張騫 Zhang Qian. The Secret Envoy of Han Emperor Wu in Search of the Arsi (Yuezhi) and the Fall of the Græco-Bactrian Kingdom. (Annotated Compilation of Eastern and Western Sources)
The study undertakes: — to clarify in what year Zhang Qian reached the Oxus river; to establish that the Daxia 大夏 in Shiji 123 represent the Tachar/Tochar of Tochar-i-stan; to explain how we are to understand the "List of Four" in Strabon 11.8.2.
The study undertakes: —
to clarify in what year Zhang Qian reached the Oxus river;
to establish that the Daxia 大夏 in Shiji 123 represent the Tachar/Tochar of Tochar-i-stan;
to explain how we are to understand the "List of Four" in Strabon 11.8.2.
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Chris M. Dorn’eich<br />
張 騫<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong><br />
THE SECRET ENVOY<br />
OF HAN EMPEROR WU IN SEARCH OF THE ARSI (YUEZHI)<br />
AND THE FALL OF THE GRÆCO-BACTRIAN KINGDOM<br />
(ANNOTATED COMPILATION OF EASTERN AND WESTERN SOURCES)<br />
Berl<strong>in</strong> 2008
Dorn'eich · <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>
CHRIS M. DORN’EICH 2004<br />
“ <strong>The</strong> Bowang marquis, <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>”<br />
NEW STATUE IN FRONT OF THE ANCIENT GRAVE MOUND OUTSIDE CHENGGU (HANZHONG)<br />
— 1 —
Chris M. Dorn’eich<br />
張 騫<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong><br />
THE SECRET ENVOY<br />
OF HAN EMPEROR WU IN SEARCH OF THE ARSI (YUEZHI)<br />
AND THE FALL OF THE GRÆCO-BACTRIAN KINGDOM<br />
(ANNOTATED COMPILATION OF EASTERN AND WESTERN SOURCES)<br />
Berl<strong>in</strong> 2008
I M P R E S S U M<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Secret</strong> <strong>Envoy</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Search</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> (<strong>Yuezhi</strong>)<br />
And <strong>the</strong> <strong>Fall</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> K<strong>in</strong>gdom.<br />
Copyright © 2008 Christ<strong>of</strong> Michael Dorn'eich, Berl<strong>in</strong><br />
II
C O N T E N T S<br />
Summary IV<br />
1 — In what year did <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> reach <strong>the</strong> Oxus River ? 1<br />
2 — Are we entitled to equate ›Daxia‹ with Tachar/Tocharistan ? 29<br />
3 — How are we to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> four names <strong>in</strong> Strabo’s list ? 73<br />
Bibliography 97<br />
Illustrations 107<br />
III
S U M M A R Y<br />
<strong>The</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g study grew out <strong>of</strong> comments I started to jot down after Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Falk had<br />
given me a new article by FRANTZ GRENET: ›Nouvelles données sur la localisation des c<strong>in</strong>q<br />
“ yabghus” des <strong>Yuezhi</strong>‹, Journal asiatique (Paris) 294/2–2006, published 2007. When <strong>the</strong> author<br />
was so k<strong>in</strong>d as to send me an <strong>of</strong>f-pr<strong>in</strong>t a little later, I read it once aga<strong>in</strong> with even greater <strong>in</strong>terest.<br />
My reaction was that for my own better underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g I wanted to clarify:<br />
— <strong>the</strong> chronology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s mission;<br />
— <strong>the</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> extent <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese 大 夏 (Da–xia);<br />
— <strong>the</strong> correct read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese 月 氏 (“Ar–si” <strong>in</strong> place <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mistaken “Yue–zhi”).<br />
My comments kept grow<strong>in</strong>g over <strong>the</strong> next six or seven months <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> time I found out<br />
that <strong>the</strong> last topic was a very complex one <strong>and</strong> called for a separate paper. In <strong>the</strong> end, it was<br />
superceded by a topic which evolved from <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs: <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> nomadic nations that<br />
ended Greek rule <strong>in</strong> Bactria.<br />
(1) CHRONOLOGY OF ZHANG QIAN.<br />
As far as <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s famous mission was concerned, I found it strange that for <strong>the</strong><br />
year <strong>of</strong> his arrival at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> court, <strong>the</strong>n on <strong>the</strong> north side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus River, I found so many<br />
different figures. This was odd because <strong>the</strong> one <strong>and</strong> only source on this is <strong>the</strong> oldest Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
history book, <strong>the</strong> ›Shiji‹, ma<strong>in</strong>ly chapter 123, where <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s ›Report‹, at least <strong>in</strong> part, is<br />
reproduced. He tells us <strong>the</strong>re<strong>in</strong> that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> had conquered <strong>the</strong> Daxia who were, however,<br />
without a k<strong>in</strong>g. Many later authors understood this to mean that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> had not really taken<br />
over <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus.<br />
If <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> had arrived years after <strong>the</strong> advent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong>, this view would be admissible.<br />
But <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g study shows that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> arrived on <strong>the</strong> scene with<strong>in</strong> a few<br />
months <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> takeover. From this it follows that <strong>the</strong> Daxia had become subjects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Arsi</strong> who were now fully <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> establish<strong>in</strong>g a new order. <strong>The</strong>y po<strong>in</strong>tedly showed <strong>Zhang</strong><br />
<strong>Qian</strong> <strong>the</strong> flourish<strong>in</strong>g markets <strong>in</strong> 藍 市 Lanshi, <strong>the</strong> old capital <strong>of</strong> Daxia. It was only <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> very<br />
beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong>, com<strong>in</strong>g from Sogdiana, had preferred to establish <strong>the</strong> (ra<strong>the</strong>r provisional)<br />
court <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>g (“ordos”) on <strong>the</strong> near (north) side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus.<br />
(2) MEANING OF 大 夏 DAXIA.<br />
<strong>The</strong> great problem <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rwise excellent Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources is <strong>the</strong>ir fearful distortion <strong>of</strong><br />
foreign names. This is so to <strong>the</strong> present day. What unsuspect<strong>in</strong>g reader would guess that 美<br />
國 , <strong>the</strong> State <strong>of</strong> “Mei,” is <strong>the</strong> transcription <strong>of</strong> (A)me(rica) ? S<strong>in</strong>ce high antiquity, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
transcribed foreign names <strong>in</strong> cumbersome ways <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n abbreviated <strong>the</strong>se drastically —<br />
<strong>and</strong> not always to <strong>the</strong> first two or three syllables <strong>of</strong> such a name.<br />
<strong>The</strong> present study shows that <strong>the</strong> old (wholly impossible) equation Daxia = Bactria has<br />
blocked <strong>the</strong> correct <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country, people <strong>and</strong> language <strong>of</strong> Daxia. Even <strong>the</strong><br />
great CHAVANNES, undisputed authority <strong>in</strong> matters Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, fell <strong>in</strong>to this trap, pr<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g Ta-hia<br />
= Bactria. Later he did a f<strong>in</strong>e translation <strong>of</strong> a chapter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tangshu <strong>and</strong> stated: “ Notice sur<br />
le T’ou-ho-lo (Tokharestan). Le T’ou-ho-lo ... c’est l’ancien territoire (du royaume) de Ta-hia.”<br />
Hence, Daxia was <strong>the</strong> ancient Tachar, <strong>the</strong> later Tocharistan. Tachar is not an equivalent<br />
