prevention i polisens regi och "tidiga 

åtgärder" med speciella behandlingsprogram för "diagnosbarn" (barn med DAMP, ADHD 

e.d.), medan föräldrars uppfostran av och uppsikt över sina barn kallades "social brottsprevention". 

Det område jag själv studerat – projekt som försökte engagera, sysselsätta och/eller 

kontrollera ungdomsgrupper i frivilliga aktiviteter – nämndes knappast längre, och inte heller 

strukturella insatser för bättre uppväxtvillkor. 

Denna eventuella betydelseglidning sammanföll med en allmän nedrustning av generell 

socialpolitik och offentliga verksamheter för barn och ungdom, t.ex. fritidshem och fritidsgårdar, 

som en gång motiverats bland annat just med sin (brotts-)förebyggande funktion. Att 

detta pågick samtidigt som regeringen och olika statliga och kommunala myndigheter verkade 

betona behovet av brottsprevention mer än någonsin framstod för mig som en paradox. 

Avvecklingen av "brottsförebyggande" verksamheter rymdes helt enkelt inte i 

brottspreventionens diskurs. 

Det är denna paradoxala situation, dess bakgrund och konsekvenser som är temat för mitt 

paper. Efter en skissartad redovisning av det senaste decenniets förändringar i 

brottspreventionens inriktning och begreppsapparat samt dess förhållande till kriminologisk 

forskning kommer jag att koncentrera mig på vad jag kallat inverterad brottsprevention. Det 

handlar alltså om svårigheter att synliggöra, konceptualisera och beforska åtgärder och beslut


som åtminstone hypotetiskt kan öka brottsligheten.1 

De förändrade förutsättningarna 

Oavsett hur man benämner och bedömer den, torde det inte råda någon oenighet om att det 

svenska samhället, liksom de flesta andra välfärdsstater undergått en genomgripande förändring 

under det senaste decenniet. Detta systemskifte har bland annat inneburit ökade 

inkomstklyftor, nedskärningar i olika trygghets- och bidragssystem (SOU 1995:104, s. 57ff.), 

skärpt bostadssegregation (SOU 1996:156, s. 28) och en minskad offentlig sektor, dvs. 

billigare skolor, sjukvård, barn- och äldreomsorg etc. Även socialtjänsten har sparat, vilket 

bland annat lett till att det blivit svårare att få bistånd och att bidragsnivåerna sänkts. 

Samtidigt som arbetslösheten under 1990-talet varit mycket hög bland ungdomar har deras 

möjligheter till arbetslöshetsersättning minskat (SOU 1996:111, s. 267ff.). Barnomsorg och 

fritidshem har blivit dyrare (SOU 1997:61, s. 80) och personaltätheten har minskat (ibid., s. 

76 ff.); många fritidshem har lagts ned och resurser för barn med särskilda behov har minskat. 

I skolorna har klasstorleken ökat och specialundervisningen minskat, liksom 

elevvårdsresurser och antalet lärarledda timmar/elev (Skolverket 1996). 

Brottspreventionen 

Samtidigt har brottspreventionens inriktning förändrats. Några dimensioner, enligt vilka man 

kan klassificera brottsförebyggande verksamhet, är dess mål – vari problemdefinitionen ingår 

– aktörer och objekt, framtidshorisonter, grad av selektivitet/ generalitet och metoder. Även 

om jag inte haft möjlighet att mer ingående studera förändringar i det brottsförebyggande 

arbetet (vilket dessutom är svårt att göra av skäl som snart framgår) vill jag tentativt hävda att 

det förändrats med avseende på de flesta av dessa faktorer. 

Många forskare har diskuterat preventionens utveckling i termer av kontrasterande preventionsmodeller 

(t.ex. Balvig 1979-80, DeWild 1980), och trots att de ovan nämnda 

dimensionerna är relativt oberoende av varandra menar jag att de kan användas för att 

konstruera idealtyper av brottsprevention, och jag föreslår här följande fyra modeller: 

1 De resonemang jag kommer att presentera baseras på delar (framför allt kapitel 5) av ett manuskript, "Brottsprevention 

– en utredning av ett begrepp och dess begränsningar" (Sahlin 1998), som syftade till att bringa reda i 

hur "brottsprevention" förhåller sig till "tidiga åtgärder mot brott", undersöka hur man analyserat och klassificerat 

olika former av brottsprevention och utveckla redskap för en historisk studie av brottspreventionens idémässiga 

och praktiska utveckling. Rapporten, som också tog upp etiska aspekter på brottsförebyggande arbete, skrevs 

inom ramen för det nyligen nedlagda projektet Tidiga åtgärder vid Brottsförebyggande rådet. 

233


234 

Överordnade värden 

individens utvecklingsamhällets ordning 

_____________________________________________________________________ 

individers 1 2 

beteenden socialisation kontroll 

Föränd- 1980-tal 1990-tal 

rings- ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––----------------------- 

objekt 

3 4 

förutsättningar för strukturer / miljö organisation / lagstiftning 

beteendepåverkan 1960-70-tal 1990-tal 

Figur 1. En typologi av preventionsmodeller efter värden och förändringsobjekt. 

De två modellerna i det översta fältet, nämligen 1) socialisation (uppfostran, stimulans 

och/eller utbildning av barn; lång framtidshorisont) och 2) kontroll (bevakning [av potentiella 

brottsobjekt och platser] / övervakning [av individer, särskilt ungdomar] / kontroll via 

information och repression; kort framtidshorisont.) är båda orienterade direkt mot individer 

för att påverka deras beteende på lång respektive kort sikt. Man kan också tänka sig ett 

mellanläge, "distraktion", som omfattar försök att engagera ungdomar i drogfria aktiviteter för 

att hålla dem borta från frestelser och kriminogena miljöer. 

De övriga två modellerna syftar till att skapa bättre förutsättningar för ett förändrat beteende, 

dvs. de är indirekta och inriktade på 3) strukturer / miljö (att skapa "goda uppväxtvillkor", 

jämlika levnadsförhållanden, välfungerande bostadsområden och skolor m.m. för att skapa 

förutsättningar för barns och ungdomars positiva utveckling) eller 4) organisation / 

lagstiftning (att öka effektiviteten hos myndigheter och deras instrument för brottsprevention). 

Modellerna skiljer sig åt beträffande samhälls- och människosyn: Medan (1) och framför allt 

(3) bygger på en ganska optimistisk syn på individens möjligheter att utvecklas i en ickekriminell 

riktning, givet att hon erbjuds goda förutsättningar, implicerar framför allt (2) att 

brott begås om man inte riskerar att bli upptäckt, dvs. ett kontrollteoretiskt perspektiv. Den 

andra och fjärde modellen sätter i praktiken samhällets ordning som mål och preventionen är 

därmed ofta mer snävt inriktad på brott, än i de två övriga.2 

Enligt min uppfattning dominerades 1960- och 1970-talets utbyggnad av välfärdsstaten av en 

föreställning om att förbättrade strukturer och bättre uppväxtmiljöer för (alla) barn och 

ungdomar indirekt förebyggde brott (3). Att "förbättra uppväxtförhållandena" hörde enligt 

Socialtjänstpropositionen "till de bästa förebyggande insatser som kan göras" (prop. 

1979/80:1, s. 251). Mer konkret förordades en socialpolitik som sörjde för att barnfamiljer 

hade en god ekonomi och att socialbidrag beviljades även till sådant som lekredskap och 

2 Jag är medveten om att denna indelning inte är exklusiv och att det finns många gränsfall och gråzoner, men 

jag menar ändå att den fungerar hjälpligt för att sammanfatta den svenska brottspreventionens utidshistoria.


sportutrustning. Dessutom hade "förskole- och fritidshemsverksamheten, den sociala hemhjälpen, 

föräldrautbildningen och fritidsverksamheten /.../ givetvis också en klart förebyggande 

karaktär" (ibid, s. 253), liksom kommunernas fritids- och kulturverksamhet: 

allt 

“Kommunernas förebyggande arbete för barn och ungdom är enligt min mening en av 

de viktigaste uppgifterna som kommunerna har. Denna är emellertid inte bara 

socialtjänstens uppgift. Som socialutredningen också pekat på har det i kommunerna 

vuxit fram en omfattande förebyggande barn- och ungdomsverksamhet, där framför 

fritids- och kulturnämnderna tillsammans med de sociala organen har deltagit i 

uppbyggnadsarbetet.” (ibid, s. 254). 

1980-talets brottsprevention karaktäriserades mer av åtgärder som innebar och syftade till 

socialisation – och i viss mån distraktion – av ungdomar genom att öka deras delaktighet i 

"vuxensamhället" och deras medansvar för den "lokala miljön" (1). Men målet med denna 

delaktighet växlade mellan att tillerkänna ungdomar inflytande över samhället å ena sidan, 

och att anpassa och inlemma dem i samhället, så som det redan var strukturerat och 

organiserat, å andra sidan. Den senare varianten, som alltså var mer orienterad mot "uppfostran" 

vann successivt mark i slutet av 1980-talet. Under hela 1980-talet förekom också rikligt 

med förebyggande ungdomsprojekt som mest syftade till distraktion, såsom drogfria danser 

och olika fritidsaktiviteter i föreningsregi (Sahlin 1992). Mot slutet av decenniet växte nya 

former av brottsprevention fram, mer inriktade på övervakning och direkt kontroll, om än 

ännu främst genom informella aktörer, t.ex. föräldravandringar (2) (ibid.).3 

Med hänvisning till bl.a. det svenska Nationella brottsförebyggande programmets (Allas vårt 

ansvar, Ds 1996:59) tonvikt vid situationell prevention och kontroll av ungdomar och den 

positiva uppmärksamhet New York-polisens nolltoleransstrategi rönt i landet hävdar jag att 

tonvikten vid ett "försvar" av samhällets ordning genom ökad kontroll av platser och individer 

(2) accentuerats mer under 1990-talet, samtidigt som åtgärderna blivit mer kortsiktiga, så att 

social kontroll förväntas förhindra så att säga själva genomförandet av avvikande handlingar. 

I Sverige pågår f.n. försöksverksamhet med "nolltolerans" efter New-York-polisens modell i 

bl.a. Eskilstuna (Wikström, Dolmén & Fermefors 1997) och Stockholm. Enligt förespråkare 

för modellen (t.ex. Wilson & Kelling 1982, 1989; Kelling & Coles 1996) bör (lokal- 

)samhällets intressen ha företräde framför individernas frihet och rättigheter och ordningen 

upprätthållas genom kontroll och ingripanden, som förväntas ge omedelbara resultat i form av 

minskad brottslighet. 

Därutöver förefaller 1990-talets brottsprevention i Sverige kännetecknas av omstruktureringar 

av myndigheternas organisation och lagändringar för att samordna och/eller effektivisera 

myndigheternas kontroll, något som bl.a. märks i polisens inriktning på s.k. problemorienterat 

arbete, närpolisorganisationen och inrättandet av lokala brottsförebyggande råd och annan 

formaliserad myndighetssamverkan mot brott (4). 

3 Ett tragikomiskt exempel är ett bostadsområde i Malmö, som varit föremål för en rad förebyggande projekt 

under 1980-talet vilka omfattade allt från upprustning av utemiljön, uppbyggnad av ett lokalt föreningsliv samt 

aktiviteter och samlingslokaler för såväl vuxna som ungdomar i områdets centrum. Det senaste ungdomsprojektet 

avbröts dock i början av 1990-talet, varefter närpolisen flyttade in i den nedlagda Folkets husföreningens lokaler. 

235


Däremot är det mitt intryck att möjligheten att förebygga brott genom att förändra samhällets 

strukturer och institutioner för att förbättra individernas uppväxtvillkor och välfärd (3) 

praktiskt taget glömts bort under 1990-talet. 

Brottspreventionsforskningen 

Analysen av brottsprevention förändras med – och förändrar – dess inriktning. En vanlig 

indelning, hämtad från framför allt psykiatrisk och medicinsk prevention, var förr primär, 

sekundär och tertiär prevention. De särskiljs inte bara genom sitt avstånd till den tänkta 

tidpunkt, då problemet förväntas komma till uttryck i faktiska avvikelser, utan också genom 

målgruppens bredd. Primär prevention har alltså den bredaste målgruppen och den längsta 

framtidshorisonten, sekundär prevention är inriktad på riskgrupper och tertiär prevention 

handlar om att förebygga återfall i t.ex. brott för små grupper av identifierade personer. 

Men denna klassifikation är inte längre så lätt att applicera på åtgärder som syftar till att 

förebygga brott, nu är det vanligare att dessa klumpas ihop i "social prevention" som 

kontrasteras mot situationell prevention. Det senare innebär ofta att man har en bred och 

ospecificerad målgrupp medan framtidsperspektivet är extremt kort, det kan t.ex. handla om 

att förhindra skadegörelse genom att sätta in bevakning som ökar upptäcktsrisken eller 

stängsel som försvårar genomförande av brott. Begreppet "tidiga insatser" implicerar 

visserligen ett långt framtidsperspektiv, men ofta avses identifierade barn i riskzonen för en 

negativ utveckling, t.ex. barn med DAMP, och specifika professionella insatser för dessa, dvs. 

egentligen sekundär prevention. Det är svårt att idag hitta exempel på primär 

brottspreventioni myndigheternas förslag och rekommendationer. 

Brottspreventionens teori och praktik är relativt oberoende av teorier om brottslighetens 

orsaker. Under den långa uppbyggnaden av välfärdsstaten och utbyggnaden av den offentliga 

sektorn framstod de möjligen som nära lierade, men det senaste decenniet har samhällsförändringarna 

antagit en annan karaktär och riktning, och övergripande politiska beslut 

har ofta inneburit att institutioner, som tillkommit för att förebygga olika slags problem och 

förbättra uppväxtförhållanden för barn och ungdom, avvecklats, begränsats eller fått sänkta 

anslag. Klyftan mellan brottsprevention och teorier om brottsligheten i en sådan period av 

nedskärningar har ökat men samtidigt osynliggjorts. Brottsprevention associeras idag ofta till 

kortsiktiga polisinsatser och tekniskt brottsskydd, och det finns en risk att de pågående 

förändringarna inom social omsorg och service varken studeras eller utvärderas med avseende 

på sina effekter för den framtida brottsligheten. En förklaring till denna divergens är att 

forskning om brottsprevention i hög och kanske växande grad är knuten till regeringens behov 

av underlag för och utvärderingar av sina egna brottspreventiva åtgärder. Forskning om 

brottsförebyggande åtgärder är med andra ord beroende av vilka brottsförebyggande åtgärder 

som faktiskt sätts in – och det avgörs i sin tur av politiska, ekonomiska och 

legitimitetsrelaterade faktorer. 

Ju mer forskning om brottsprevention knyts till utvärderingar av brottsförebyggande projekt 

(som inte initierats som forskningsprojekt), desto mer kan man anta att denna forskning 

orienteras mot det som är politiskt relevant och gångbart nog att bli föremål för 

försöksverksamheter. 

Syfte kontra effekter 

Enligt t.ex. Wikström m.fl. (1994, s. 20; 1995, s. 13) är brottsprevention åtgärder som minskar 

indviders benägenhet att begå brott eller tillfällena till brott. Samtidigt definieras begreppet 

236


som åtgärder som "syftar till att påverka de kriminogena faktorerna, dvs. de faktorer som 

främjar eller hämmar människors brottsliga beteenden" (min kursivering; Wikström m.fl. 

1994, s. 20). 

Men syfte och effekter är inte samma sak. Allt går inte som man tänkt sig, och effekter uppstår 

även utan avsikt. Det innebär att förhållanden och verksamheter som redan etablerats av 

andra skäl kan komma att benämnas som förebyggande – och vice versa, sådant som tidigare 

betraktats som förebyggande, förlorar denna beteckning. Härav följer också att det kan finnas 

"faktiskt" brottsförebyggande verksamheter som ännu inte, eller inte längre, uppmärksammats 

som sådana. 

En verksamhet kan ursprungligen ha tillkommit med (helt eller delvis) brottsförebyggande 

syfte, men sedan ha permanentats pga. andra funktioner – och vice versa, som när straff i 

efterhand tillskrivs individualpreventiva effekter.4 Om man alltså skiljer mellan vad som 

tillkommit i uttalat brottsförebyggande syfte (vilket ofta gäller projekt idag) och vad som de 

facto har brottsförebyggande effekter, oavsett syfte och huvudfunktion, så kan det visa sig att 

det handlar om olika insatser eller verksamheter. Daghem betecknas som offentlig omsorg 

och service, deras huvudsyfte är att ge barn tillsyn och stimulans och underlätta förvärvsarbete 

hos föräldrarna. Ändå kan de ha brottsförebyggande effekter (se t.ex. Balvig 1979-80). 

"Är behandling utan resultat behandling?" frågar Bergmark och Oskarsson (1994, s. 60) i en 

artikel om alkoholvård, och svarar själva att eftersom så få verksamheter har säkra resultat 

kan detta inte vara ett nödvändigt kriterium på behandling. En verkningslös samtalsterapi 

måste ändå, som aktivitet, beskrivas som terapi. Preventionsbegreppet används visserligen 

sällan som ensam beteckning på en aktivitet som sådan, men i likhet med 

behandlingsbegreppet förutsätter det inte att företeelsen i fråga är framgångsrik. 

Ett syfte kan vara primärt eller sidoordnat. Sveri (1962) kallar bättre bostadsplanering, organiserad 

fritidsverksamhet, höjd levnadsstandard och liknande insatser som "inte direkt syftar till 

att minska brottsligheten men som man antar (åtminstone på längre sikt) skall ha sådan 

effekt" för "indirekt förebyggande åtgärder", till skillnad från de "direkt förebyggande", 

såsom "mer intensiv polisbevakning, kontroll med ungdomens alkoholvanor, inrättande av 

ungdomsgårdar i områden med hög kriminalitetsfrekvens", vilka alltså vidtas i 

brottspreventivt syfte (Sveri 1962, s. 36). 

En verksamhets beteckning svarar ofta mot dess öppna syfte och varierar därmed med 

politiska och ideologiska konjunkturer ("tidsanda"), maktförhållanden och finansieringsmöjligheter. 

I tider med mycket pengar och engagemang för brottspreventiva ändamål kan 

verksamheter (projekt och reguljära) som betecknas som brottsförebyggande antas öka. Men 

det är för den skull inte säkert att omfattningen av verksamheter med brottsförebyggande 

effekter är större i sådana perioder. Dels kan man komma att använda beteckningen för 

verksamheter som hittills bedrivits med andra syften och som kanske saknar 

brottsförebyggande effekter, dels kan verksamheter som faktiskt förebygger brott samtidigt 

avvecklas av andra skäl. 

4 Att "orsaken till någontings uppkomst och den slutliga nyttan, den faktiska användningen av detta något och 

inordnandet av det i ett system av ändamål" är helt olika saker, betonade redan Nietzsche ([1887] 1994), eftersom 

det "förhandenvarande, något som redan kommit till stånd, alltid på nytt tas i bruk för nya ändamål av en eller 

annan överlägsen makt, tas i beslag och utnyttjas för nya syften" (ibid., s. 84 f). 

237


I ett samhälle eller i en tidsperiod där värdet av "lag och ordning" betonas finns det ofta ett 

stort intresse för brottsbekämpning,5 samtidigt som det finns ett ideologiskt motstånd mot 

vissa verksamheter, oavsett deras eventuella brottsförebyggande verkan. Insatser för att förbättra 

barns utvecklingsmöjligheter (t.ex. förskola) är exempelvis, enligt Farrington (1995, s. 

346) svåra att "sälja" till politiker som brottsprevention, eftersom det tar tid innan man ser 

resultaten av dem. En satsning på situationella faktorer kan däremot ge både snabba och 

mätbara resultat, och passar därmed bättre i "projektformen" (se även Gilling 1994, s. 243). 

Såväl syften och beteckningar som funktioner och effekter avseende en verksamhet kan 

förändras över tid – och i olika takt. Vid någon given tidpunkt eller ur någon synvinkel kan de 

stämma överens, men vanligen överlappar de inte varandra helt. Det kan t.ex. finnas element i 

skolundervisningen som betecknas som brottsförebyggande tills det står klart att de inte har 

någon sådan verkan, eller tills de av andra skäl avvecklas. Samma verksamhet kan alltså i en 

tid betecknas som brottsförebyggande, och i en annan som något helt annat, t.ex. straff, 

omsorg, service, utbildning, kultur eller fritidssysselsättning – medan andra inslag kan minska 

brottsligheten utan att någonsin kallas brottsförebyggande, eftersom de har ett annat 

huvudsyfte som inte ifrågasätts. 

Även om en "åtgärds"- och "syftesorienterad" definition av brottsprevention kan te sig 

naturlig för organisationer och myndigheter som planerar att förebygga brott, är den mindre 

lämplig när man vill veta vad som på sikt minskar brottsligheten, oavsett vem som ansvarar 

för verksamheten – och oavsett om den alls kan kallas verksamhet – eller när man vill värdera 

olika företeelser ur brottsförebyggandesynpunkt. 

238 

Betecknas som brottsförebyggande / brottsföreb. syfte 

ja nej 

------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------ 

1 2 

positiva (lyckat) (preventiv sidoeffekt) 

Effekter på ------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------ 

brottsligheten 3 4 

inga (misslyckat) (irrelevant) 

------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------ 

5 6 

negativa (kontrafinalt) (brottsstimulerande) 

Figur 2. Förhållandet mellan brottsförebyggande syften och effekter på brottslighet. 

5 Enligt en opinionsundersökning av SCB på uppdrag av BRÅ och Kommittén för brottsförebyggande arbete 

1996 var över hälften av befolkningen beredd att betala mer skatt för att öka resurserna för att "upprätthålla lag 

och ordning" (Ahlberg & Håkansson 1997), ett mål som också de flesta politiska partierna i Sverige lyft fram 

under det senaste året.


Mitt intryck är att det mesta som skrivs om att förebygga brott handlar om fälten 1 och 3, dvs. 

om verksamheter som betecknas som brottsförebyggande för att de finansieras som sådana 

och har det öppna syftet. I praktiken bedrivs de ofta som projekt, och kunskapen om deras 

resultat samlas in genom utvärderingar som i första hand förväntas svara på om projektet varit 

framgångsrikt (1) eller misslyckats, dvs. inte minskat brottsligheten (3). Negativa effekter på 

brottsligheten av verksamheter som syftar till att förebygga brott beskrivs inom forskning, 

som behandlar t.ex. stämplingseffekter, polisens egen brottslighet, återfall efter straff och 

behandling och sådant som Gary Marx (1981) kallat "den sociala kontrollens ironi" (5). Däremot 

tror jag att mindre intresse generellt har ägnats fält nr 2, även om sannolika "förebyggande" 

effekter var ett viktigt inslag i retoriken under den offentliga sektorns utbyggnad. I USA 

har förskoleverksamhet bedrivits i projektform med brottsförebyggande syfte och givit goda 

utvärderingsresultat (se t.ex. Weikart 1990; Ziegler, Taussig & Black 1992), men pga projektformen 

hamnar det i ruta 1 i ovanstående modell. 

Det sjätte fältet omfattar både åtgärder och förhållanden. "Brottsstimulerande" förhållanden 

utgör naturligtvis en stor del av den traditionella kriminologins empiriska fält, Eftersom 

verksamheter och åtgärder formas av en rad andra faktorer än dem som är relevanta för 

problemets lösning (Blumer 1971; Sahlin-Andersson 1996) finns ingen självklar 

korrespondens mellan (6) och brottspreventiva åtgärder för att förändra dessa förhållanden. 

Ett gränsfall mellan de två nedersta fälten (5 och 6) är när en institution som normalt anses ha 

en brottspreventiv funktion, om än inte ett sådant huvudsyfte, beskrivs som "kriminogen", så 

har t.ex. Walgrave (1982) kallat den traditionella grundskolan i Europa. Analyser av 

"brottsstimulerande" åtgärder, slutligen, får man söka efter i allsidiga utärderingar av olika 

slags projekt, reformer och politiska och ekonomiska beslut, där oönskade och oväntade 

konsekvenser i form av ökad brottslighet konstaterats (jfr Staulcup & Royers 1983, s. 40). 

Att upphöra att förebygga: undersökningsproblem 

Utbyggnaden av barnomsorg och kommunalt organiserad fritidsverksamhet för skolungdomar 

under 1980-talet hade i likhet med de flesta fritids- och kulturprojekt för ungdomar ett öppet 

förebyggande syfte – även om det inte bara var brott som skulle förebyggas. Men när sådana 

verksamheter begränsas eller avvecklas på grund av minskade resurser är syftet varken att 

"sluta förebygga" eller att försämra barns och ungdomars uppväxtförhållanden, än mindre att 

öka brottsligheten. Ändå kan effekterna av nedskärningarna hypotetiskt vara 

"brottsstimulerande". Frågan är då hur man skulle kunna undersöka om sådana effekter 

uppstår. 

Preliminärt kan fyra olika slags problem urskiljas, nämligen brist på begrepp; bristande 

kunskap om verksamheternas brottspreventiva effekter (och i så fall genom vilka mekanismer 

och i vilket tidsperspektiv de förebygger brott); nedskärningarnas karaktär; samt praktiska, 

politiska och vetenskapliga hinder för utvärderingar av "negativa" insatser som avvecklingar 

och nedskärningar, eftersom sådant sker med andra syften. 

Begreppsapparaten 

Det första problemet handlar om att finna ett språk för att beskriva åtgärder och beslut med 

negativa effekter på brottsutvecklingen (dvs. fält 6 i figur 1). 

"Förebygga" kan översättas med att förhindra att något icke önskvärt uppstår. Det förutsätter 

alltså dels att utvecklingen (om man inte gör något) värderas negativt, dels en föreställning 

om att den går att påverka i en önskad riktning. Därmed innebär förebyggande arbete också 

239


en avsikt att intervenera i en utveckling för att förbättra den; vilket för övrigt bidrar till att vi 

"glömmer" verksamheter och förhållanden som kontinuerligt motverkar en negativ 

utveckling. 

Om man alltså utgår från syftet, saknas motsatsord till "brottsförebyggande", eftersom det 

som skall förhindras per definition är oönskat och inte eftersträvansvärt. Beträffande de flesta 

erkända samhällsproblem kan man tänka sig att det någonstans finns ett intresse av att de ökar 

(exempelvis kanske hälsokost- och läkemedelsindustrin får en större marknad om ohälsan 

ökar), men det gäller sannolikt inte brottsligheten; knappast någon kan vilja underlätta eller 

stimulera brottslighet som sådan.6 Individer, grupper och organisationer kan mycket väl vilja 

begå brott, men de har inte målet att stimulera brottslighet i allmänhet. Ingen skulle öppet 

beskriva sina åtgärder som "brottsfrämjande", och det är alltså nästan lika svårt att föreställa 

sig ett dolt sådant syfte. 

Det saknas dessutom begrepp för avsikten att lägga ned eller reducera en verksamhet som 

haft som mål att förebygga brott eller andra problem eller faktiskt fungerat så. Huruvida 

verksamheter med brottspreventiva syften läggs ned har inte mycket med deras framgång eller 

misslyckanden att göra, eftersom sådana beslut inte motiveras med att man vill sluta förebygga, 

utan med t.ex. ekonomiska skäl. Att upphöra med en verksamhet som förebygger brott 

innebär logiskt sett att vidta en åtgärd dom främjar brottslighet, men denna konsekvens 

kommer på sin höjd att nämnas som en negativ sidoeffekt av ett beslut som har andra syften 

och antas få övervägande positiva effekter – eller som anses vara oundvikligt. 