<strong>of</strong> Bactria, it is only its eastern portion: this makes a decisive difference. <strong>The</strong> second chapter<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g study is based on <strong>the</strong> three crucial identifications:<br />
— 大 夏 Daxia = Tachar (not Bactria);<br />
— 藍 市 Lanshi = Darapsa (not Bactra);<br />
— 濮 達 Puta = Bactra (not Pu•kalåvatð).<br />
All o<strong>the</strong>r assumptions are consequences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se three equations. <strong>The</strong>y help us to underst<strong>and</strong><br />
that <strong>the</strong> Daxia <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> are <strong>the</strong> Tochari <strong>of</strong> Trogus — which is not at all surpris<strong>in</strong>g<br />
as Trogus, too, states that <strong>the</strong> Asiani (<strong>Arsi</strong>) became <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari (Daxia).<br />
IV
<strong>The</strong>se identifications also help us to realize that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong>, rul<strong>in</strong>g Daxia from Lanshi <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> times <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Han</strong> (206 BCE – 25 CE), are still rul<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong>re at <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>Later <strong>Han</strong> (26 CE), i.e., over a hundred <strong>and</strong> fifty years later. This means that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> had<br />
been conf<strong>in</strong>ed to Tachar for a long time — held <strong>in</strong> check by <strong>the</strong>ir immediate western neighbors,<br />
<strong>the</strong> awesome Parthians, suzera<strong>in</strong>s <strong>of</strong> a vassal Saka state <strong>in</strong> Bactra. <strong>The</strong> Parthians even<br />
tried to drive <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> out <strong>of</strong> Tachar aga<strong>in</strong>. Trogus, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Epitome <strong>of</strong> Just<strong>in</strong>, tells us that Artabanus<br />
attacked <strong>the</strong> Tochari, <strong>in</strong> about 123 BCE. <strong>The</strong> Parthian k<strong>in</strong>g is killed <strong>in</strong> action <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
situation rema<strong>in</strong>s undecided. About two generations later, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first century BCE, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong><br />
break through <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush rampart <strong>and</strong> establish <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kabul Valley. A full<br />
century later still it is <strong>the</strong> founder <strong>of</strong> a new dynasty who unites all <strong>Arsi</strong> forces under his comm<strong>and</strong>.<br />
With this, he is f<strong>in</strong>ally <strong>in</strong> a position to attack <strong>the</strong> mighty Parthians <strong>and</strong> drive <strong>the</strong>m out<br />
<strong>of</strong> three key positions: Kabul, Bactra <strong>and</strong> Taxila — <strong>in</strong> that order.<br />
(3) STRABO’S LIST OF FOUR.<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> clearly describes <strong>the</strong> Daxia as <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous population <strong>of</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria.<br />
With this, it can be shown that <strong>the</strong> Daxia, or Tacharians, have never been conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomads.<br />
With <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> we know that <strong>the</strong> Tachari had dwelled <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir name<br />
s<strong>in</strong>ce at least many centuries — <strong>and</strong> under a wide range <strong>of</strong> foreign <strong>in</strong>vaders: Achaemenid<br />
Persians, Alex<strong>and</strong>er <strong>the</strong> Great, <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks, Central Asian Sakas <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> Far<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong>, who all left <strong>the</strong>ir mark on <strong>the</strong> Tacharian language.<br />
It has <strong>of</strong>ten been repeated that Strabo lists four, but Trogus only two conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomad<br />
nations <strong>in</strong> connection with <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria — <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources know<br />
just one such nation, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong>. This study establishes <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historians, too,<br />
speak <strong>of</strong> t w o conquer<strong>in</strong>g peoples. In <strong>the</strong> ›<strong>Han</strong>shu‹ we are told someth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> prime importance<br />
– overlooked <strong>in</strong> all translations: <strong>the</strong> 塞 王 Saiwang or “ Royal Sakas” had briefly ruled<br />
<strong>in</strong> Daxia/Tachar before <strong>the</strong>y were evicted from this part <strong>of</strong> Bactria by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong>.<br />
With Trogus corroborated by <strong>the</strong> ›Shiji‹ <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ›<strong>Han</strong>shu‹, Strabo’s vexed list becomes <strong>the</strong><br />
ma<strong>in</strong> target for <strong>the</strong> conclud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>vestigation. One name on that list has always been questioned.<br />
It will be shown that, <strong>in</strong> fact, t w o names do not belong on that list: <strong>the</strong> Pasiani <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Tachari. Strabo left an unpublished manuscript when he died. It conta<strong>in</strong>ed hundreds <strong>of</strong><br />
marg<strong>in</strong>al notes. With this we may assume that Strabo had added <strong>the</strong> two names <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> his manuscript – as a gloss on his Asioi. <strong>The</strong> unknown editor <strong>of</strong> his Geography took it<br />
for granted that Strabo wanted to add <strong>the</strong>se two names to his list — which so far <strong>in</strong>cluded<br />
only <strong>the</strong> Asioi (<strong>Arsi</strong>) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai (Saiwang). Strabo <strong>in</strong> Amaseia had used <strong>the</strong> very<br />
same source as before him Trogus <strong>in</strong> Rome: <strong>the</strong> ›Parthian History‹ <strong>of</strong> Apollodoros <strong>of</strong> Artemita.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> past, <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greek k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>in</strong> Bactria has always been reconstructed <strong>in</strong> a<br />
way which rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> contradiction to this or that part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> historical evidence. Based on<br />
a step by step evaluation <strong>of</strong> both <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> sources, quoted verbatim, this study<br />
outl<strong>in</strong>es <strong>the</strong> complex sequence <strong>of</strong> historical happen<strong>in</strong>gs which lead to <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong><br />
Greek power north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush.<br />
Thus, new <strong>in</strong>sight is ga<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> different topics. <strong>The</strong> more important are:<br />
— <strong>The</strong> genu<strong>in</strong>e Tacharians have for centuries been firmly settled <strong>in</strong> Tachar/Tocharistan;<br />
— <strong>the</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Arsi</strong> were conf<strong>in</strong>ed to Tachar, or <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria, for over 150 years, held <strong>in</strong><br />
check by <strong>the</strong> more powerful Parthians;<br />
— <strong>in</strong> this long time <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> become known as <strong>the</strong> new (or pseudo-) Tacharians;<br />
— <strong>the</strong> balance <strong>of</strong> power, <strong>in</strong> favor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parthians so far, is only reversed by <strong>the</strong> mid-first century<br />
CE when a self-proclaimed <strong>Arsi</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g manages to evict <strong>the</strong> mighty Parthians from <strong>the</strong><br />
Kohistan, <strong>Western</strong> Bactria, <strong>the</strong> Panjab, <strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indus Valley. With this,<br />