Om man däremot utgår från effekten (att faktiskt påverka en utveckling) skulle motsatsen till 

att förebygga ett problem kunna kallas "främja". Ett begrepp som "brottsfrämjande" eller 

"brottsstimulerande" kan förekomma i en extern kritik av en verksamhet (t.ex. kurser i hembränning, 

vapenförsäljning), ett beslut (t.ex. liberaliserad alkohol- och narkotikalagstiftning) 

eller en åtgärd (t.ex. en indragning av en tullstation), oavsett syftet. Men om tillsyn och aktiviteter 

för barn och ungdomar förhindrar brott borde t.ex. daghem, fritidshem och fritidsgårdar 

ha brottsförebyggande effekter och en nedskärning av sådan verksamhet analogt ha en 

potentiellt brottsstimulerande verkan. 

Effekternas karaktär 

Nästa problem är att avgöra vad i de aktuella institutionerna och verksamheterna som har 

eventuella brottspreventiva effekter. Om offentliga verksamheter för barn och ungdom faktiskt 

förebygger brott, är det ett rimligt antagande (om än inte självklart) att nedskärningar 

medför risk för att brottsligheten ökar. Men det förefaller vara relativt ont om utvärderingar 

av just brottspreventiva effekter av generella insatser som omsorg, hälsovård och skola. För 

att avgöra hur en avveckling eller reducering av sådan verksamhet påverkar brottsligheten bör 

man dessutom helst veta vilka faktorer och mekanismer i dessa insatser som har en 

förebyggande effekt. 

Barnomsorg 

I länder som saknar allmän förskola och offentlig barntillsyn har förskola för underprivilegierade 

barn, respektive barn med beteendestörningar, visat sig förebygga brottslighet i 

ungdomsåren. Ett av de mest kända projekten är Perry Preschool i USA. Svarta 3-4-åriga 

pojkar med låg intelligenskvot från fattiga familjer slumpades ut för deltagande i en tvåårig 

6 Det hindrar inte att det finns politiska och ekonomiska intressen i en ökad rädsla för brott (se Christie 

1993) . 

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förskola med kognitivt orienterad utbildning. Kontrollgruppen var från samma bostadsområde 

och bestod av "tvillingar" som även matchades med avseende på trångboddhet, inkomst och 

huruvida de hade ensamstående föräldrar. Till projektet hörde emellertid också att lärarna 

gjorde täta hembesök och hade månatliga smågruppsmöten med föräldrarna. Vid nitton års 

ålder var medlemmarna i projektgruppen bättre på alla tester, presterade högre, hade mer 

sällan socialbidrag och oftare arbete och högre utbildning än kontrollgruppen. De hade också 

mer sällan gripits av polisen och i så fall för mindre allvarliga brott (Weikart 1989). 

Förklaringen var enligt dem som bedrev forskningsprojektet en positiv snöbollseffekt av att 

barnen kom bättre rustade till grundskolan, medan en utomstående forskare (Seitz 1990) i 

stället har hävdat att den verksamma delen i projektet var lärarnas kontakt med föräldrarna, 

som därmed utvecklades och engagerade sig mer i barnen (Ziegler, Taussig & Black 1990, s. 

1000). 

Ett antal liknande projekt7 har också visat sig ge positiva effekter på kriminaliteten, trots att 

detta inte var den primära uttalade avsikten. Däremot tvistar forskarna om vad i projekten som 

är det verksamma elementet – pedagogiken, barntillsynen, föräldrautbildningen eller stödet 

till föräldrarna. Ziegler, Taussig & Black (1990, s. 1003 f.) menar att det är just kombinationen 

av flera samtidiga stödformer som är effektiv, medan däremot Weikart, som 

tillhörde forskarlaget i Perry Preschool-projektet, framhävt den speciella Piaget-inspirerade 

pedagogiken och dess "barn-initierade lärande", som ger en stimulerande "känsla av makt i 

förhållande till vuxna" (Weikart 1989, s. 294). 

Förutom att effekten av barnomsorgen som sådan inte helt kan skiljas från de övriga inslagen, 

som stöd och utbildning till föräldrarna, är ett tolkningsproblem att man inte vet huruvida 

barnen klarade sig bättre på grund av att deras relativa utgångsläge i skolan förbättrades. 

Paradoxalt nog är just den begränsning av insatsen som gjorde det möjligt att använda sig av 

kontrollgrupper och därmed ge säkra svar om förskolans positiva effekter, ett hinder för 

generalisering till ett samhälle där alla barn erbjuds förskola. Vidare är de offentliga 

skyddsnäten mot fattigdom avsevärt bättre i de nordiska länderna än i USA, och här finns inte 

heller samma grad av etnisk segregation och diskriminering. Det är också möjligt att projekten 

innebar barnomsorg av särskilt hög kvalitet. Trots dessa reservationer är resultaten så 

entydiga att de ger ett mycket starkt stöd för att barnomsorg har en kraftigt 

brottsförebyggande effekt. 

Barnomsorg genom daghem är också en mer eller mindre nödvändig förutsättning för en rad 

av de preventiva program som handlar om pedagogisk inlärning av social kompetens och 

problemlösningsförmåga, vilket visat sig förebygga skolmisslyckanden, social 

missanpassning och kriminalitet (Bloom 1996). Men för detta fordras också tillräckliga 

resurser för att ge barnen något mer än ren tillsyn. Det förefaller som om nedskärningarna 

inom barnomsorgen i Sverige, eftersom de skett i en period av hög arbetslöshet och mindre 

barnkullar, inte minskat behovstäckningen utan i stället tagit sig uttryck i en lägre 

personalkvot, större barngrupper och mindre extraresurser för barn med "särskilda behov".8 

7 T.ex. Syracuse University Family Development Research Program , Yale Child Welfare Research Program, 

Houston Parent-Child Development Center, som alla bedrivits i USA och inriktats på en kombination av tillsyn, 

föräldrastöd och föräldrautbildning och som haft en kontrollgrupp av barn som inte fått del av verksamheten (se 

Ziegler, Taussig & Black 1990). 

8 Det genomsnittliga antalet barn per årsarbetare ökade med 60 % i storstadskommunerna 1992-95, och i hela 

landet ökade det genomsnittliga antalet barn per grupp från 13,8 till 16,7 mellan 1990 och 1995 (SOU 1997:61, s. 

78). 

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Fritidshem 

Under 1970- och 1980-talen byggdes fritidshemsverksamhet för barn i låg- och mellanstadiet 

ut i Sverige och 1987 beslutades att sådan verksamhet skulle bedrivas enligt ett pedagogiskt 

program. År 1993 fastslogs kommunens skyldighet att anordna omsorg för barn upp till och 

med 12 år. Samtidigt har den statliga detaljregleringen minskat i och med att statsbidragen 

skurits ned (Socialstyrelsen 1996, s. 18 ff.). 

Skolbarnomsorg (i form av fritidshem eller dagbarnvårdare) kan ses som en utvidgning av 

samhällets formella kontroll av barn och ungdomar, vad avser både vilken tid av dygnet och i 

vilka åldrar som barn står under vuxen personals formella uppsikt (Svensson 1981, Petersson 

1995). Även om det funnits ett klart brottspreventivt syfte med verksamheten är det oklart om 

det uppnåtts. Ur jämlikhetssynpunkt har det funnits flera brister, bl.a. har fritidshemmen 

ansetts låsa barnen vid segregerade miljöer, och besvärliga barn har tenderat att uteslutas från 

de organiserade aktiviteterna inom fritidshemmens ram (Svensson 1981, s. 157 ff.). Besvärliga 

barn har dessutom ofta varit de som först faller ifrån öppna aktiviteter, samtidigt som 

de mest organiserade barnen, som redan är föreningsaktiva, är de som främst deltar i 

eftermiddagsverksamheterna (ibid., s. 160 f.). De höga avgifterna har sannolikt också 

inneburit att låginkomsttagare inte kunnat utnyttja omsorgsformen i den grad de kanske 

önskat. Vidare visade en undersökning av Socialstyrelsen att barn med psykosociala problem, 

åtminstone jämfört med barn med fysiska eller medicinska funktionshinder, i mindre 

utsträckning hade plats inom skolbarnomsorgen och mindre tillgång till stödresurser om de 

fanns där (Socialstyrelsen 1996, s. 89). 

För dem som ser brottspreventionen ur ett kontrollperspektiv borde det emellertid upplevas 

som problematiskt att fritidshemmen minskat sin täckningsgrad och övergått från "inskriven" 

till öppen verksamhet, varigenom många barn i grundskolan är utan vuxentillsyn under 

eftermiddagarna. 

Fritidsgårdar 

Ett försök att utvärdera fritidgsårdarnas "samhällsnytta" gjordes av Persson (1981) på basis av 

uppgifter från Malmö kommun 1977-78. Han utvecklade en modell för mätning av 

kommunala fritidsgårdars och föreningars förebyggande effekter på ungdomsbrottslighet och 

skadegörelse och prövade den på 40 olika delområden i kommunen, omfattande 70 procent av 

ungdomarna.9 Antalet ungdomsbrott10 och antalet polisanmälda skadegörelser i förhållande 

till antalet ungdomar 7-18 år inom området mättes, liksom "onormala underhållskostnader" 

hos det allmännyttiga bostadsföretaget MKB (Persson 1981, s. 58 ff.). Siffrorna relaterades 

till andelen ungdomar som regelbundet besökte komunala fritidsgårdar, respektive var 

medlemmar i föreningar. 

Andelen ungdomar i åldern 8-15 år som hade s.k. gårdskort, vilket berättigade till besök på 

fritidsgårdarna under kvällstid, varierade mellan 0 och 32 procent i de olika delområdena, 

medan andelen som var medlemmar i någon förening varierade mellan 40 och 79 procent 

(ibid., s. 59 f.). Båda dessa faktorer hade ytligt sett samband med den lokala 

ungdomsbrottsligheten och skadegörelsen. Den statistiska bearbetningen (multipel regression) 

visade emellertid att sambandet mellan föreningsmedlemskap och ungdomsbrottslighet helt 

kunde förklaras av skillnader i "sociala indikatorer" i bostadsområdena, såsom andelen soci- 

9 Områden med mindre än 12 % ungdomar uteslöts ur undersökningen. 

10 Som ungdomsbrott räknades 11 typer av brott, framför allt olika former av stöld, tillgrepp och skadegörelse, 

där enligt nationell statistik minst 41 % av de misstänkta är under 18 år (Persson 1981, s. 59). 

242


alhjälpstagare och utländska medborgare, hushållens medianinkomst och in- och utflyttning 

till områdena (ibid., s. 60). 

Däremot visade den statistiska analysen att ju högre andel ungdomar som besökte fritidsgårdar, 

allt annat lika, desto lägre var ungdomsbrottsligheten och skadegörelsen i bostadsområdet 

(ibid., s. 66 ff.). En jämförande studie mellan två miljonprogramsområden gav å 

andra sidan inget stöd för att den lokala ungdomsbrottsligheten kunde minskas genom att 

öppna en fritidsgård i området. En möjlig tolkning av skillnaderna i resultaten är att den 

brottsförebyggande effekten för individerna bostadsområdet äts upp av att de brott som 

besökarna ändå begår förläggs till trakten omkring fritidsgården, i stället för exempelvis till 

stadens centrum eller andra stadsdelar. 

Resonemanget pekar på att en möjlig motsättning mellan lokala och genrella mål för 

brottspreventionen: Det kan eventuellt löna sig ur brottsskyddsynpunkt för ett enskilt 

bostadsområde att inte ha någon fritidsgård – förutsatt att grannområdet har det – medan 

däremot en allmän nedläggning av fritidsgårdar av utvärderingen att döma skulle öka 

brottsligheten i kommunen.11 

Skola 

Skolans existens är inte ifrågasatt, inte heller dess väsentliga funktion inom brottspreventionen. 

Däremot råder delade meningar om hur den bäst uppfyller denna roll. I det 

nationella brottsförebyggande programmet och t.e.x. Stockholms lokala brottsförebyggande 

program (Brottsförebyggande centrum 1997, s. 29), rekommenderas program mot skolk och 

mobbning, information till föräldrar och samverkan med polis och socialtjänst. Men enligt 

Engel & Hurrelmann (1989, s. 183) är skolor visserligen den mest effektiva preventiva 

institutionen – men bara så länge de koncentrerar sig på sin huvuduppgift, dvs att förmedla 

meningsfull kunskap till sina elever. Skolorna bör därför undvika att bli involverade i en 

social kontroll för andra myndigheters räkning. Liknande slutsatser drar Walgrave (1982). 

Enligt Skolverkets publikation Bilden av skolan 1996 har resursinsatsen per elev i 

grundskolan sjunkit sedan 1990, vilket framför allt tar sig uttryck i en kraftig minskning av 

antalet lärartimmar per elev. Skolklasserna har blivit större och specialundervisningen, mätt i 

antal timmar per elev, reducerades med en tredjedel 1990-1996. Kostnaderna för elevvård har 

ökat, vilket dock främst beror på höjda lokalhyror (Skolverket 1996, s. 69); 

elevvårdspersonalen minskade "avsevärt" i "utsatta" storstadsområden 1993-96 enligt 

Storstadskommittén, och särskilt elever som var utagerande eller hade koncentrationssvårigheter 

eller läs- och skrivsvårigheter fick minskat stöd (SOU 1997:61, s. 101 f.), 

samtidigt som allt färre elever uppgav att "de kan få hjälp då de behöver det" (Skolverket 

1996, s. 30). 

Elever i sjunde och nionde klass som vantrivs i skolan och känner sig ogillade av lärare 

involveras enligt Engel & Hurremann (1989) oftare i asociala och brottsliga aktiviteter. Att 

döma av en enkät till till 934 mellanstadiebarn från ett innerstads- respektive ett förortsområde 

i Stockholm gäller detta även i yngre åldrar.12 De 37 elever som "mycket ofta" 

11 På samma sätt finns en möjlighet att framgångsrikt lokalt brottsförebyggande arbete kan leda till generellt 

ökad brottslighet genom överflyttningseffekter och genom en allmänt minskad tillgång på platser och 

verksamheter för ungdomar. 

12 Enkäten utformades och undersökningen genomfördes av Johanna Graf och Susanna Ruben med finansiering 

av Skolförvaltningen i Stockholm och Socialstyrelsen. Huvudresultqten har publicerats av Socialstyrelsen (1996) 

i rapporten Mellanstadiebarnen – vart tar de vägen på sin fritid? Jag har fått tillgång till datafiler genom Johanna 

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kände olust inför skolan jämfördes med de 386 barn, som "aldrig" gjorde det. Barnen i den 

förra gruppen hade fler dagliga eftermiddagsaktiviteter och idrottade mer och gick något mer 

ofta på fritidshem men deras förhållande till kamrater och vuxna var betydligt sämre. De 

tyckte inte att vuxna lyssnade på dem och kände sig väldigt ofta ogillade av fritidspersonal 

och lärare, fick sällan beröm, kände olust inför raster, hade ofta ont i magen och huvudet och 

var ledsna och missnöjda med sig själva. De hade ofta blivit mobbade och själva mobbat och 

trodde inte att deras kamrater tyckte om dem. Och de hade skolkat, snattat, rökt och druckit 

mer än de barn som trivdes i skolan och åkte dessutom oftare in till city utan vuxnas sällskap. 

De statistiska resultaten visar inte vad som föregått vad i denna otillfredsställande tillvaro 

men kan ge en antydan om att för ett litet antal barn är en upplevelse av att inte vara omtyckt i 

skolan ett fundamentalt problem, för vilket fritidsaktiviteter och fritidshem inte kan 

kompensera. 

Tidsaspekter 

Det tredje undersökningsproblemet rör tidshorisonten. För att empiriskt undersöka eventuella 

"brottsstimulerande effekter" av inskränkningar i offentlig omsorg och service för barn måste 

man för det första ha en uppfattning om huruvida de brottsförebyggande effekterna är omedelbara 

och/eller långsiktiga. Om den verksamma mekanismen är t.ex. just tillsyn för 

stunden, dvs. kontroll och distraktion, skulle en eventuell negativ effekt av nedskärningar 

snabbt visa sig genom att fler brott begicks av de åldersgrupper som fått försämrad tillsyn. 

Om effekten däremot är långsiktig och beror på att verksamheterna ger social träning och 

trygghet som minskar barnens framtida "benägenhet" att begå brott, eller på att de innebär 

tidig upptäckt av och möjlighet till individuella insatser för barn i riskzon, och/eller på att de 

kontinuerligt motverkar skador från en olämplig hemmiljö, står man inför samma problem 

som vid utvärdering av många "sociala" insatser med brottsförebyggande syfte, nämligen 

svårigheten att kontrollera betydelsen av andra orsaksfaktorer.13 

Nedskärningarnas karaktär 

Det fjärde problemet är svårigheten att avgöra vad nedskärningarna i praktiken innebär för de 

verksamheter och individer och grupper som drabbas. 

Variationer i brottsnivån kan betraktas som ett resultat av å ena sidan brottsstimulerande, å 

andra sidan brottsförebyggande insatser och förhållanden. Därmed blir de också föremål för 

rivaliserande förklaringar. En ökad brottslighet härleds av somliga till ökad utslagning och 

ungdomsarbetslöshet, av andra till bristande kontroll eller till för höga eller för låga straff. En 

väsentlig fråga är därför i vilken riktning olika slags förhållanden och insatser av relevans för 

brottsligheten förändras. Nedläggning av reguljära fritidsutbud för ungdomar kan bytas ut mot 

föreningsdrivna fritidsprojekt eller polisledda föräldravandringar; minskning av skolpersonalen 

kan kompenseras av mer behandlingsresurser, strängare disciplin eller stängda butiker i 

skolans närhet. Kompositionen av insatser, verksamheter och förhållanden av betydelse för 

brottsligheten är inte bara en följd av samhällsklimatet, utan kan också förstärka takten och 

tendenserna i en klimatförändring på ett sätt som kanske inte någon avsett, men som i sin tur 

kan ha en självständig inverkan på brottslighetens utveckling. 

Graf och utfört några beräkningar på materialet. 

13 Se t.ex. Fauske (1987), som för en diskussion om svårigheterna att direkt koppla brottslighetens faktiska 

utveckling till dess ors aker. 

244


Nedskärningar inom omsorg och service kan medföra lägre täckningsgrad, mindre personaltäthet, 

större barn-, elev- eller ungdomsgrupper, kortare öppettider, ändrade åldersgränser, 

hårdare platskonkurrens och/eller fler avvisningar och avstängningar, och sårbarheten 

för olika sådana förändringar kan variera mellan olika individer, grupper och åldrar. 

En utvärdering av nedskärningars eventuella brottsstimulerande effekter förutsätter alltså en 

uppfattning inte bara om vilka grupper, brott eller situationer som påverkas av offentliga 

insatser, utan också vilka som faktiskt drabbas när resurserna för service, omsorg och tillsyn 

minskas. Jämfört med 1980 hade antalet barn per anställd inom barnomsorgen 1996 ökat med 

i genomsnitt 30 procent (Arbetet Nyheterna 961105). Nedskärningarna inom barnomsorgen 

var i början av 1990-talet "exceptionellt stora" i storstädernas mest "utsatta stadsdelar" (SOU 

1997:61, s. 76). I genomsnitt ökade andelen barn per årsarbetare med 60 procent i 

storstäderna 1992-95 och i landet som helhet ökade barngrupperna från i genomsnitt 13,8 till 

16,7 barn mellan 1990 och 1995 (ibid., s. 78). 

Enligt en mindre, kvalitativ studie av nedskärningarnas effekter på förskolor i Malmö har de 

större barngrupperna medfört en hårdare styrning av barnens aktiviteter och mindre utrymme 

för såväl fri lek som kontakt med enskilda barn (Johansson 1996). Nya budgetmodeller med 

s.k. resultatenheter bidrog vidare till å ena sidan en tendens hos personalen att definiera allt 

fler barn som i behov av "särskilt stöd"14, å andra sidan en benägenhet hos kommunen att 

reservera beteckningen för fysiskt handikappade barn (ibid.). 

Sparbeting och begränsningar av verksamheterna kan även resultera i generellt höjda egenavgifter 

eller ändrade avgiftssystem. Det kan exempelvis leda till att bara föräldrar med goda 

inkomster har råd med barnomsorg,15 eller att tillsynstiden begränsas trots oförändrat behov, 

eller att insatsen subventioneras men blir behovsprövad, så att bara barn med "särskilda 

behov" eller i "riskzon" får del av den. I de två första fallen kan man å andra sidan anta att 

många barn "i riskzon" inte alls, eller inte i tillräcklig grad, får del av servicen. 

Men även i det fall då insatser behovsprövas kan problem uppstå för barn i "riskzon". Om 

barnens umgänge med "dåliga kamrater" har negativ betydelse kan behovsprövningen 

innebära att de positiva effekterna av omsorgen motverkas, eftersom hela barngruppen då har 

problem eller hög risk för problem. Sannolikheten att det finns resursstarka familjer som kan 

upprätthålla kvalitetskrav minskar samtidigt. Barnomsorgen har under de senaste decennierna 

"sprängt fattigdomsskalet" (Sunesson 1990, s. 53), vilket lett till att den till skillnad från 

behovsprövat bistånd upphört att vara stigmatiserande. Om service och omsorg på nytt begränsas 

till "utsatta grupper" kan man omvänt befara att de byggs in i ett "fattigdomsskal" 

med åtföljande negativa konsekvenser för de berörda. Det är å andra sidan också möjligt att 

behovsprövning kan ge "högriskbarn" relativa fördelar och därmed kompensation för 

eventuella övriga tillkortakommanden och resursbrister jämfört med andra barn (jfr t.ex. 

syftet med stödundervisning), vilket kan ge positiva effekter för dem som fortfarande får del 

av den aktuella insatsen (se Farrington 1995, s. 346). 

Det finns vidare anledning att undersöka hur nedskärningarna drabbar de barn som inte 

identifierats som individer med särskilda behov, men som ändå kännetecknas av några 

14 I stadsdelen Rosengård i Malmö bedömdes 70 procent av barnen vara i behov av "särskilt stöd", framför allt 

pga. språkförsvåringar eller språkförseningar (SOU 1997:61, s. 81). 

15 Drygt 57 % av de mest utsatta – dvs. de fattigaste – stadsdelarna inom landets storstadsområden höjde taxorna 

under 1995 (SOU 1997:61, s. 80). Enligt ett tidningsreferat av en utgiven LO-rapport (Barnomsorg, 

förvärvsarbete och jämställdhet, Nelander 1996) har egenavgifternas andel av totalkostnaderna för barnomsorg 

fördubblats sedan 1980 (Arbetet Nyheterna 961105). 

245


förhållanden, som brukar räknas som riskfaktorer, såsom att ha fattiga, ensamstående eller 

arbetslösa föräldrar. I mer än var tredje kommun måste barnen år 1996 lämna den kommunala 

barnomsorgen om en förälder är arbetslös, vilket under 1994 gällde 40 procent av LOhushållen. 

Tillsammans med avgiftshöjningar bidrar detta till att många barn till 

låginkomsttagare i praktiken utestängs från barnomsorg (Arbetet Nyheterna 961105). 

Designproblem 

Det femte problemet gäller möjligheten att göra en "inverterad utvärdering". Inom socialpolitik 

är det ovanligt svårt att genomföra forskning med en experimentliknande design, 

vilken fordrar att insatser sätts in lokalt och avgränsat i ett område eller för en grupp, 

samtidigt som en kontrollgrupp med i övrigt likartade förhållanden och förutsättningar inte får 

del av den. Nedskärningar inom skola och omsorg sker inte i ett vakuum, utan i en miljö där 

andra förändringar pågår samtidigt. För att undersöka deras eventuella effekter på 

brottsligheten måste man därför också studera andra förhållanden och orsaker som har 

betydelse för brottsutvecklingen, liksom vad som görs för att kompensera för negativa 

konsekvenser. 

För det första; vad gäller mätning av omedelbara effekter finns ingen given överensstämmelse 

mellan var barn bor, går i skolan, respektive deltar i eventuella fritidsaktiviteter å ena sidan, 

och var de begår brott, vandaliserar, stör eller slåss å andra sidan. Vad gäller långsiktiga 

effekter, får man räkna med att barnen och deras familjer flyttar och byter skolor och 

naturligtvis exponeras för en rad andra åtgärder och "orsaksfaktorer", som i sin tur förändras 

under årens lopp. 

För det andra; myndigheter är skyldiga att behandla kommunbefolkningen rättvist, och i varje 

enskilt fall motverka negativa effekter av ett ojämnt utbud. Om exempelvis en kommundel 

har och en annan saknar skolbarnomsorg, kan man förvänta att barn från den förra, om de 

anses vara i särskilt behov av det, ändå får plats på fritidshemmet eller omsorg i någon 

alternativ form. Med andra ord kommer selektiva insatser att tas i anspråk i varierande 

utsträckning för att kompensera förlusten av generella insatser, vilket försvårar mätningar av 

effekter. 

För det tredje; det går givetvis inte att förbjuda vare sig allmänheten, organisationer eller 

kommunala förvaltningar att utveckla alternativa verksamheter för att direkt kompensera för 

brister i det kommunala utbudet, t.ex. i form av privata, lokala arrangemang för barntillsyn, 

som kanske inte alltid är offentligt kända. 

För det fjärde; en kommun eller kommundel kan inte hållas "projektfri". I såväl ett "experimentområde" 

som i kontrollområdet kan man förvänta sig ett antal större eller mindre 

satsningar på verksamheter av annan karaktär, som har möjliga brottsförebyggande effekter. 

Det är t.ex. rimligt att anta att information om eventuell ökad brottslighet i ett område eller 

inom en åldersgrupp bemöts med lokala brottsförebyggande projekt, som syftar till att 

motverka den negativa utvecklingen. Därmed ökas också konkurrensen mellan olika förklaringar 

till de förändringar som följer därefter (eller uteblir). 

I dessa fyra avseenden är mätproblemen likartade dem man möter vid utvärdering av projekt 

med brottsförebyggande syften. Men beträffande nedskärningar tillkommer även andra 

svårigheter. Reducering eller avveckling inom socialpolitik och omsorg är sällan av "försökskaraktär" 

utan resultat av mer eller mindre definitiva beslut, som dessutom ofta presenteras 

som oundvikliga, och därför i princip irreversibla. Att förändringarna genomförs utan 

246


externa anslag och i syfte att spara pengar gör det ännu svårare att motivera beslutsfattarna att 

utvärdera effekterna, i synnerhet som uppmärksamheten på eventuella oönskade konsekvenser 

av verksamhetsförändringen i form av ökad brottslighet definitivt inte underlättar beslutets 

genomförande. Jämfört med en vanlig utvärdering kan man därför vänta sig mindre hjälp och 

intresse från involverade aktörer och beslutsfattare med mätningar och kartläggningar, mindre 

anslag till utvärderingar, och samtidigt – förhoppningsvis – mer ansträngningar från dessa 

aktörers sida att motverka de eventuella effekter som undersökningen efter hand kan komma 

att antyda. 

Som komplement till sådana mätningar av "oönskade effekter" av nedskärningar måste man 

därför antagligen använda olika mått som enligt annan forskning visat sig fungera som "prediktorer" 

för brottslighet och annat "asocialt" beteende, t.ex. kamratrelationer, hälsa och skoltrivsel, 

som kan avläsas omedelbart. Sådana indikatorer har dessutom ett allmänt inresse, 

utöver vad de kan förutsäga om brottslighetens utveckling. 

Sammanfattning 

Brottspreventionen – och forskningen om den – präglas av interaktionen mellan sociala, 

politiska och forskningsmässiga förändringsprocesser. 

Det pågår, för det första, en reell förändring av samhällsstrukturen i termer av ökad ojämlikhet, 

ökad arbetslöshet, kvalitetsförsämringar inom skola och barnomsorg samt ökad etnisk 

och socioekonomisk segregation. Till skillnad från tidigare (avsiktliga) strukturförändringar 

motiveras den inte primärt av önskan att skapa ett bättre samhälle, inklusive förebygga sociala 

problem och orättvisor, utan av argumentet att den är ekonomiskt nödvändig eller oundviklig. 