<strong>the</strong> foundations were laid for a new superpower <strong>in</strong> Central <strong>and</strong> South Asia: that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong><br />
under <strong>the</strong> Kushan dynasty. Ptolemy, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> later 2nd century CE, splashes <strong>the</strong> name Tachori<br />
(<strong>and</strong> variants) over all <strong>the</strong> places where <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> had been <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> past three hundred years,<br />
culm<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> his call<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> last “ ordos” <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Far East — close to <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Zhaowu 昭 武 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources (modern <strong>Zhang</strong>ye 張 掖 ) — Qog£ra (Thogara).<br />
V
張 騫<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong><br />
THE SECRET MISSION<br />
OF HAN EMPEROR WU IN SEARCH OF THE RUZHI (YUEZHI)<br />
AND THE FALL OF THE GRÆCO-BACTRIAN KINGDOM<br />
(ANNOTATED COMPILATION OF EASTERN AND WESTERN SOURCES)<br />
1. IN WHAT YEAR DID ZHANG QIAN REACH THE OXUS RIVER ?<br />
Ever s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> publication, <strong>in</strong> 1738, <strong>of</strong> GOTTLIEB SIEGFRIED BAYER’s Historia Regni<br />
Graecorum <strong>Bactrian</strong>i, St. Petersburg, <strong>the</strong> Hellenistic k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>in</strong> distant Bactria has<br />
<strong>in</strong>trigued students <strong>and</strong> scholars <strong>of</strong> Asian history. <strong>The</strong> exact time <strong>and</strong> circumstances <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> foundation <strong>of</strong> this ancient k<strong>in</strong>gdom, <strong>in</strong> about <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third century BCE,<br />
have always been hotly debated. But <strong>the</strong> collapse <strong>of</strong> this highly developed culture — a<br />
vibrant blend <strong>of</strong> Greek, Persian, Indian <strong>and</strong> local <strong>in</strong>fluences — about a century later<br />
has proved even more difficult to elucidate, beyond <strong>the</strong> fact that it was due, as is well<br />
known <strong>and</strong> universally accepted, to an onslaught <strong>of</strong> an uncerta<strong>in</strong> number <strong>of</strong> nomadic<br />
peoples, burst<strong>in</strong>g forth from <strong>the</strong> wide steppes <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> north-east <strong>of</strong> Central Asia.<br />
Regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> violent end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom, north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush<br />
Mounta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> present North Afghanistan, we have very short classical <strong>Western</strong> sources:<br />
<strong>the</strong> extant Prologi <strong>of</strong> Pompeius Trogus <strong>and</strong> a few statements <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Geography <strong>of</strong> Strabo.<br />
Of <strong>the</strong> 44 books <strong>of</strong> Trogus’ World History, published <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Augustus, books<br />
41 <strong>and</strong> 42 primarily conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parthians. But <strong>the</strong>y also <strong>in</strong>cluded remarks<br />
on <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter’s eastern neighbors, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong>s. Trogus’<br />
bulky work has been lost, however, only his just mentioned Prologi <strong>and</strong> a pitiful Epitome,<br />
done by a later h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g hardly more than one tenth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al<br />
work, have come down to us. Also lost is <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al source book for both Trogus <strong>and</strong><br />
Strabo, namely <strong>the</strong> Parthian History by Apollodoros <strong>of</strong> Artemita. And lost, too, is Strabo’s<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r (<strong>and</strong> earlier) ma<strong>in</strong> work, his History, which may have conta<strong>in</strong>ed a chapter<br />
on <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n eastern extremity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-Roman world.<br />
As far as our written sources are concerned, it is a fortunate fact that we have on<br />
<strong>the</strong> downfall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greeks <strong>in</strong> Bactria — for <strong>the</strong> first time <strong>in</strong> world history —, not only<br />
<strong>Western</strong>, but also <strong>Eastern</strong> sources to draw from. <strong>The</strong>se are <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories<br />
正 史 , ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>the</strong> first two, <strong>the</strong> Shiji 史 記 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 漢 書 . <strong>The</strong>se two<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese history books reproduce <strong>the</strong> precious report <strong>of</strong> our sole eyewitness on <strong>the</strong><br />
scene, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese emissary <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong> 漢 武 帝 : <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> 張 騫 (d. 114<br />
BCE) by name — a man <strong>of</strong> outst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g abilities. To his sharp senses we owe a good<br />
number <strong>of</strong> first-h<strong>and</strong> observations which, albeit <strong>in</strong> an abridged form only, have come<br />
down to us.<br />
<strong>The</strong> present paper endeavors to extract from <strong>the</strong> ancient Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources what<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> has to tell us about Bactria — <strong>and</strong> compare it with <strong>the</strong> knowledge from<br />
our classical <strong>Western</strong> sources. In this connection it is curious to note that <strong>the</strong> actual<br />
year <strong>in</strong> which <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> arrived at <strong>the</strong> shores <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus River (modern Amu Darya)<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> Bactria is still very much disputed among modern scholars.<br />
— 1 —
<strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, however, are unequivocal about this year. Various texts <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Shiji unmistakably state that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> — <strong>the</strong> first Ch<strong>in</strong>ese envoy who traveled so far<br />
west — was sent out <strong>in</strong> a secret mission by <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>, <strong>and</strong> eventually returned to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese capital Chang ’an 長 安 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> spr<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> 126 BCE.<br />
It is narrated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji that this mission lasted 13 years. And <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> spent:<br />
— “more than 10 years” 十 餘 歲 <strong>in</strong> captivity with <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu;<br />
— “more than 1 year” 留 歲 餘 with <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi (<strong>Yuezhi</strong>) 月 氏 <strong>in</strong> Daxia (i.e. <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> eastern<br />
half <strong>of</strong> Bactria);<br />
— “more than 1 year” 歲 餘 a second time as captive <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu.<br />
To this we have to add short periods <strong>of</strong> time for four journeys:<br />
— start<strong>in</strong>g from Longxi 隴 西 , <strong>the</strong> border town, until be<strong>in</strong>g arrested by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu;<br />
— escap<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu (near Shule, i.e. Kashgar) until reach<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 ;<br />
— return<strong>in</strong>g from Daxia until be<strong>in</strong>g arrested by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu aga<strong>in</strong>;<br />