För det andra har brottspreventionens inriktning förändrats, från att ha varit till stor del 

inbakad i en allmän prevention av sociala problem genom strukturella insatser och miljöförbättrande 

åtgärder, över en inriktning på att socialisera den unga generationen till 

samhällslojala medborgare, till insatser som mer specifikt är inriktade på att förebygga brott 

genom ökad kontroll av individer och platser. Denna inriktning implicerar ett kontrollteoretiskt 

perspektiv på brottslighet, vilket mycket riktigt fått ökat utrymme i den svenska 

brottspreventionsdiskursen, som också lagt ökad tonvikt vid situationell prevention och i 

någon mån vid möjligheterna att tidigt upptäcka barn med hög risk för framtida kriminalitet. 

Förutom dessa förändringsprocesser finns en historiskt betingad brist på begrepp, kunskap 

och praktiska och politiska möjligheter att bedriva forskning om "inverterad prevention", dvs. 

sociala förändringar och politiska åtgärder med potentiellt negativa effekter på brottsligheten. 

Konskevenser för brottsligheten av avveckling och nedskärning av verksamheter som tidigare 

ansetts brottsförebyggande osynliggörs eftersom diskursen om brottsprevention framför allt 

uppehåller sig vid åtgärder som har ett brottsförebyggande syfte, och inte vid verksamheter 

med brottsförebyggande effekter. Vi saknar därför begrepp för att beskriva beslut och åtgärder 

som kan resultera i ökad brottslighet, såsom när man upphör med eller reducerar 

verksamheter med brottspreventiva effekter. Även om sådana beslut aldrig syftar till att öka 

brottsligheten, utan t.ex. till att spara, kan de i realiteten ha "brottsfrämjande" effekter. 

Om man skulle vilja undersöka "brottsfrämjande effekter" av nedskärningar i den sociala 

omsorgen och servicen för barn och ungdomar uppstår flera problem. Ett av dessa är att det 

ofta inte är utrett vilka mekanismer i generellt tillgängliga verksamheter som har 

247


brottsförebyggande effekter och i vilket tidsperspektiv de fungerar. Ett annat är att nedskärningarna 

konkret kan ta sig många olika uttryck och drabba olika grupper i olika 

kommuner. 

Slutligen finns det ett antal problem förknippade med undersökningsdesignen. I likhet med 

situationen vid andra utvärderingar av brottsförebyggande åtgärder är det svårt att hålla andra 

orsaksfaktorer "konstanta" vid mätning av långsiktiga effekter och man kan (lyckligtvis) inte 

undvika kompensatoriska motåtgärder för drabbade grupper. För "inverterade utvärderingar" 

tillkommer problemet att beslutsfattarna sannolikt inte är motiverade att bidra till 

undersökningar av eventuella negativa effekter av deras besparingsbeslut, eller att genomföra 

avvecklingar etappvis eller som försöksverksamheter. 

Någon omfattande utvärdering av hur nedskärningar av offentlig omsorg och utbildning 

ökade inkomstklyftor och andra förändringar av barns och ungdomars uppväxtvillkor påverkar 

brottslighetens utveckling kanske aldrig kommer att kunna genomföras. Men det bör inte 

hindra oss från att diskutera risken för sådana konsekvenser, eller från att vidga perspektivet 

på vad brottsprevention kan vara utöver de åtgärder som i en given tid står högst på 

statsmakternas dagordning. 

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Nils Christie, Professor 


St. Olavs plass, N-0130 Oslo 1 

e-mail: nils.christie@jus.uio.no 

Forebyggelse1 

1. Innledning. 

Historien om Hans Brinkers er velkjent i Holland, og kanskje blant oss også, om jeg minner 

om den. Det var storm i Holland, bølgene rullet tungt mot dikene. I tillegg var det høyvann, ja 

ikke bare høyvann, men springflo. Hans var ute ved dikene. Han fikk øye på et lite hull hvor 

vannet stod inn i en stråle. Jord og grus ble revet med, snart ville det bli et digert hull, dikene 

ville revne og land stå under vann. Resolutt satte han knytteneven inn i hullet. Lekkasjen 

stoppet. Men ingen så ham, så slik måtte han bli stående natten til ende. Men han nådde sitt 

mål. Hans lille knytteneve forebygget at vannet skulle sluke hele området. Men vi ser ham for 

oss, der ute ved dikene. Utenfor er havet, stort, tungt, og farlig. Ruvende over ham. Akkurat 

som kriminaliteten som truer der ute. Også et hav som presser på, en mørk mengde, noe 

farlig, noe vi må beskytte oss imot. 

Her er vi ved noen av de første vanskeligheter med forebyggelsesbegrepet. Fore-bygge, altså 

bygge opp foran noe. Siden det skal bygges beskyttelse mot noe, må jo dette noe være 

uønsket. På dansk griper man til latin og taler om det kriminal-pre-ventive råd, altså noe som 

går foran hendelsen. At hendelsen er uønsket, blir ytterligere understreket ved at det er 

"kriminalitet" som det skal bygges opp foran, eller pre-venteres. Kriminalitetsforebyggelse er 

David mot Goliat. Jeg vil være med på Goliats side. 

Men dette går for fort. La oss stoppe opp og se på noen sentrale kriminalitetsforebyggende 

virksomheter. Men det er ikke lett å avgrense begrepet. Som Hedda Giertsen (1994) sier om 

forebyggelsesbegrepet, - "altfor bredt og altfor smalt". Alt kan kalles forebyggelse, når det 

passer dem som bruker ordet, det er "et magisk begrep som samler nasjonen og åpner 

pengesekken" (s. 296). Berl Kutchinsky (1990) omtaler fire grunnformer av forebyggelse; for 

det første ved å skape fysiske eller elektroniske barrierer, for det annet ved å skape indre 

barrierer hos menneskene, for det tredje ved å redusere behovene, og så som det fjerde å 

skape legale alternativ. Jeg velger en litt annen inndeling i tre hovedtyper: Den første går på 

fysisk utestenging fra eget territorium av de truende farer. Den annen går på påvirkning av 

individer, hindre at mennesker utvikler seg i en slik retning at de kan komme til å utgjøre en 

trussel. Den tredje kriminalpreventive mulighet ligger i å endre de grunnleggende 

forutsetninger for at uønsket atferd skal finne sted. 

Det blir bare noen hovedtrekk ved den kriminalitetsforebyggende virksomhet jeg her samler 

meg om. Noe av det jeg tar opp er allerede påpekt av de forskjellige kriminalpolitiske råd i 

Norden, eller i drøftelser i regi av disse råd2. Dette blir et essay - altså et forsøk - for å få fram 

1 Noe bearbeidet foredrag holdt på forskerseminar arrangert av Nordisk Samarbeidsråd for Kriminologi, Finland 

1998. Takk til konferansedeltakerne for innspill etter foredraget, og til Louk Hulsmann, Heidi Mork Lomell, 

Hedda Giertsen og Nina Jon for momenter og referanser på forhånd. 

2Et særlig interessant eksempel på parallelle resonnement til mine egne finner jeg i Hannu Takalas (1997) 

analyse av "Urban Criminality and built Environment" 

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en helhet som kanskje kan motvirke i det minste min egen tendens til slapp godtakelse av 

tiltak som ser ut til å ha en selvinnlysende nytteverdi. 

2. Utestenging. 

Utestengingen kan illustreres ved å tenke seg noen enkle sirkler. Innerst har vi det private, 

barrikadert bakom en rekke murer. Her er vi vant til å tenke på huset eller leiligheten. Men så 

kom jeg til å se meg om, der jeg satt i stuen og skrev. Soveværelsedøren var lukket. Den 

innerste sirkel i det moderne liv er rommet, - a room for oneself. Da jeg i en fjern fortid skulle 

ha bygget utedo på en sommerhytte, spurte snekkeren om vi ville ha en enseters eller toseters, 

- d.v.s. to hull ved siden av hverandre. Jeg angrer stadig på at jeg grepet av moderniteten ba 

om bare ett hull. I vår ikke fjerne fortid fantes en felles seng for de fleste, og så et bord i 

sentrum for de fleste aktiviteter, fødselsøyeblikket var et offentlig anliggende, dødsøyeblikket 

likeså. Symbolet på den moderne husholdning er nøkkelen på innsiden av baderomsdøren. 

Soveromsdøren trenger ingen nøkkel, ingen går inn der uten å høre til eller være spesielt 

invitert. 

Den innerste beskyttende ring slås om den enkelte, til nød om de to, eller blant 

småbarnfamilier muligens rundt dem alle. Men så kommer en kraftig ring. Denne gang rundt 

huset eller leiligheten, the apartment, appartemente, ja nettopp, det adskilte. Jeg har vært 

invitert hjem til folk med to låser og dessuten jernbeslag i kryss over inngangsdøren. Folk 

som bor i småhus har lås på vinduer, lydalarm og direkte linje til politistasjon eller privat 

vaktselskap. Om de flytter fra sine småhus, sine små fort i skogen, angis grunnen av og til å 

være at de vil inn i en boligblokk hvor de er bedre beskyttet ved at det bare er en dør inn i 

leiligheten, og så i tillegg en permanent dør ut av blokken. Til ytterdøren er det callingsystem, 

kanskje også fjernsyn så man kan se hvem som ber om å bli sluppet inn. Finn Carling3 har 

skrevet en novelle hvor en søster i nød ikke ble sluppet inn fordi fjernesynsbildet av den 

nødstedte utenfor døren var for uklart. Men boligblokken kan jo også sikres på andre måter. 

Den latinske tradisjon er portnerkonen. Mange steder er hun nå videreutviklet, først ved å bli 

en hann, deretter ved at hannen blir bevæpnet, deretter ved at han flyttes ut i et lite vakttårn 

utenfor porten, men da knyttet sammen med et høyt nettinggjerde eller en mur som går 

utenfor og rundt hele boligblokken, deretter ved at denne ytre mur eller gjerde får piggtråd på 

topp, eller som jeg også har sett, at det på toppen av muren plasseres et elektrisk gjerde. 

Lyskastere på mur eller gjerde står selvfølgelig på natten igjennom, samtidig som 

fjernsynskameraer knyttet til skjermer inne i vakttårnet hele tiden gir et skarpt bilde av hva 

som skjer rundt hele boligblokken. Så om huset kan vi sette en tydelig sirkel. Den avspeiler 

bare hva mange steder allerede er satt der i praksis. 

Og vi kan sette nye ringer. Vi kan i tråd med råd fra ledende teoretikere og praktikere på 

kriminalitetsforebygging også sette en ring rundt hele bolig-kvartalet. Kvartalet, eller hele 

nabolaget bør lages så man ser hvem som er hvem, eller kanskje heller; hvem som ikke er 

hvem, hvem som ikke er en av dem som hører til. Oversiktlige gater, ingen krinkelkroker hvor 

ukjente kan skjule seg, kantsten mot fortauet som markerer at gresset innenfor er privat 

eiendom. Ytterligere en mulighet ligger i å gi det offentlige rom status som privat. Når 

handdlegater og hele kvartaler blir privat, blir kontrollen enklere. Som Bottoms og Wiles 

(1996) peker på, gjør denne konverteringen det mulig å holde uønskede personer borte. Den 

edrue omstreifer eller boms kan ikke nektes å gå på Kungsgatan eller Strøget eller 

Esplanaden, men om handlegaten blir halvprivat, har han ingen selvfølgelig rett til adgang. 

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Men andre løsninger er også mulig. Representative kvartaler kan avskjermes ved at det, som i 

Los Angeles, legges motorveier mellom dem og nærliggende slumstrøk. Eller på enklere vis: 

Benkene på buss-holdeplassene lages så korte at ingen fristes til å legge seg ned på dem. 

Andre offentlige benker - om man da drister seg til å ha slike - kan lages så de også bare 

egner seg for korttidssitting. På Hovedbanegården i København har man fjernet alle benker i 

den store hallen, og i tillegg innført forbud mot at noen setter seg ned på gulvet. Da bilene 

kom til New York ble det sett på som et stort hygienisk fremskritt. Byen måtte bygges om. 

Bilene tok livsgrunnlaget fra grisene. Gatene ble asfaltert og grisehusene mer verdt som 

leiegårdsgrunn. Hestemøkken forsvant også. Før måtte man gå i sjøstøvler på Fifth Avenue. 

Og fremskrittene fortsetter, nå under kriminologers lederskap i kampen mot de istykkerslåtte 

vindusruter - the theory of the broken windows - og i kampen mot dem som underlig nok ser 

ut til helst å ville leve hvor vinduene er knust. 

Kampen for å skape det kriminalitetsfrie rom, har to mulige ytterpunkter. Det ene er å stenge 

de uønskede totalt ute, hvilket i praksis betyr inne i et fengsel. Det andre er å sperre seg selv 

inne. Den første løsning avspeiles i hva som foregår i New York akkurat nå. Det er å ta 

kriminalitetsforebyggelsestanken til sitt ytterpunkt. Det er lettere å stanse en bekk enn en elv, 

lettere å stanse en elv enn en flod, mer effektivt å arrestere en som sniker på trikken enn en 

som i andre sammenhenger sikkert både skyter og bedrar, mer effektivt å stoppe en tagger enn 

den ransmann han snart vil bli, og under enhver omstendighet et gode å arrestere folk som 

drikker og senere urinerer på gaten. Man kunne, som Hannu Takala sier i APROPÅ (1997, 

s.41-42) satset på offentlige urinaler framfor politi, men da ble man jo ikke kvitt de uønskede. 

Utfra gartnerstatens tankegang, jeg anvender her Zygmunt Baumans begrep (1997) om at 

statens sentrale oppgave er å få fjernet ugresset, er selvfølgelig innesperring langt mer egnet 

enn hva som bare ville være en vedlikeholdelse ved urinaler, en vedlikeholdelse som gjorde 

det mulig for de uønskede å forbli i gatene. USA har snart et fangetall på 2 millioner, mens 

Russland har 1,3 millioner. Jeg har redegjort for dette i en artikkel om Straffens geografi, 

(Christie 1997). Intet tyder på at veksten vil stoppe opp. For meg står denne utvikling som 

prevesjonstankens ytterpunkt. 