— escap<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> ordos <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu chanyu 單 于 until reach<strong>in</strong>g Chang‘an.<br />
All four journeys toge<strong>the</strong>r must have lasted less than 1 year. Of <strong>the</strong> first we can surmise<br />
that it lasted only days or weeks. <strong>The</strong> second one across <strong>the</strong> Pamirs <strong>and</strong> Sogdiana may<br />
have lasted some 3–4 months. <strong>The</strong> third one<br />
is not so easy to estimate, but cannot have<br />
been shorter than 3 months. <strong>The</strong> fourth should have been a matter <strong>of</strong> weeks as <strong>the</strong> distance<br />
was short <strong>and</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> this time escaped <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong> Yudan 於 單 , <strong>the</strong><br />
deposed Xiongnu crown pr<strong>in</strong>ce, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> two men were able to help each o<strong>the</strong>r effectively:<br />
Yudan <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu Empire <strong>and</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a.<br />
With this <strong>in</strong>formation, it is clear that <strong>the</strong> historic mission started <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> spr<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>of</strong> 139 BCE — <strong>and</strong> not <strong>in</strong> 138, as even some Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>and</strong> Japanese scholars believed<br />
or still believe. It is clear, <strong>the</strong>refore, that our Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Ulysses arrived at <strong>the</strong> ordos or<br />
court <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong> just his Xiongnu servant Gan Fu 甘 父 “after more<br />
than 10 years” as a captive <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu <strong>and</strong> some three to four months travel<strong>in</strong>g, i.e.<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 129 — <strong>and</strong> not 128 as most modern texts erroneously tell us. This<br />
is a particularly important correction.<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> left Daxia <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> 128 <strong>and</strong> spent all <strong>of</strong> 127 with <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu aga<strong>in</strong>,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n escaped a second time <strong>in</strong> late w<strong>in</strong>ter or early spr<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> 126 BCE.<br />
In exile, <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu crown pr<strong>in</strong>ce Yudan was made a “marquis” by <strong>Han</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong> on May 2, 126 BCE, but soon afterwards he died.<br />
<strong>The</strong> third year ›yuan–shuo‹, fourth<br />
month, (day) ›b<strong>in</strong>gzi‹, was (<strong>the</strong> start<br />
<strong>of</strong>) <strong>the</strong> first year <strong>of</strong> Yudan as marquis.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> fifth month he died.<br />
Shiji 20. 1031<br />
元 朔 三 年 四 月 丙 子 侯 于 單 元<br />
年<br />
五 月 卒<br />
It is surely <strong>of</strong> particular importance to know <strong>the</strong> exact time <strong>of</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong><br />
at his dest<strong>in</strong>ation — <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi (<strong>Yuezhi</strong>) 月 氏 , whom he found newly established<br />
on <strong>the</strong> north bank <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus River, <strong>the</strong> modern Amu Darya.<br />
As for <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , a short remark on <strong>the</strong>ir name is due here. <strong>The</strong> read<strong>in</strong>g<br />
“Ruzhi” for Ch<strong>in</strong>ese 月 氏 , which I give <strong>in</strong> this article, is ra<strong>the</strong>r new <strong>and</strong> still widely unknown<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West. But as early as 1991: 92, <strong>the</strong> authoritative “Lexicon to <strong>the</strong> Shiji,” or<br />
Shiji Cidian 史 記 辭 典 , decreed:<br />
月 氏 , pronounced Ròuzhð —【 月 氏 (ròu zhð 肉 支 )】...<br />
n for this is that 月 氏 is <strong>in</strong> fact an ancient 肉 氏 , to be read accord<strong>in</strong>gly.<br />
<strong>The</strong> reaso<br />
<strong>The</strong> magnificent catalogue to <strong>the</strong> exposition Ursprünge der Seidenstrasse (“<strong>The</strong> Orig<strong>in</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Silk Road”), which I saw here <strong>in</strong> Berl<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> December 2007 <strong>and</strong> which is<br />
based on orig<strong>in</strong>ally Ch<strong>in</strong>ese texts, states on page 286:<br />
... die <strong>Yuezhi</strong> (nach <strong>and</strong>erer Lesart: Rouzhi) ...<br />
— 2 —
<strong>The</strong> modern read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese character 肉 (meat) is “ròu,” but <strong>in</strong> ancient<br />
times <strong>the</strong> read<strong>in</strong>g was “rù” — which I prefer as it is closer to our extant <strong>Western</strong><br />
names <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , namely Rishi(ka), Asioi / Asiani, <strong>Arsi</strong> <strong>and</strong> ÅrÝi. For <strong>the</strong> same reason,<br />
I like to see <strong>in</strong> › 氏 ‹, read ›zhð‹ with Shiji commentator <strong>Zhang</strong> Shoujie 張 守 節 (8th c.),<br />
<strong>the</strong> closest-possible Ch<strong>in</strong>ese approximation to <strong>the</strong> sound <strong>of</strong> ›si‹, thus giv<strong>in</strong>g us Ru–si —<br />
so much closer to <strong>the</strong> above <strong>Western</strong> names than “Yue–si” can ever be.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is still more sound evidence for this identification. Whereas <strong>the</strong>re are <strong>in</strong>dications<br />
that <strong>the</strong> sound <strong>of</strong> › 月 ‹ was › i u ɐ t ‹ <strong>in</strong> Middle Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, this sound, with <strong>the</strong><br />
help <strong>of</strong> Uighur-<strong>in</strong>herited pronunciations <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese characters, has been reconstructed<br />
recently as an older, or Tang-time, › u r / a r ‹ which was written ›wr‹ <strong>and</strong> ›’r‹ <strong>in</strong> Old Uighur<br />
script (Pr<strong>of</strong>. SHÕGAITO 庄 垣 內 <strong>in</strong> a lecture <strong>in</strong> Berl<strong>in</strong>, March 2007). This, <strong>in</strong> all probability,<br />
suggests a perfectly fitt<strong>in</strong>g revised read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> 月 氏 as Ar–si.<br />
As shown above, <strong>the</strong> historic date <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s arrival at <strong>the</strong> Royal court <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 肉 氏 (later spelled 月 氏 , <strong>and</strong> for a long time <strong>in</strong>correctly transcribed “Yuè–zhð”<br />
<strong>in</strong> P<strong>in</strong>y<strong>in</strong>) is: Summer <strong>of</strong> 129 BCE. In o<strong>the</strong>r words: <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> arrived <strong>in</strong> Daxia<br />
with<strong>in</strong> a few months <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al fall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greek k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> Bactria — which, as<br />
can be deduced from numismatic <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r evidence, still existed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> year 130 BCE.<br />
To know this, is <strong>in</strong>deed <strong>of</strong> importance to clearly underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji’s description <strong>of</strong><br />
Daxia, located directly to <strong>the</strong> east <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al Greek possessions around <strong>the</strong> capital<br />
Bactra.<br />
It is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g to note that <strong>the</strong> year <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s arrival at <strong>the</strong> Oxus River was<br />
correctly calculated by DE GUIGNES <strong>in</strong> 1759 <strong>and</strong> by BERNARD <strong>in</strong> 1973. In <strong>the</strong> more than<br />
two hundred years between <strong>the</strong> two em<strong>in</strong>ent French Orientalists we f<strong>in</strong>d an astonish<strong>in</strong>g<br />
range <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>correct calculations. 1759: 24, DE GUIGNES writes:<br />