Det annet ytterpunkt i bestrebelsene på å skape det kriminalitetsfrie rom er beskrevet av 

Flemming Balvig (1995). Konkret gjelder det et område i utkanten av Sacramento, 

hovedstaten i California, men samme løsning finnes også andre steder, i og utenfor USA. 

Istedenfor å stenge de uønskede ute fra nabolaget, stenger man seg selv inne. Man setter ikke 

bare en mur rundt leiegården, men om hele nabolaget, og så slipper vaktene i porten bare inn 

folk med gyldig pass eller andre håndfaste bevis på at man har rett til å få komme. Flemming 

Balvig fikk ikke lov, ved første forsøk, og det forstår jeg godt etter å ha lest hva han senere 

skrev. Men Sacramentoløsningen er selvfølgelig i full harmoni med hva statsdannelser alle 

steder foretar seg. De rike i Sacramento forebygger kriminalitet ved å slå en ring om seg. På 

samme vis slår stater, særlig de rike stater, ringer om seg og forsøker å holde sine fremmede 

ute. Og akkurat nå, i Europa, slår de aller rikeste stater seg sammen for å holde hele 

samlingen av fremmede ute fra sine territorier. Demningene skyves lenger ut mot havet. Nye 

land som skal være med, må love å bygge like sikre demninger, samt å hjelpe hverandre med 

å holde det uønskede borte innen dikene. Hvis kriminologer ønsket å være ide-imperialister, 

kunne vi jo si at det var vi som fant på hele Schengen-avtalen! Tanken om kriminalitetsforebygging, 

er den seierende tanke, de seirendes tanke. Thomas Mathiesen (1997, 1998 A) har i 

sin stedige kritikk av Schengen tatt opp et helt sentralt tema. 

Med dette er vi ferdige med sirklene. Men ikke helt. Vi må tilbake til den innerste sirkel. 

Badeværelset er låst, soveværelset er hellig. Kun fantasien setter grenser for hva her kan skje. 

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Kanskje blir noen slått bakom døren, eller seksuelt krenket. Eller ikke gitt tilstrekkelig stell og 

omsorg. Derfor er det her en motgående bevegelse i gang. Utestengingen av de vanlige fører 

til statskontrollørenes innmarsj. Det er helt naturlig. Privatiseringen, eller som romerne så det, 

de-priveringen, fører til at det er vanskelig å etablere likevekt i makt i de lukkede rom. Det 

reises derfor krav om at systemene må kunne tvangsåpnes for å hjelpe svake parter. Politiet 

blir den funksjonelle ekvivalent til storfamilie, til de gammeldagse "inneboende", eller til 

vaktsomme naboer. Kvinnen blir anmelder, i England fengslet om hun ikke opprettholder 

anmeldelsen, og mannen blir som voldsmann eller sedelighetsforbryter å regne. Fortsatte 

lovbrudd kan mest effektivt forebygges ved at mannen får varig opphold i lukket institusjon 

samt oppslag i nabolaget om hvem han er og hvor han bor om han noengang løslates, i mindre 

ekstreme tilfelle ved at han får forbud mot å nærme seg nabolaget. En annen variant, om 

saken ennå ikke er blitt en sak for statskontrollører, er at kvinnen flykter til krisesenter, og 

deretter til et godt avlåst bosted helt for seg selv. For kvinner uten annet sosialt nettverk enn 

familien betyr dette en sosial død. Rachel Paul ved Institutt for Kriminologi i Oslo er i gang 

med en studie av indiske og pakistanske alternativer til denne løsning. 

Det går en linje gjennom hva som hittil er beskrevet. Ord som faller i tankene er slike som 

utstøting, utskillelse, frasortering, apartheid. Man slår en ring om seg og sitt og får de 

fremmede, det farlige, bort fra sin nærhet. Interneringen er den naturlige konsekvens av denne 

type kriminalitetsforebygging. Visse typer internering har dessuten et dobbelt formål. Jeg 

tenker på almenprevensjonen. Det er interessant å registrere hvorledes de forskjellige 

kriminalitetsforebyggende råd i Norden ikke legger seg tett opp til almenprevensjonen, ikke 

agiterer for denne, ikke gjør noen hovedsak ut av at de vil ha mer straff. 

Almenprevensjonstilhengerne agiterte jo for forebyggelse lenge før vi fikk noen råd for slik 

virksomhet. Almenprevensjonen er en krystallisering av viktige sider av forebyggelsestanken. 

Man piner den ene for at andre ikke skal gjøre som den pinte gjorde. Dette er 

kriminalitetsforebygging i første potens. Hvorfor står ikke dette som punkt nummer en på 

rådenes virksomhetsplaner? Jeg skal komme tilbake til spørsmålet. Men først til den annen 

type prevensjonstanke. Det er; 

3. Tanken om den skjeve sjel. 

På ny en innlysende tanke, denne gang i pakt med Bibelens ord. La de små barn komme til 

oss, så skal vi rette opp feilvaren og de vil vokse opp til å bli verdifulle borgere i landet. Eller, 

om de er litt eldre, la oss ved barnevernets eller behandlingsprofesjonenes hjelp rette opp 

defektene de allerede måtte være blitt påført. Eller, om de atpå til allerede har snublet i 

straffelovens bestemmelser, la oss sette inn med omfattende tiltak for å føre dem tilbake til 

kretsen av lovlydige borgere. 

Bokhyllelengden må trolig angis i kilometer når det gjelder omfanget av litteraturen om disse 

bestrebelser. Mye er gladmeldinger i rapporter fra behandlere. Per og Kari fikk det bedre etter 

ett eller annet tiltak, kriminalitetstruet ungdom er tauet inn, oppholdet på Solgløtt betød et 

avgjørende vendepunkt. 

Men innimellom gladmeldingene kommer jo også en og annen dystrere tone. Helt tilbake til 

Cambridge-Sommerville-studien kommer det små utrop om at det ikke alltid går så bra. 

Cambridge-Sommerville, - det var det elegante og gigantiske eksperiment hvor man ga 

halvparten av all kriminalitetstruet ungdom den maksimale psykoterapeutiske og praktiske 

hjelp, og den annen halvpart ingenting. Og så gikk det best med denne annen halvpart 

(McCord 19). 

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Sikker er ikke saken. Man kan visst ikke lenger ut fra de best kontrollerte studiene bastant 

konkludere at intet virker, nothing works (Martinson 1974). Noe ser ut til å virke. Litt. Men 

det må samtidig kunne sies at de skjeve sjelers oppretting neppe kan være kongeveien i 

kriminalitetsforebyggelsens tjeneste. Dette henger sammen med to forhold. 

For det første; vi vet ikke hvem som har de største behov for innsats, hvilke barn trenger 

ekstra innsats og hvilke klarer seg på egen hånd uansett handicaps. Løvetannbarna kalles de i 

Norge, slike planter som mot alle odds bryter seg opp gjennom asfalten. Blant de eldre, blant 

slike hvor man ønsker å forebygge gjentagelse av alvorlig kriminalitet, er forholdet helt det 

samme. Vår evne til forutsigelse av farlighet er ikke til stede, og vil ikke bli det så lenge 

mennesker er mennesker, og derved med evne og vilje til valg, -kfr. her f.eks. Mathiesen 

(1998 B) og for psykiatriske pasienter Rund (1997). 

Det annet forhold som vanskeliggjør forebyggelsen, ligger i at den hånd som hjelper, også 

brenner. Kriminalitetsforebyggelse er kriminalitetspåminnende. La oss bruke ungdom som 

eksempel. Vi vet at de fleste ungdommer som får problem med f.eks. stoffbruk, også er 

innehavere av en rekke andre problem. De vil regelmessig ha flere tidligere sår i sjelen, de er 

fattigere enn de fleste, de har mindre av et vanlig nettverk rundt seg, de har færre til å liste og 

lirke dem inn i arbeidslivet, de har nitten områder hvor de trenger hjelp. Og så velger man ut 

område nummer tretten, kaller dem narkomane og hekter dem inn i tiltak rettet mot denne 

tilstand. Det er ikke vanskelig å forstå at så skjer. En god del av problemene denne 

ungdommen sliter med er felles for mange. Det ville kreve omfattende samfunnsendringer å 

gjøre noe med dem. Narkomani er både bedre avgrenset og mer forskrekkende. Det er mye 

lettere å få penger til et "narkosenter" enn til et "ungdom må få det bra-senter". Det er lettere å 

få penger til det Kyvsgaard (1990) kaller sekundærforebygging eller enda lettere til 

tertiærforebygging, enn til primærforebygging rettet mot alle barn og unge. Det er ganske 

enkelt penger i kriminaliteten. Kan man love nedgang i kriminaliteten, eller en av dens 

avarter, er det store muligheter for å få finansiert tiltak som også ut fra andre hensyn kan være 

meget fornuftige. Mange narkokollektiv gjør et fint arbeid, også med alt det andre som plager 

folkene der, som vennemangel og skrøpelige selvbilder. Men narko står det over døren eller 

på himmelen over husene. Og narko står det brent inn på pannen til dem som går derfra. 

Med innsikt om disse forhold er det naturlig å gå et skritt videre og drøfte hva vi kunne kalle; 

4. Kriminalitetsforebyggingens ikke-tema. 

Vi vet jo hva det er. Det er helheten. Fengslene er fylt med fattigfolk, noen litt skjevere enn 

andre. Velstående skjeve kommer annet sted hen. Det er jo helt klart, for alle som vil se, at 

den nåværende samfunnsutvikling vil forsterke de handlingene som tradisjonelt sees som 

kriminalitetsproblem. Vi ser konturene av det endimensjonale samfunn stige fram, det 

samfunn hvor inntekt og konsum står overdøvende sentralt i bestemmelsen av et menneskes 

samfunnsposisjon og hvor det å falle ut på disse områder derfor kan bli sett på som meget 

farlig. Av og til er samfunn organisert på måter som gir belønning på mange livsområder; 

håndverksdyktighet, lærdhet, snillhet og saktmodighet, evner til å fortelle historier så noen 

gidder høre. Ofte gir slike samfunn til og med løfter om lønn i neste liv. Vårt er et samfunn 

med en enklere målstruktur. Vanskeligere, men gjevere, å bli vinner. Kanskje også med større 

angst for at noen uberettiget skal ta fra en det man har vunnet. En klok mann i Norge (Aarnes 

1998) sa det forleden slik i et intervju: 

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Jeg kaller det økonomisk vold når rike mennesker bygger seg hytte til 20 millioner i bygdesamfunn. Når de som 

bor der ikke er like rike, skapes det forbilder og målsetninger blant lokalbefolkningen som ikke er knyttet til 

dypere kulturelle verdier, sier han. 

Han mener at den generelle elitekulturen som råder i samfunnet bygger på falsk status. Han nevner blant annet 

eliteidretten og skjønnhetsidealene i samfunnet som eksempler på slik elitetenking. 

-Elitekulturen skaper skam blant de som mener at de ikke kan matche idealene sine. Det er en stor 

kulturoppgave å avsløre de falske forbildene, mener Aarnes. 

Ingrid Sahlin (1997) har en uttalelse om endringer i sosiale forutsetninger for barns gode liv. 

Hun sier i et intervju: 

Förut ansågs till exempel att trygga uppväxtvillkor var av yttersta vikt för barn och ungdomar. - Dette 

betraktelsessätt har i grunden förändrats i samband med att all social verksamhet har skurits ned och tvingats in i 

ett lönsamhetstänkande. När de reguljära samhällsverksamheterna försvagades innebär det egentligen motsatsen 

till brottsf örebyggande insatser. Men detta taler ingen om, eftersom det inte finns en vokabulär för en sådan 

inverterad brottsprevention.." 

Man kan si om den kriminalitetsforebyggende virksomhet at den er samfunnsbevarende. Det 

er det jo ikke noe galt i. Men man kan også velge en litt annen formulering. Man kan si den er 

samfunnsforsterkende. Den gjør oss til mer av hva vi allerede er på forhånd. For å belyse 

dette, må jeg gå tilbake til mitt første punkt om den kriminalitetsforebyggende territoriale 

virksomhet. Til apartheid. 

5. Apartheid 

Nylig var jeg en tur i Brasil og nød det gode liv på stranden i Rio, og det ikke fullt så gode i 

den sydende heksegryte som Sao Paulo representerer. Det er visst 12 millioner innbyggere 

der. Men jeg oppdaget jo at blant dem jeg traff, i mine kretser, der hadde man enkelte felles 

erfaringer. Første gang jeg hørte om dem, forstod jeg ikke symbolikken. Jeg biler bestandig 

med Air-conditioning på, sa en kvinne i Rio. Senere sa en annen i Sao Paulo; jeg stopper aldri 

for rødt lys om natten, og som oftest heller ikke om dagen. En tredje observasjon fra Sao 

Paulo; der fantes meget få småunger og litt eldre som solgte saft og pusset bilvinduer slik som 

det ellers yrer av i andre Latin-Amerikanske storbyer. Forklaringen på alt dette lå i angsten 

for kriminalitet. Bilvinduer måtte aldri åpnes og biler aldri stoppes fordi mengden av ranere er 

såvidt stor. Derved er også salgs og service-mulighetene stengt for ungdommen. En som 

intervjuet meg for et juridisk tidsskrift, en heldagsaktivist for fangers rettigheter, nevnte litt 

tilfeldig at hun nå var ranet åtte ganger. En kollega var også ofte ranet, sist av en kvinne som 

holdt et barberblad mot halsen hennes. Offeret hadde ikke air-conditioning og vinduet var 

åpent. Men da brast det for henne. Hun hadde forelest, var trett og sliten og svett og på vei 

hjem for å fore sultne unger. Nå fikk det være nok med raning, sa hun oppgitt til raneren, og 

satte bilen i gir. Kvinnen med barberbladet trakk forskrekket armen tilbake og gikk 

hoderystende oppover fortauet. Hun var uforskyldt kommet ut for et offer uten folkeskikk. 