J’ai dit plus haut que Tcham-kiao rentra dans la Ch<strong>in</strong>e l’an 126 avant J.C. Il avoit employé<br />
treize ans à faire ce long voyage; il étoit donc parti vers l’an 139 avant J.C. Mais comme<br />
il étoit resté pendant dix ans prisonnier chez les Huns, il n’a pû arriver chez les Yue-chi<br />
que vers l’an 129 ...<br />
I stop quot<strong>in</strong>g this early study here because <strong>the</strong> author goes on to say that <strong>Zhang</strong><br />
<strong>Qian</strong> 張 騫 (Tcham–kiao) stayed with <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 until <strong>the</strong> year 127 — & peut-être<br />
une partie de 126. This, <strong>of</strong> course, is clearly impossible. 1973: 111, BERNARD writes:<br />
Il est <strong>in</strong>contestable qu’en 129 av. J.-C. — la date du voyage de Chang K’ien est fixée de<br />
façon sûre par les annales ch<strong>in</strong>oises — la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e avait perdu son <strong>in</strong>dépendance politique<br />
au pr<strong>of</strong>it des Yué-chi, mais elle gardait encore l’identité d’un état vassal ...<br />
Here we see why it is so important to know <strong>the</strong> exact time <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s arrival at<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 court: it is <strong>the</strong> closest term<strong>in</strong>us ante quem for <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al destruction <strong>of</strong><br />
Greek Bactria we know <strong>of</strong>. Yet, almost nowhere <strong>in</strong> our modern <strong>Western</strong> literature — as<br />
far as I can ascerta<strong>in</strong> — are we told that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> arrived at <strong>the</strong> Oxus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> court<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 so early. This is all <strong>the</strong> more surpris<strong>in</strong>g as we have, today, as two thous<strong>and</strong><br />
years ago, just one primary source to guide us: <strong>the</strong> Shiji, or magnum opus <strong>of</strong><br />
Sima Tan (d. 110) <strong>and</strong> his son, Sima <strong>Qian</strong> (145–c.86). In 1825: 115-116, RÉMUSAT writes:<br />
L’empereur … choisit pour son ambassadeur Tchhang-kian, qui partit, accompagné de<br />
quelques autres <strong>of</strong>ficiers, pour aller trouver les Youeï-chi dans le lieu où ils s’étoient retirés<br />
… Tchhang-kian avoit à traverser, pour venir dans la Transoxane, des contrées qui<br />
étoient au pouvoir des Hioung-nou. Ceux-ci eurent connoissance de l’objet de son voyage,<br />
et réussirent à lui couper le chem<strong>in</strong>. Lui et ses compagnons furent arrêtés et retenus dix<br />
ans prisonniers …<br />
Ils parv<strong>in</strong>rent à s’échapper, et v<strong>in</strong>rent d’abord dans le Ta-wan … En voyant Tchhangkian,<br />
ils eurent beaucoup de joie … ils s’empressèrent de lui donner toute sorte de facilités<br />
pour aller dans la Sogdiane. Ce fut là qu’il apprit que les Youeï-chi … s’étoient rendus maîtres<br />
de Ta-hia. L’ambassadeur les suivit jusque dans ce dernier pays, au midi de l’Oxus;<br />
mais il ne put obtenir d’eux de quitter une contrée fertile, riche, abondante en toute sorte<br />
— 3 —
de productions, pour revenir dans les déserts de la Tartarie faire la guerre aux Hioung-nou.<br />
Tchang-kian, fort mécontent du mauvais succès de sa négociation, et ayant encore perdu<br />
une année chez les Youeï-chi … il prit sa route à travers les montagnes du Tibet: mais cela<br />
ne lui servit de rien; les Hioung-nou, dont les courses s’étendoient jusque là, le prirent encore<br />
une fois, et le ret<strong>in</strong>rent assez long-temps. Il parv<strong>in</strong>t enf<strong>in</strong> à s’échapper, à la faveur des<br />
troubles qui suivirent la mort du Tchhen-iu régnant, et rev<strong>in</strong>t en Ch<strong>in</strong>e après treize ans<br />
d’absence, accompagné d’un seul de ses collègues, le reste de l’ambassade.<br />
Leav<strong>in</strong>g aside a few m<strong>in</strong>or flaws <strong>in</strong> this render<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> story as told <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123,<br />
RÉMUSAT does not give his readers any idea about <strong>the</strong> absolute chronology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong><br />
<strong>Qian</strong>’s historic mission. To do so, he would have had to state <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu<br />
chanyu 單 于 (emperor) who had died when <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally escaped <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> company<br />
<strong>of</strong> that chanyu’s son <strong>and</strong> crown pr<strong>in</strong>ce. To f<strong>in</strong>d out, RÉMUSAT would have had to<br />
read Shiji 110. We do not know whe<strong>the</strong>r he did. From this early translation, it is impossible<br />
to know <strong>in</strong> what year <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> arrived at <strong>the</strong> Oxus River.<br />
One year later, 1826: 57, KLAPROTH told <strong>the</strong> story this way:<br />
La nation de Yue tchi habitait alors entre l’extrémité occidentale de la prov<strong>in</strong>ce de Chen<br />
si, les Montagnes célestes et le Kuen lun, c’est-à-dire dans le pays que nous appelons à<br />
présent le Tangout, où elle avait formé un royaume puissant. En 165, les Hioung nous l’attaquèrent,<br />
la chassèrent à l’occident, ou elle se fixa en Transoxiane.<br />
L’empereur Wou ti rechercha l’alliance des Yue tchi, parcequ’il espérait qu’ils se réuniraient<br />
avec lui contre les Hioung nou. Le Tchhen yu ayant pénétré ce desse<strong>in</strong> chercha tous<br />
les moyens pour le faire échouer.<br />
Tchang khian s’était <strong>of</strong>fert à l’empereur pour entreprendre le voyage en Transoxiane, et<br />
il avait dem<strong>and</strong>é à être accompagné d’environ cent hommes; mais, en passant par le pays<br />
des Hioung nou, il fut arrêté avec sa suite et retenu prisonnier pendant dix ans; au bout de<br />
ce temps il trouva l’occasion de s’évader, et marcha du côté de l’ouest. Il trouva les Yue tchi<br />
dans leur nouveau pays. L’envoyé ch<strong>in</strong>ois y séjourna pendant plus d’un an, au bout duquel,<br />
repassant chez les Hioung nou, il fut fait de nouveau prisonnier; mais il s’échappa, et rev<strong>in</strong>t<br />
en Ch<strong>in</strong>e après treize ans d’absence.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> his text, next to <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e Tchang khian s’était…, KLAPROTH gives<br />
“126 av. J.-C.” This way it is left to <strong>the</strong> imag<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reader whe<strong>the</strong>r this absolute<br />
year applies to <strong>the</strong> departure from Chang’an, <strong>the</strong> arrival at <strong>the</strong> Oxus, or <strong>the</strong> return to<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>a <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>. A few pages later KLAPROTH adds:<br />
Le voyage que le général ch<strong>in</strong>ois Tchang khian entreprit, en 126 avant notre ère, dans<br />
les pays occidentaux, avait pour but de susciter des ennemis aux Hioung nou.<br />
From this sentence, readers were led to believe that <strong>the</strong> year stated was that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
departure <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>. We may note here that we have to comb<strong>in</strong>e <strong>the</strong> texts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
two translators to get close to what is actually said <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123. And it is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g to<br />
see that from now on <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> will always be a general <strong>in</strong> this story — as if he had<br />
been undertak<strong>in</strong>g a military mission. In reality, this secret mission was purely<br />
political. <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> was only made a general a few years after his return to Ch<strong>in</strong>a as<br />
a reward for his merits as an ambassador.<br />
In 1836: 37-38, RÉMUSAT writes <strong>in</strong> a foot note to his splendid translation, published<br />
posthumously, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Foguoji 佛 國 記 , or “Memoirs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddhist K<strong>in</strong>gdoms,” by <strong>the</strong><br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Buddhist monk <strong>and</strong> pilgrim to India <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> years 399–414, Fa Xian 法 顯 ,<br />