Selv dro jeg til politiarresten. Den lå vegg i vegg med et hotell på 7-8 etasjer. Enerom og 

dobbeltrom. I arresten delte 70 mann ett rom. Dante ville ikke trodd sine øyne. 

I disse byer forebygges ved lukkede bilvinduer, elektriske gjerder, vakter med gevær og 

ubeskrivelige fengselsforhold. Man holder på det man har, med de midler som finnes. Litt 

utenfor betongkolossene, oppe i åsene, skimter man favellaene, fattigfolks selvbyggede 

nabolag. 

Brasil er ikke Norden, men vi blir kanskje litt mer Brasil hver gang vi installerer enda en lås. 

En gang i året iverksettes en gigantisk innsamlingsaksjon i Norge for et eller annet utmerket 

formål. Aviser, radio og fjernsyn pisker opp giverentusiasmen og tusener av bøssebærere går 

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fra dør til dør med bønn om penger. Sist ble noen veteraner blant bøssebærerne intervjuet. Det 

var tyngre nå, sa de. Ikke fordi folk gav mindre om man oppnådde å komme i kontakt med 

dem, men fordi man ikke kom i kontakt. Det var så vanskelig å komme inn i husene. 

Ytterdørene mot gaten var stengt. Man kunne ringe på, men ble ikke sluppet inn hvis ikke 

folk kjente deg. Man har jo ansvar for naboene, og kan ikke uten videre slippe ukjente tiggere 

inn i oppgangen. 

Et vanlig spørsmål blant forskere av kriminalitetsforebyggelsens virkninger, er om 

kriminaliteten bare forskyver seg. Om man forebygger effektivt i nabolag A, flytter da den 

uønskede virksomheten seg til nabolag B? Vanligvis finner man, at det gjør den ikke. Men det 

er jo ikke dette som er hovedproblemet. Problemet ligger i at nabolag B etter en tid også vil 

sikre seg, og det vil også C og D og E og F og de fleste andre, og så vokser den langsomt 

fram, den segregerte byen. Ti år etter at kriminalitetsforebyggerne har gitt sine råd er byene 

gått enda noen skritt mot de befestede boligblokker, eller de befestede nabolag, festningsverk 

som øker avstanden mennesker i mellom, gjør dem ytterligere ukjente for hverandre, og øker 

hva som kanskje etter hvert blir den berettigede angsten for det fremmede. Forskning om 

kriminalitetsforebygging, burde etter mitt skjønn dreies i retning av en analyse av de totale 

samfunnsmessige konsekvenser av virksomheten, og også av de interesser som står bak 

denne, fra interessene i de statlige råd, og over til interessene innen den private industri. 

Her vil jeg et øyeblikk få dreie tanken tilbake til den klassiske kriminalforebyggende 

virksomhet, straff. Spesielt straff som almenprevensjon. De kriminalitetsforebyggende råd er 

som nevnt ikke opptatt av denne type virksomhet. Tvert om virker det som om man vil legge 

avstand til pinen, den tilsiktede lidelsespåføring. Kriminalitetsforebygging er noe godt, bare 

godt. Men derved mister man forbindelsen til en verdifull side ved den gammeldagse 

europeiske strafferetten; bevisstheten om at tiltak også har skadelige virkninger som må 

holdes i sjakk. Kriminalpreventive tiltak kan bære med seg omkostninger langt utover de lett 

synlige i lønn til vakter og regning for elektronikk. Kanskje man burde nekte butikker å 

ansette private vakter, så ble de nødt til å ansette personale i steden. Kanskje man av samme 

grunn burde pålegge alle som transporterte mer enn X antall personer i vogn eller vognsett å 

ha en levende konduktør til stede så angsten kunne begrenses der folk nå sitter alene og titter 

på hverandre ved nattestider. Men straks den er ytret, ser vi hvor naiv denne tanke er. For ikke 

engang innen strafferettsinstitusjonen råder lenger de gamle ideer om forholdsmessighet. 

William Bratton, sjefen for zero-tolerance aksjonen i New York, startet det hele som sjef for 

tunnelbanepolitiet. I en ulidelig selvgratulerende tone beskrives fremgangsmåten (Bratton og 

Knobler, 1998). Trikkesnikere ble arrestert, belagt med håndjern, stillet opp i lange rekker på 

perrongen, nye trikker passerte, flere havnet i håndjernsgjengen, og etter en passelig lang tids 

offentlig fremvisning ble trikkesnikerne i samlet rekke marsjert opp til et provisorisk 

rettslokale oppe på hovedgaten. Blant de arresterte fant man enkelte ettersøkt for andre 

forhold. Disse ble umiddelbart fengslet. De andre ble bøtlagt. Om de ikke betalte bøtene innen 

korte frister, ble de oppsøkt på bostedet, gjerne klokken fire om morgenen med kraftig 

dundring på ytterdøren. En konduktør på hvert togsett kunne ikke gjort samme jobben. 

Konduktører i undergrunnsbanen ville bare fått folk til å betale. I Bratton-utgaven får man 

kontroll med underklassen. Samtidig spredte det seg stolthet i politikorpset. 

6. En farlig tanke i en farlig tid 

Kanskje man kunne si at forebyggelsestanken er en spesielt farlig tanke i vår tid. Det skyldes 

to forhold. 

257


Den er i vår tid først og fremst farlig fordi rettsapparatet også er preget av moderniteten. Vi 

ser i alle moderne industrisamfunn en økende tendens til hva Simon (1996) kaller "Governing 

through crime". Det endimensjonale samfunn styrer i større grad enn noen gang gjennom 

strafferettsapparatet. Velferdssystem går ned, nulltoleransen går opp. Det er ikke snakk om 

gjengjeldelse mot de gateurinerende. Det er snakk om grunner for å bli kvitt dem, nøyaktig 

som vi tidligere i både Finland og Norge og Sverige brukte inntak av alkohol på offentlig 

plass som grunn til å internere fattigfolk. Bottom og Wiles (1996) peker i en viktig artikkel på 

hvordan den gammeldagse, ineffektive stat var laget slik med vilje. Langsommeligheten, 

oppsplittingen av funksjoner, rettssikkerhetsgarantier, forholdsmessighetsbetraktninger, 

dommeres uavhengighet hadde beskyttelsesformål. Som de sier (s.33): 

All this was intended to prevent abuse, and the capture of the State by vested interests. One consequence of these 

institutional arrangements was deliberately to create inefficiencies in the State's arrangements, but this was seen 

as an acceptable and indeed necessary price to pay for greater gains elsewhere. An important result of late 

modernity is that the pre-eminence of the nation-state is eroded ...and its overriding power declines. 

Simultaneously, late modernity, with its information-driven concerns, highlights the system inefficiencies which 

were historically built into the operation of the State. 

Forebyggelsestanken er også av en annen grunn spesielt farlig i vår tid. Den er spesielt farlig 

fordi kriminaliteten er spesielt nyttig. Vår er en tid hvor det politiske systemet har gitt fra seg 

styringen av det sentrale virksomhetsråde i våre endimensjonale samfunn. Det politiske 

systemet har gitt fra seg styringen av sentrale deler av det økonomiske liv. Det er ikke 

konsesjonslover, arbeidstidsbestemmelser, fordelingspolitikk, skattenivå, støtteordninger til 

utsatt industri eller kontroll av importert svinekjøtt som står på dagsordenen. Alt dette 

avgjøres utenfor. Tukler vi med fordelingspolitikken eller skattlegging av bedriftene, flytter 

de, tukler vi med handelsbetingelsene, får vi nei fra EØS, vil vi kvitte oss med landminene, 

får vi nei fra USA. Da er det greiere med kriminaliteten. Her er en arena hvor det kan vises 

handlekraft, en av de få gjenværende, viktigere jo færre andre arenaer som er tilbake. 

Hovedlinjene i kriminalitetsforebyggingen er i nydelig overensstemmelse med den generelle 

samfunnspolitikk. Apartheid, og så stell av noen skjeve sjeler. Men ikke noen tukling med de 

grunnleggende forhold. Den kriminalpreventive virksomhet er nyttig som en generell pådriver 

for angst. Man skaper en todeling, og bygger opp en mur imellom. Innenfor er det gode liv, 

våre liv. Der ute er de onde liv, farene som truer. Prevensjonstanken oppmuntrer til 

eksternalisering, utskillelse, adskillelse. Vi kan ikke så lett ha et kriminalitetsforebyggende 

råd til forebyggelse av oss selv, eller deler av oss selv. Eller, for å se det på safunnsnivå, det 

er heller ikke så lett å tenke seg en kriminalitetsforebyggende virksomhet som sier at 

kriminaliteten, den er jo en del av samfunnskroppen, en del av ordninger som vi i sum er 

glade for og slett ikke kunne tenke oss å være foruten. Eller enda et perspektiv, ett jeg selv 

arbeider med for tiden; Ved å bygge en mur mot det farlige, sperre det ute, befester man 

selvfølgelig forestillingene om at det der ute er noe farlig, noe man skal støte bort. Og ved 

attpå til å kalle det kriminalitetsforebyggelse, festner man ytterligere den merkverdige tanke 

at kriminalitet finnes. Det gjør den. Og det gjør den ikke. Men for mange formål, hvorav 

behovet for å forstå er det ene, kan det vise seg fruktbart å ta det standpunkt å si at 

kriminalitet ikke finnes. Handlinger finnes. Under gitte betingelser vil vi gi handlingene den 

mening at de er uønskede. Og under ytterligere gitte betingelser vil vi gi de uønskede 

handlinger den mening å være kriminelle. Men de kunne jo også vært sett på som helt 

annerledes om de ble betraktet innen helsesektoren, innen familiesektoren, innen 

vekkelsespredikantenes rekker eller på sirkus for den saks skyld. Handlinger er ikke, de blir. 

Og vekten som legges på kriminalitetsforebygging hjelper dem til å bli kriminelle. Gitt den 

mening, festner strafferettsvesenet sitt grep om handlingen. 

258


Vi er midt oppe i en fornyet kriminaliseringsbølge, inn i soveværelset, ut i parkene for å 

praktisere lærdommen fra New York, eller inn i skolene hvor lærere oppfordres til å anmelde 

elever til politiet, - før var de ramp, nå blir de kriminelle for samme type handling. Om 

bevaring av det sivile samfunn sees som et viktig mål, bør organisasjoner for forebyggelse av 

kriminalitet sees på med mistanke, og deres iverksatte tiltak vurderes i et langtidsperspektiv. 

Litteratur 

Balvig, Flemming: Kriminalitet og social kontrol, København 1995. 

Bauman, Zygmunt: Moderniteten og holokaust. Oslo 1997. Originalutgave 1989. 

Bottoms, Anthony E. and Paul Wiles: ‘Understanding Crime Prevention in Late Modern 

Societies’. In: Preventing Crime and Disorder. Targeting Strategies and 

Responsibilities. Bennett, Trevor (ed.). Cambridge 1996. 

Bratton, W. med Peter Knobler: Turnauround. N.Y. 1998. 

Carling, Finn: Fiendene, 1974. 

Christie, Nils: ‘Straffens geografi.’ I: Nordisk tidsskrift for kriminalvidenskab, 84, nr.2-1997. 

Giertsen, Hedda: "Forebyggelse av kriminalitet". Altfor bredt og altfor smalt. I: Nordisk 

Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab, 1994, s.295-313. 

Jon, Nina: ‘Forebygging av kriminalitet’. Kap 24, s. 400-407. I: Kriminologi.. Red: Finstad, 

Liv og Cecilie Høigård, Oslo 1997. 

Kyvsgaard, Britta: ‘Men det er da noget, der virker’. I: Forebyggelsens veje og vildveje. 

Kriminalistisk Instituts Stencilserie nr. 58. Red: Kyvsgaard, Britta, Annika Snare og 

Preben Wilhjelm, København. 1990. 

Kutchinsky, Berl: ‘Kriminalitet og fire slags forebyggelse’. I:"Forebyggelsens veje og 

vildveje." Kriminalistisk Instituts Stencilserie nr. 58. Red: Britta Kyvsgaard, Annika 

Snare og Preben Wilhjelm, København. 1990. 

Martinson, R.: ‘What Works? Questions and Answers about Prison Reform’. In: The Public 

Interest, l974, 34, pp. 22-54. 

Mathiesen, Thomas: Schengen, Politisamarbeid, overvåking og rettssikkerhet i Europa, Oslo 

1997. 

Mathiesen, Thomas: ‘Mot et integrert overvåkingssystem i Europa.’ I: Ret og skønsomhed i en 

overgangstid. Festskrift til Agnete Weis Bentzon. Blume, Peter og Kirsten 

Ketscher (red.). København 1998 A. 

Mathiesen, Thomas: ‘Selective Incapacitation Revisited’. Under trykking i Law and Human 

Behavior, August 1998 B. 

McCord, William, Joan McCord og Irving Kenneth Zola: ‘Origins of Crime’. A new 

evaluation of the Cambridge-Sommerville Youth Study. N.Y. 1995. 

Rund, Bjørn Rishovd: ‘Kan voldsutøvelse hos psykiatriske pasienter forutses?.’ I: Vold og 

psykiatri - om forståelse og behandling. Krøvel, Bernt, Bjørn Rishovd Run og 

Elisabet Rør (Red.) Oslo 1997. 

Sahlin, Ingrid. ‘Brottsförebyggande har etiska risker’. Intervju med henne i BRÅ 1997, nr 5- 

6, 

s.30-34. 

Simon, Jonathan: Governing through crime. Manuskriptutkast 1996. 

Takala, Hannu: ‘Ordning i stadsmiljön inte bara en polisfråga’. I: Apropå, 1997, nr. 5-6, s. 

41-42. 

Takala, Hannu: Urban criminality and built environment. CPTED in Finland. Foredrag på 

EU-Conference on crime prevention towards a European level, 11-14 May 1997, 

Noordwijk the Netherlands. 

259


Aarnes, Asbjørn. Intervju i Universitas, 11 mars 1998, s. 8-9. 

260


Deltagerliste 

Danmark 

Joi Bay 

Retsvidenskabeligt institut D, Kbh. Uni. 