edited by KLAPROTH, who also died before <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al publication:<br />
Tchang khian, que DEGUIGNES, par erreur, a nommé Tchang kiao, est un général ch<strong>in</strong>ois<br />
qui, sous le règne de Wou ti de la dynastie des <strong>Han</strong>, l’an 122 avant J. C., fit la première expédition<br />
mémorable dans l’Asie centrale. On l’avait envoyé en ambassade chez les Yue ti,<br />
mais il avait été retenu par les Hioung nou, et gardé dix ans chez ces peuples. Il s’y était<br />
même marié et avait eu des enfants. Durant ce séjour, il avait acquis une connaissance<br />
étendue des contrées situées à l’occident de la Ch<strong>in</strong>e. Il f<strong>in</strong>it par s’échapper et s’enfuit à<br />
— 4 —
plusieurs diza<strong>in</strong>es de journées du côté de l’ouest, jusque dans le Ta wan (Farghana). De là<br />
il passa dans le Khang kiu (la Sogdiane), le pays des Yue ti et celui des Dahæ [Daxia].<br />
Pour éviter à son retour les obstacles qui l’avaient arrêté, il voulut passer au milieu des<br />
montagnes, par le pays des Khiang (le Tibet), mais il ne put éviter d’être encore pris par<br />
les Hioung nou … Il parv<strong>in</strong>t à s’échapper de nouveau et rev<strong>in</strong>t en Ch<strong>in</strong>e après treize ans,<br />
n’ayant plus que deux compagnons, sur cent qui avaient formé sa suite à son départ. Les<br />
contrées qu’il avait visitées en personne étaient le Ta wan, le pays des gr<strong>and</strong>s Yue ti, celui<br />
des Ta hia (Dahæ) et le Khang kiu ou la Sogdiane.<br />
Compar<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>se texts with <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese orig<strong>in</strong>al one realizes that <strong>the</strong> translators<br />
mixed <strong>the</strong>ir own comments <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong>ir renditions. What, <strong>the</strong>n, did <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese text <strong>of</strong><br />
Shiji 123 really say?<br />
To be sure, as early as 1828 one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> students <strong>of</strong> RÉMUSAT published a full <strong>and</strong> pioneer<strong>in</strong>g<br />
translation <strong>of</strong> this important chapter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji. He had done it under <strong>the</strong><br />
close guidance <strong>of</strong> his teacher RÉMUSA T. His name was given as Brosset jeune (“Brosset<br />
jun ior”) — he was Monsieur Marie-Félicité Brosset who soon ab<strong>and</strong>oned his s<strong>in</strong>ological<br />
studies <strong>in</strong> favor <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Oriental languages. One reason may have been that his<br />
struggles with <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese language went largely unnoticed by <strong>the</strong> scholarly community<br />
o f <strong>Western</strong> Europe. Unfortunately, young Brosset’s French translation was reproduced<br />
without <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al text. I <strong>in</strong>clude it here for <strong>the</strong> sake <strong>of</strong> easy comparison.<br />
( BROSSET 1828: 418–421)<br />
Les traces des Ta ouan (Fergana) sont con-<br />
depuis Tchang–kien,<br />
nues<br />
capita<strong>in</strong>e des <strong>Han</strong>, en l’année ›kien–youen‹<br />
( 140 ans avant J.-C.).<br />
A cette époque, le fils du Ciel <strong>in</strong>terrogeant<br />
des Hiong–nou qui s’étaient soumis, apprit<br />
que les Hiong–nou avaient battu les Youe–<br />
chi, et fait une coupe du crâne de leur roi;<br />
qu’enf<strong>in</strong> les Youe–chi s’étaient dispersés, la<br />
rage dans le cœur contre les Hiong–nou,<br />
sans vouloir faire la paix avec eux.<br />
A ce récit, l’empereur des <strong>Han</strong>, qui souhaitait<br />
détruire les barbares des environs, et<br />
pour réaliser ses projets de communica-<br />
par des caravanes qui traverseraient<br />
tions<br />
le pays des Hiong–nou, fit chercher des<br />
gens capables de cette commission.<br />
Kien, capita<strong>in</strong>e de la caravane des Youe–<br />
chi, et Tchang–y–chi kou–hou nou–kan–fou<br />
sortirent ensemble par Long–si, se portant<br />
vers les Hiong–nou;<br />
ceux-ci les arrêtèrent et les livrèrent au<br />
Tchen–yu (c’était alors Lao–chang).<br />
Le Tchen–yu les ret<strong>in</strong>t …<br />
Il les garda dix ans et leur donna des femmes.<br />
Mais Tchang kien, qui avait ses <strong>in</strong>structions<br />
des <strong>Han</strong> et ne les perdait pas de vue;<br />
se trouvant tous les jours plus libre au mi-<br />
des Hiong–nou, s’échappa avec ses<br />
lieu<br />
compagnons, se dirigeant vers les Youe–chi<br />
( ils émigrèrent vers la gr<strong>and</strong>e Bucharie, en<br />
l’an 139 avant Jésus-Christ);<br />
Shiji 123. 3157–3159<br />
大 宛 之 跡 見 自 張 騫<br />
張 騫 漢 中 人<br />
建 元 中 為 郎<br />
是 時 天 子 問 匈 奴 降 者 皆<br />
言 匈 奴 破 月 氏 王 以 其 頭<br />
為 飲 器<br />
月 氏 遁 逃 而 常 怨 仇 匈 奴<br />
無 與 共 擊 之<br />
漢 方 欲 事 滅 胡 聞 此 言 因<br />
欲 通 使 道 必 更 匈 奴 中 乃<br />
募 能 使 者<br />
騫 以 郎 應 募 使 月 氏 與 堂<br />
邑 氏 ( 故 ) 胡 奴 甘 父 俱<br />
出 隴 西<br />
經 匈 奴 匈 奴 得 之 傳 詣 單<br />
于 單 于 留 之 …<br />
留 騫 十 餘 歲 與 妻 有 子 然<br />
騫 持 漢 節 不 失<br />
居 匈 奴 中 益 寬 騫 因 與 其<br />
— 5 —
et après quelques dixa<strong>in</strong>es de jours de mar-<br />
il arriva à Ta ouan.<br />
che,<br />
Les gens du pays avaient entendu parler<br />
de la fertilité et des richesses des <strong>Han</strong>;<br />
mais, malgré tous leurs désirs, ils n’avaient<br />
pu nouer de communications. Ils virent<br />
Kien avec plaisir …<br />
Sur sa parole, le roi de Ta ouan lui donna<br />
des guides et des chevaux de poste, qui le<br />
menèrent à Kang–kiu (Samark<strong>and</strong>e). De là<br />
il fut remis à Ta–youe–chi.<br />
Le roi des Youe–chi avait été tué par les<br />
Hiong–nou, et son fils était sur le trône.<br />
Va<strong>in</strong>queurs des Ta–hia (habitans du C<strong>and</strong>ahar)<br />
les Youe–chi s’étaient fixés dans<br />
leur pays, gras et fertile, peu <strong>in</strong>festé de voleurs,<br />
et dont la population était paisible.<br />
En outre, depuis leur éloignement des <strong>Han</strong>,<br />
ils ne voulaient absolument plus obéir aux<br />
barbares.<br />
Kien pénétra, à travers les Youe–chi, à Ta–<br />
hia, et ne put obtenir des Youe–chi une lettre<br />
de soumission.<br />
Après un an de délai, revenant au mont<br />
P<strong>in</strong>g–nan, il voulut traverser le pays de<br />
Kiang; mais il fut repris par les Hiong–nou.<br />
Au bout d’un an, le Tchen–yu mourut. Le<br />
Ko–li–vang de la gauche battit l’héritier de<br />
la couronne, et se mit en sa place; l’<strong>in</strong>térieur<br />
du pays était en combustion.<br />
Kien, conjo<strong>in</strong>tement avec Hou–tsi et<br />
Tchang–y–fou, s’échappa et rev<strong>in</strong>t chez les<br />
<strong>Han</strong> (en l’année 127 avant J.-C.) ...<br />
屬 亡 鄉 月 氏 西 走 數 十 日<br />
至 大 宛<br />
大 宛 聞 漢 之 饒 財 欲 通 不<br />
得 見 騫 喜 …<br />
大 宛 以 為 然 遣 騫 為 發 導<br />
繹 抵 康 居 康 居 傳 致 大 月<br />
氏<br />
大 月 氏 王 已 為 胡 所 殺 立<br />
其 太 子 為 王<br />
既 臣 大 夏 而 居 地 肥 饒 少<br />
寇 志 安 樂 又 自 以 遠 漢 殊<br />
無 報 胡 之 心<br />
騫 從 月 氏 至 大 夏 竟 不 能<br />
得 月 氏 要 領<br />
留 歲 餘 還 並 南 山 欲 從 羌<br />
中 歸 復 為 匈 奴 所 得<br />
留 歲 餘 單 于 死 左 谷 蠡 王<br />
攻 其 太 子 自 立 國 內 亂<br />
騫 與 胡 妻 及 堂 邑 父 俱 亡<br />
歸 漢 …<br />
This <strong>the</strong>n is what <strong>the</strong> two reputed S<strong>in</strong>ologists <strong>and</strong> one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir most ambitious stu-<br />
dents translate for those many <strong>Western</strong> Orientalists, Historians, Geographers etc.<br />
who — <strong>in</strong> this <strong>and</strong> over <strong>the</strong> next few generations — are unable to read Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>the</strong>m-<br />
selves. What do <strong>the</strong> latter make out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> translations <strong>and</strong> narratives ?<br />
RITTER, 2 1837: 545; 547, writes:<br />
E<strong>in</strong>fluß des ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Reiches auf West-Asien unter der Dynastie der <strong>Han</strong> (163 vor bis<br />
196 nach Chr. Geburt). Tschangkians Entdeckung von Ferghana, Sogdiana, Bactrien und<br />
der <strong>Han</strong>delsstraße nach Indien, um das J. 122<br />
vor Chr.G. … Hier ist der Ort, unter diesem<br />
Kaiser se<strong>in</strong>es ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Generals, Tschangkian, dessen wir schon früher e<strong>in</strong>mal gedachten<br />
(Asien I, S. 201, 195), genauer zu erwähnen, als des Entdeckers Sogdianas, des Cas-<br />
sondern als politischer Missionar, um das<br />
pischen Meeres und Indiens, nicht als Eroberer,<br />
Jahr 122 vor Chr. Geb. …<br />
It is not altoge<strong>the</strong>r clear, but one may guess that RITTER took <strong>the</strong> year 122 BCE as<br />
<strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> discovery, i.e. <strong>the</strong> year <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s arrival <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Far West.<br />
LASSEN <strong>in</strong> 1838: 250 writes:<br />
In diesen Szu hat man längst die Saker er kannt und es stimmt damit, dass die Saker<br />
sich schon vor dem <strong>Fall</strong>e des Baktrischen Reiches e<strong>in</strong>es <strong>The</strong>ils Sogdianas bemächtigt hatten<br />
… Die Yuetchi stossen die Szu weiter und nehmen die von ihnen besetzten Gebiete e<strong>in</strong>;<br />
— 6 —
die Szu nach Süden gedrängt f<strong>in</strong>den Gelegenheit, sich des L<strong>and</strong>es Kip<strong>in</strong> zu bemächtigen,<br />
die nachrückenden Yuetschi nehmen das L<strong>and</strong> der Tahia. E<strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>esischer General<br />
Tchamkiao war auf diesem Zuge bei den Yuetschi und das wohlbegründete Ereignis fällt<br />
<strong>in</strong> die Zeit unmittelbar vor 126 vor Chr. Geburt.<br />
In 1829 <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> St. Petersburg, <strong>the</strong> first gr<br />
eat Russian S<strong>in</strong>ologist BICHURIN published<br />
a translation <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96, which does not conta<strong>in</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’ s biography nor his<br />
mission to <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 — <strong>the</strong>se went <strong>in</strong>to <strong>Han</strong>shu<br />
61 —, but it does mention <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s<br />
name a few times <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>cludes an updated<br />
description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>and</strong><br />
its early history. This translation <strong>in</strong>to a We<br />
stern language went almost unnoticed by<br />
<strong>Western</strong> scholars. An exception is SCHOTT w ho published a book review <strong>of</strong> it, here <strong>in</strong><br />
Berl<strong>in</strong>. In 1841: 164-165; 169, SCHOTT states:<br />
… gab der Pater Jak<strong>in</strong>ph (Hyac<strong>in</strong>th) Bitschur<strong>in</strong>skij, früher e<strong>in</strong>e Zeitlang Archim<strong>and</strong>rit<br />
an dem Griechischen Kloster <strong>in</strong> Pek<strong>in</strong>g … bereits vor zwölf Jahren vorliegendes Werk hererdienstlich,<br />
besonders … da der Verfasser<br />
aus … aber se<strong>in</strong>e Arbeit ist gleichwohl sehr v<br />
hier aus e<strong>in</strong>er Quelle geschöpft hat, die bis jetzt ke<strong>in</strong>em Europäischen S<strong>in</strong>ologen zugäng-<br />
Si-yü-tschuan (Kunde von den Si-yü,<br />
lich gewesen … Diese Beschreibung, im Orig<strong>in</strong>ale<br />
westliche Grenz-Regionen) betitelt, bildet e<strong>in</strong>en <strong>in</strong>tegrierenden <strong>The</strong>il der Annalen jenes<br />
Kaiserhauses, welches die Pariser Biblio<strong>the</strong>k schwerlich besitzen dürfte; denn Abel-Remuie<br />
vorf<strong>in</strong>den … In se<strong>in</strong>er 18 Seiten starken<br />
sat hat se<strong>in</strong>e Beiträge zur alten Geschichte Mittelasiens nur aus den Resumé’s entlehnt,<br />
die sich <strong>in</strong> Ma-tuan-l<strong>in</strong>’s kritischer Encyklopäd Vorrede macht Pater Hyac<strong>in</strong>th folgende Bemerkung[en] :<br />
… Aber zwei Jahrhunderte vor u. Z. stiftete e<strong>in</strong> nördliches Barbarenvolk, von den Ch<strong>in</strong>e-<br />
<strong>in</strong> Central-Asien, die das Reich<br />
sen Hiong-nu genannt, e<strong>in</strong>e ungeheure Steppen-Monarchie<br />
der “Himmelssöhne” <strong>in</strong> langwierigen Kämpfen<br />
demüthigte, und der Ch<strong>in</strong>esische H<strong>of</strong> mussdenken,<br />
um diesen gefährlichen Fe<strong>in</strong>d un-<br />
te endlich auf ausserordentliche Maassregeln<br />
schädlich zu machen. Gefangene Hiong-nu sagten aus, auf der L<strong>and</strong>strecke von der<br />
Grossen Mauer bis Chamul (Ha–mi) habe vor nicht gar langer Zeit e<strong>in</strong> mächtiges Volk —<br />
die Yue-tschi oder Yue-ti (Geten) — gewohnt, das aber, von den Hiong-nu verdrängt, <strong>in</strong>s ferne<br />
Abendl<strong>and</strong> ausgew<strong>and</strong>ert sei.<br />
Da schickte Kaiser <strong>Wu</strong>-ti (140 bis 85 vor Chr.), <strong>in</strong> der H<strong>of</strong>fnung dieses Volk gegen die<br />
Hiong-nu aufzureizen, se<strong>in</strong>en General Tschang-kian als Bevollmächtigten an sie ab. Die<br />
Hiong-nu lauerten diesem Magnaten auf, und hielten ihn zehn Jahre lang <strong>in</strong> gefänglichem<br />
Gewahrsam, bis er endlich Gelegenheit f<strong>and</strong> zu entfliehen, und nun durch Fergana und<br />
Sogdiana zu den Yue-ti gelangte. Alle<strong>in</strong> der Fürst dieser Nation, welcher die Ta-hia (Dacier)<br />
unterworfen und <strong>in</strong> ihrem L<strong>and</strong>e sich niedergelassen hatte, dachte <strong>in</strong> se<strong>in</strong>en schönen Besitzungen<br />
nicht mehr daran, sich an den Hiong-nu zu rächen. Tschang-kian verweilte hier<br />
e<strong>in</strong>ige Jahre, kehrte dann unverrichteter Sache zurück und fiel e<strong>in</strong> zweites Mal den Hiongnu<br />
<strong>in</strong> die Hände, aber Unruhen im Hiong-nu-Reiche verschafften ihm Gelegenheit, e<strong>in</strong><br />
zweites Mal zu entr<strong>in</strong>nen; und so erreichte er (126 v.Ch.) endlich wieder se<strong>in</strong>e Heimat …<br />
For <strong>the</strong> year <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s return, BICHURIN’S calculation, 126 BCE, was <strong>the</strong> best<br />
so far. I have Bichur<strong>in</strong>’s Russian translation here before me, but regrettably not his<br />
preface. Hence I am unable to say, whe<strong>the</strong>r or not he had also calculated a def<strong>in</strong>ite year<br />
f or <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “general” at <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Geten” (<strong>the</strong> Massagètes <strong>of</strong> RÉMUSAT<br />
1829: 220). Anyway, beyond KLAPROTH <strong>and</strong> SCHOTT, few scholars <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West read BI-<br />
CHURIN’S translation <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96. Among those who did not read it is <strong>the</strong> famous<br />
French geographer, VIVIEN DE SAINT-MARTIN. In 1850: 261–262, 267 (foot notes); 265, 292–<br />
293 (ma<strong>in</strong> text), he writes:<br />
Cet <strong>of</strong>ficier se nommait Tchang-Khian. Parti de la cour impériale en l’année 126, il fut arrêté<br />
en chem<strong>in</strong> par les Hioung-nou, qui pénétrèrent l’objet de sa mission, et qui le ret<strong>in</strong>rent<br />
parmi eux. Tchang-Khian, parvenu enf<strong>in</strong> à s’évader après dix années de captivité, ne put<br />
conséquemment arriver chez les Yué-tchi qu’en l’année 116, et en effet il les trouva bien établis<br />
dans la Transoxane, qu’ils possédaient depuis dix ans …<br />
— 7 —
Mais ce qu’il nous est surtout important de connaître plus en détail, c’est la nation même<br />
des Yué-tchi … Le Pl<strong>in</strong>e ch<strong>in</strong>ois, Ma-touan-l<strong>in</strong>, a réuni au XIII e siècle ces anciennes notions,<br />
encore augmentées de notions plus récentes, et en a formé un article spécial parmi<br />
ceux qu’il consacre aux nations de l’<strong>in</strong>térieur de l’Asie. Nous <strong>in</strong>sérons ici la traduction de ce<br />
morceau, qu’a bien voulu nous fournir M. Stanislas Julien; elle complète et rectifie en<br />
beaucoup de passages essentiels celle qu’Abel Rémusat en a donnée …<br />
Abel Rémusat et Klaproth identifient constamment le Ta-hia des relations ch<strong>in</strong>oises<br />
avec la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e, c’est-à-dire avec la partie orientale du Khoraçân actuel. Ce rapprochement<br />
ne nous paraît pas exact. Nous ne voyons nulle raison de nous éloigner ici de la synonymie<br />
naturelle que nous fournit la situation des Dahæ dans l’ancienne géographie classique,<br />
sur la côte S.-E. de la mer Caspienne, au midi de l’ancienne embouchure de<br />
l’Oxus …<br />
Ce que nous voyons quant à présent avec certitude, c’est … qu’après avoir séjourné pendant<br />
trente ans environ dans les pâturages de la Dzoûngarie, les Yué-tchi furent contra<strong>in</strong>ts<br />
par un nouveau refoulement de pousser plus lo<strong>in</strong> leur émigration; qu’ils descendirent alors,<br />
vers les années 130 à 126 avant notre ère, dans les steppes du nord du Jaxartès, et que<br />
bientôt après, franchissant ce gr<strong>and</strong> fleuve, ils v<strong>in</strong>rent s’emparer, en l’année 126, des riches<br />