Skt. Peders Stræde 19 


tlf: +45 - 35323336 

fax: +45 - 35323334 

e-mail: joi.bay@jur.ku.dk 

Dorthe Bundgaard 

Viktoriagade 19B, 4.th. 

DK-1655 København V. 

tlf: +45 - 31315707 

Gorm Gabrielsen 

Department of Management Science and 

Statistics, Copenhagen Buisness School 

Julius Thomsens Plads 10 

DK-1925 Frederiksberg C 

tlf: +45 - 38153512 

fax: +45 - 38153500 

e-mail: stgg@cbs.dk 

Rikke Gut 

Retsvidenskabeligt institut D, Kbh. Uni. 

Sankt Peders stræde 19 


tlf: +45 - 35323344 

fax: +45 - 35323334 

e-mail: rikke.gut@jur.ku.dk 

Bettina Høyer Olsen 

Vordingborggade 6D, lejl. 3 

DK-2100 København Ø 

tlf: +45 - 35380304 

Karsten Ive 

Det Kriminalpreventive Råd 

Odensegade 5, 2.sal 

DK-2100 København Ø 

tlf: +45 - 35432300 

Annette Bitsch Jensen 

Gammeltoftsgade 14, 2 th. 


tlf: +45 - 33935939 

Sussie Jørgensen 

Magnoliavej 31 

DK-8260 Viby J. 

e-mail: sj891370@stud.jura.aau.dk 

tlf: +45 - 86140892 

Britta Kyvsgaard 

Justitsministeriet, Adm. Afd. 

Slotsholmsgade 10 


tlf: +45 - 33954184 

fax: +45 - 33933510 

e-mail: bky@jm.dk 

Nina Löwe Krarup 

Retsvidenskabeligt Institut D, Kbh. Uni. 



tlf: +45 - 35323332 

fax: +45 - 35323334 

e-mail: nina.krarup@jur.ku.dk 

Anna Malmborg 

Eksjögatan 15-17 

S-554 54 Jönköping 

tlf: +46- (0)-36 121295 

e-mail: lars.lindquist@brikettenergi.se 

Jesper Stecher 

Retsvidenskabeligt Institut D, Kbh. Uni. 



tlf: +45 - 35323344 

fax: +45 - 35323334 

e-mail: jesper.stecher@jur.ku.dk 

Anette Storgaard 

Afd. for proces-og kriminalvidenskab 

Århus Universitet 

DK-8000 Århus 

tlf: +45 - 89421359 

fax: +45 - 86194463 

e-mail: as@jura.au.dk 

261


Anne-Stina Sørensen 

Det retsvidenskabelige institut D, Kbh. 

Uni. 

Sankt Peders Stræde 19 

DK-1453København K 

tlf: +45 - 35323344 

fax: +45 - 35323334 

e-mail: anne-stina.sorensen@jur.ku.dk 

Estland 

Andri Ahven 

Information and Communications 

Department 

Police Board 

Pagari 1, EE-0100 Tallinn 

tlf: +372 - 5091627 

fax: +372 - 6123310 

e-mail: andri@sisemin.gov.ee 

e-mail: andri.ahven@mail.ee 

Anna Markina 

Department of Criminology and Sociology 

of Deviant Behavior. National Defence and 

Public Service Academy 

61 Kase tee 

EST-00020 Talinn 

tlf: +372 - 6265487 

fax: +372 - 6265343 

e-mail: anna@endpsa.ee 

Finland 

Timo Ahonen 

Faculty of law, University of Turku 

Calonia 341 

FIN-20014 Åbo 

tlf: +358 - 2 3335071 

fax: +358 - 2 3336570 

e-mail: timaho@utu.fi 

Ilppo Alatalo 

Justitieministeriet, PB 319 

FIN-00181 Helsingfors 

tlf: +358 - 9 16088505 

fax: +358 - 9 16088538 

e-mail: ilppo.alatalo@om.vn.fi 

262 

Anne Kaarina Alvesalo 

Polishögskolan/Poliisiopisto 

P.B. 13, FIN-02151 Espoo 

tlf: +358 - 9 83883439 

fax: +358 - 9 83883500 

e-mail: 

anne.alvesalo@krp.poliisi.mailnet.fi 

Kauko Aromaa 

Rättspolitiska forskningsintitutet 

PB 1200, FIN-00101 Helsingfors Uni. 

tlf: +358 - 9 18257850 

fax: +358 - 9 18257865 

e-mail: kauko.aromaa@om.vn.fi 

Eero Backman 

Universitet i Åbo 

Calonia 344 

FIN: 20014 Åbo 

tlf: +358 - 2 3335539 

e-mail: eeveba@utu.fi 

Johan Bäckman 

Rättspolitiska forskningsinstitutet 

PB 1200, FIN: 00101 Helsingfors 

tlf: +358 - 9 1825 7875 

fax: +358 - 9 825 7866 

e-mail: johan.backman@om.vn.fi 

Matti Joutsen 

Helsingfors kriminalpolitiska institut 

PB 161, FIN-00131 Helsingfors 

tlf: +358 - 9 18257881 

fax: +358 - 9 18257890 

e-mail: matti.joutsen@om.vn.fi 

Tarja Elisa Kauppila 

Department of Social Sciences 

University of Kuopio 

P.O.B. 1627, FIN-70211 Kuopio 

tlf: +358 - 17 162653 

fax: +358 - 017 162673 

e-mail: kauppila@messi.uku.fi 

Aarne Kinnunen 

Delegation för brottsförebyggande 


tlf: +358 - 9 18257863 

fax: +358 - 9 18257865 

e-mail: aarne.kinnunen@om.vn.fi


Timo Korander 

Polishögskolan/Poliisiopisto 

PAKK, P.B. 13, FIN-02151 Espoo 

tlf: +358 - 9 83883440 

fax: +358 - 9 83883500 

e-mail: 

timo.korander@krp.poliisi.mailnet.fi 

Raimo Lahti 

Inst. för straff- och processrätt 

PB 4, Regeringsgatan 11 

FIN-00014 Helsingfors Universitet 

tlf: +358 - 9 19122448 

fax: +358 - 9 19123090 

e-mail: raimo.lahti@helsinki.fi 

Hannu Takala 

Justitieministeriet 


tlf: +358 - 9 18257860 

fax: +358 - 9 18257865 

e-mail: hannu.takala@om.vn.fi 

Jukka-Pekka Takala 

Rättspolitiska forskningsinstitutet 


tlf: +358 - 9 18257874 

fax: +358 - 9 18257866 

e-mail: jukka-pekka.takala@om.vn.fi 

Kari Tolonen 

Helsingfors Universitet, PB 4 

FIN-00014 

tlf: +358 - 9 7084744 

kari.tolonen@helsinki.fi 

Grønland 

Bodil Karlshøj Poulsen 

Grønlands Hjemmestyre, PAARISA 

Box 1160, GR-3900 Nuuk 

tlf: +299 - 23000-4550 

fax: +299 - 20977 

e-mail: bkp@sundhed.hotel.gh.gl 

Elisæus Kreutzmann 

Kriminalforsorgen i Grønland 

Box 139, GR-3900 Godthåb 

tlf: +299 - 24988 

fax: +299 - 24979 

Søren Søndergård Hansen 

Postboks 40, GR-3900 Nuuk 

tlf: +299 - 324200 

fax: +299 - 323975 

Erik Terp Jensen 

Politimesteren i Grønland 

Box 1006, GR-3900 Nuuk 

tlf: +299 - 321448 

fax: +299 -24194 

Island 

Sigrún Ágústsdóttir 

Fangelsismálastofnun 

Borgartúni 7 


fax: +354 - 5205019 

Hallgrímur Ásgeirsson 

Ánalandi 6, jarðhëð 


Erlendur S. Baldursson, 

Fangelsismálastofnun, Borgartúni 7 

IS-105 Reykjavik, 

tlf: +354 - 520 5009 

fax: +354 - 520 5019 

e-mail: erlendur.baldursson@skima.is 

Ìris Böðvarsdóttir 

Smárahlíð 14g 

IS-603 Akureyri 

e-mail: iris@ak.is 

Anna Kristín Newton 

Grjótagötu 12 


e-mail: alans@vortex.is 

Jón Friðrik Sigurðsson 



fax: +354 5205019 

e-mail: jonfridrik@skima.is 

Margrét Sæmundsdóttir 

263




fax: +354 -520 5019 

Karl Steinar Valsson, 

Reykjavik Police 

Hverfisgötu 115 

IS-105 Reykjavik, 

tlf: +354 - 569 9080 

fax: +354 - 569 9099 

e-mail: karlsteinar@police.is 

Letland 

Arija Lodzina 

Criminology Research Centre 

Meistaru 10 

LV-1050 Riga 

tlf: +371 - 7216781 

fax: +371 - 7216781 

e-mail: an-vilks@com.latnet.lv 

Lithauen 

Genovaite Babachinaite 

Lithuanian Law Academy 

Ateities 20 

Lithauen-2057 Vilius 

tlf: +370 - 2 779424 

fax: +370 - 2 724444 

Norge 

Nils Christie 

Institutt for kriminologi, Uni. i Oslo 

PB 6872, St. Olavs plass 

N-0130 Oslo 1 

tlf: +47 - 22850122 

fax: +47 - 22850252 

e-mail: nils.christie@jus.uio.no 

Jan Georg Christophersen 

Det Kriminalitetsforebyggende Råd 

PB 8005 dep. 

N-0030 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22245593 

fax: +47 - 22242728 

Evy Frantzsen 


264 

P.B. 6872, St. Olavs Plass 

N-0130 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22850119 

fax: +47 -22850252 

e-mail: evy.frantzsen@jus.uio.no 

Hedda Giertsen 



N-0130 Oslo 

tlf:. +47 - 22850144 

fax: +47 - 22850252 

e-mail: hedda.giertsen@jus.uio.no 

Arnt Even Hustad 

Statistiske sentralbyrå 

PB. 8131 Dep. 

N-0033 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22864500 

Marie Indahl 

Institut for kriminologi, Uni. i Oslo 


N-0130 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22850125 

fax: +47 - 22850252 

e-mail: marie.indahl@jus.uio.no 

Nicolay B. Johansen 

Falsensgt. 16 A 

N-0556 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22378431 

e-mail: n.b.johansen@jus.uio.no 

Nina Jon 

Institut for Kriminologi, Uni. i Oslo 


N-0130 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22850117 

fax: +47 - 22850252 

e-mail: nina.jon@jus.uio.no 

Ellen S. Kittelsbye 

Kriminalpolitisentralen (Kripos), 

PB 8163 Dep. 

N-0034 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22073109 

fax: +47 - 22048084 

Paul Larsson 


PB 6872 - St. Olavs Plass


N-0130 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22850142 

fax: +47 - 22850252 

e-mail: paul.larsson@jus.uio.no 

Elisabeth Næss 



N-0130 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22850136 

fax: +47 - 22850252 

e-mail: elisabeth.naess@jus.uio.no 

Ragnhild Sollund 



N-0130 Oslo 

tlf: +47 - 22850128 

fax: +47 - 22850252 

e-mail: ragnhild.sollund@jus.uio.no 

Rusland 

Maya Rusakova 

Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy 

of Science Deviantology Center 

198052 St. Petersburg 

7 th Krasnoarmeiskaya 25/14 

tlf: +812 - 3160571 

fax: +812 - 3162929 

e-mail: inso@ego.spb.su 

Sverige 

Jan Andersson 


Box 6494 

S-113 82 Stockholm 

tlf: + 46 - 084018700 

fax: +46 - 08328364 

jan.andersson@brottsforebygganderadet.se 

Erik Grevholm 

Kommittén för brottsförebyggande arbete 

(KBA), Regeringsgatan 30-32 


Mårten Landahl 

Henriksdalsringen 1 

S-131 32 Nacka 

tlf: +46 - 08-6152121 

e-mail: info@crimknowledge.a.se 

Sten Levander 

Universitetssjukhuset MAS 

S-205 02 Malmø 

tlf: +46 - 40331000 

Lise-Lotte Rytterbro 

Kriminologiska institutionen, Stockh. univ. 


tlf: +46 - 8 6747059 

fax: +46 - 8 157881 

e-mail: lise-lotte.rytterbro@crim.su.se 

Ingrid Sahlin 

Sociologiska institutionen, Boks 114 

S-221 00 Lund 

tlf: +46 - 46 2224748 

fax: +46 - 46 2224794 

e-mail: ingrid.sahlin@soc.lu.se 

samt: 


Boks 6494 

S-11382 Stockholm 

e-mail: 

ingrid.sahlin@brottsforebygganderadet.se 

Eva Stenborre 

Lillekárr Sódra 202 

425 31 Hisings Kárra 

Roger Sundberg 

Sociologiska institutionen, Boks 114 

Lunds Universitet 

S-221 00 Lund 

e-mail: roger.sundberg@soc.lu.se 

Marie Torstensson 

Polishögskolan - Forskningsenheten 

Sörentorp 

S-171 92 Solna 

tlf: +46 - 8 4016746 

fax: +46 - 8 6554420 

e-mail: marie.torstensson@phs.pi.se 

Per Ole Träskman 

Juridikum, Lunds Universitet 

Boks 207 

S-221 00 Lund 

tlf: +46 - 46 2221090 

265


fax: +46 - 46 2224444 

e-mail: per-ole.traskman@jur.lu.se 

United Kingdom 

Malcolm Davies 

Criminal Justice Centre, 

Thames Valley University 

Bond Street, London W5 5AA, England 

tlf: 0181-231-2226 

e-mail: malcolm.davies@tvu.ac.uk 

Michael Levi 

University of Wales, Cardiff 

50 Park Place, Cardiff CF 1 3 AT 

tlf: +44 - 1222 874376 

fax: +44 - 1222 874435 

e-mail: levi@cardiff.ac.uk 

USA 

Lawrence W. Sherman 

Department of Criminology and Criminal 

Justice 

University of Maryland 

2220 Letrak Hall, College Park 

Maryland 20742-823 

tlf: +1-301 - 405 4705 

fax: +1-301 405 4733 

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Organised Crime & Crime Prevention - what works? - Scandinavian ...

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