prov<strong>in</strong>ces qui avaient appartenu peu avant aux rois grecs de la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e, entre le Jaxartès<br />
et l’Oxus; qu’ils y établirent dès lors leur dom<strong>in</strong>ation exclusive …<br />
It was a disaster <strong>of</strong> sorts that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> translations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources”<br />
should start with <strong>the</strong> late “Encyclopedia” 文 獻 通 考 <strong>of</strong> MA D UANLIN 馬 端 臨 <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong><br />
w ith <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories 正 史 , which MA DUANLIN had reworked <strong>in</strong> a very<br />
superficial, confused, or at least confus<strong>in</strong>g, manner. It took a long time to repair <strong>the</strong><br />
damage. Later authors strongly warned aga<strong>in</strong>st us<strong>in</strong>g MA DUANLIN <strong>in</strong>discrim<strong>in</strong>ately.<br />
Once aga<strong>in</strong> I must quote LASSEN who, <strong>in</strong> 2 1874: 370-371, writes:<br />
Die Zeit dieses Ereignisses lässt sich mit ziemlicher Genauigkeit nach den Berichten<br />
über die Sendung des Ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Generals Tchangkian zu den Jueïtchi feststellen. Der<br />
Kaiser <strong>Wu</strong>ti aus der Familie der <strong>Han</strong>, welcher von 140—80 vor Chr. G. regierte, <strong>in</strong> der Absicht,<br />
die Hiungnu zu nöthigen, ihre Waffen gegen Westen zu richten und dadurch se<strong>in</strong><br />
Reich von ihren fortwährenden räuberischen E<strong>in</strong>fällen zu befreien, beschloss, e<strong>in</strong> Bündnis<br />
mit ihren Fe<strong>in</strong>den, den Jueïtchi, zu schliessen und sie zu e<strong>in</strong>em Kriege gegen sie zu bewegen;<br />
er beauftragte den oben genannten General mit der Unterh<strong>and</strong>lung. Als dieser die<br />
Jueïtchi erreichte, f<strong>and</strong> er sie schon im Besitze von Tahia und nicht geneigt, sich an den<br />
Hiungnu zu rächen … Da sie ausserdem zu entfernt von den Ch<strong>in</strong>esen wohnten, konnten<br />
sie sich nicht entschliessen, dem Tchangkian den Oberbefehl über e<strong>in</strong> Heer zu geben und<br />
<strong>in</strong> die raue und wüste Gegend ihrer früheren Wohnsitze zurückzukehren. Der Ges<strong>and</strong>te<br />
des Ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Kaisers kehrte daher unverrichteter Sache <strong>in</strong> se<strong>in</strong> Vaterl<strong>and</strong> zurück.<br />
Das Jahr se<strong>in</strong>er Rückkehr wird nicht übere<strong>in</strong>stimmend angegeben. Nach e<strong>in</strong>er Angabe<br />
kehrte er im Jahre 126 vor Chr. G. zurück, nach e<strong>in</strong>er <strong>and</strong>ern 122. Der älteste Ch<strong>in</strong>esische<br />
Geschichtsschreiber, bei welchem e<strong>in</strong>e Bestimmung hierüber sich f<strong>in</strong>det, Ssémathsien,<br />
lässt die Abreise zwischen den Jahren 140 und 134 vor Chr. G. stattf<strong>in</strong>den (<strong>in</strong> se<strong>in</strong>em Sséki,<br />
§ 123). Es bleibt daher zweifelhaft, ob die zwei Jahre, welche er bei den Jueïtchi zubrachte,<br />
von 130 oder 124 an zu zählen s<strong>in</strong>d ... Da die Angabe, dass Tchangkian im Jahre 122 zurückkehrte,<br />
sich <strong>in</strong> e<strong>in</strong>em aus Ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Quellen geschöpften Werke f<strong>in</strong>det, möchte sie<br />
als die richte betrachtet werden.<br />
LASSEN shows great respect for RÉMUSAT’s translation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> famous<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Buddhist pilgrims who came to <strong>the</strong> holy l<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> India <strong>and</strong> wrote detailed repor<br />
ts: primary sources <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> highest importance. In 1874 LASSEN copies RÉMUSAT’s<br />
mistake <strong>of</strong> 1836. But he also remarks that <strong>the</strong> year 122 is <strong>in</strong> clear contradiction to an-<br />
<strong>of</strong> RÉMUSAT’s notes, namely that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, after his return, was made a mili-<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
t ary comm<strong>and</strong>er <strong>in</strong> 123 BCE. LASSEN had not been told that Shiji 123 states <strong>in</strong> simple,<br />
u nmistakable terms <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s year <strong>of</strong> return (at least as far as <strong>the</strong> authors were<br />
concerned — how should <strong>the</strong>y know that later readers would no longer be familiar<br />
— 8 —
with <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese calendar ?). LASSEN was caught between doubt <strong>and</strong> praise. One soluion<br />
to his dilemma could be that <strong>the</strong> figure 122, <strong>in</strong> fact, was a pr<strong>in</strong>ter’s mistake for<br />
t<br />
127 — <strong>the</strong> year <strong>of</strong> return that “BROSSET jeune” published <strong>in</strong> 1828, worked out with his<br />
t eacher RÉMUSAT. With all its shortcom<strong>in</strong>gs BROSSET’s early translation rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong><br />
ma<strong>in</strong> entry po<strong>in</strong>t to <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources for <strong>the</strong> next author.<br />
In 1877: 448–452, VON RICHTHOFEN writes:<br />
Entdeckung der Länder am Oxus und Yaxartes durch Tshang-kiën (~128 v.Chr.). Als<br />
Hsia[o]-wu-ti (140 bis 86), der glücklichste der <strong>Han</strong>-Kaiser, zur Regierung kam, begannen<br />
die Hiungnu, die sich seit 160 ruhig verhalten hatten, abermals E<strong>in</strong>fälle <strong>in</strong> das Reich. E<strong>in</strong><br />
e<strong>in</strong>sichtsvoller und kräftiger Regent, beschloss er, ihre Macht zu brechen und die Carawanenwege<br />
durch das von ihnen beherrschte L<strong>and</strong> für sich zu öffnen. Die Hiungnu hatten<br />
sich durch räuberische E<strong>in</strong>fälle e<strong>in</strong>e Schreckensherrschaft über die Völker des Tarym-<br />
Beckens gesichert. Alle diese hatten e<strong>in</strong> Interesse an ihrer Niederwerfung; aber ke<strong>in</strong> Volk<br />
konnte, wie man glaubte, <strong>in</strong> gleichem Maass Rache gegen sie brüten, wie die Yue-tshî;<br />
denn aus dem Schädel ihres im Jahre 157 erschlagenen Königs war e<strong>in</strong> Tr<strong>in</strong>kgefäss gemacht<br />
worden. Sie mussten als Bundesgenossen gewonnen werden.<br />
E<strong>in</strong> General Namens Tschang-kiën wurde beauftragt, sie <strong>in</strong> ihren neuen Wohnsitzen<br />
aufzusuchen. Se<strong>in</strong>e Reise ist von hohem Interesse, denn sie ist die erste ch<strong>in</strong>esische Expedition<br />
nach fernen Gegenden im Westen, von der wir Kunde haben. Wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich war es<br />
<strong>in</strong> der That die erste; denn der Bericht hat die Färbung e<strong>in</strong>er abenteuerlichen Entdeckungsreise<br />
nach ganz unbekannten Ländern (ich folge der Erzählung im 123sten Buch des<br />
Sse-ki von Sz’ma-tsiën nach der dankenswer<strong>the</strong>n Uebersetzung von Brosset ... 1828, p. 418–<br />
450, da dieser Bericht nur 40 Jahre nach der Aussendung von Tschang-kiën geschrieben<br />
wurde und <strong>in</strong> hohem Grade das Gepräge der ungeschm<strong>in</strong>kten Wahrhaftigkeit trägt; eben-<br />
so benutze ich die von Brosset berechneten Jahreszahlen, nach welchen die Ges<strong>and</strong>tschaft<br />
im Jahre 127 zurückkehrte, also 139 auszog, während sie gewöhnlich, nach Ma-twan-l<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong><br />
die Jahre 136 bis 123 verlegt wird).<br />
Um das Jahr 139 verliess Tshang-kiën se<strong>in</strong>e Heimath mit e<strong>in</strong>em Uiguren Namens<br />
Tshung-i, welcher wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich mit manchen Wegen <strong>in</strong> Central-Asien bekannt war, und<br />
e<strong>in</strong>er Begleitung von 100 Mann. Nach zehnjähriger Gefangenschaft bei den Hiungnu entkamen<br />
sie und setzten ihre Reise nach dem Reich Ta-wan am Yaxartes fort, wo sie die Yuetshî<br />
vermu<strong>the</strong>ten. Sie hörten, dass diese weiter, nach dem Oxus, <strong>in</strong> das L<strong>and</strong> der Ta-hiâ,<br />
gezogen seien ... Dort, berichtet er, f<strong>and</strong> er die Yue-tschî nördlich vom Fluss Wei (Oxus)<br />
wohnend ... Sie empf<strong>in</strong>gen ihn gut, erklärten aber, dass ihr L<strong>and</strong> fruchtbar sei, und sie<br />
dar<strong>in</strong> glücklich, friedlich und der Plünderung wenig ergeben lebten; sie konnten sich nicht<br />
entschliessen, <strong>in</strong> ihre früheren rauhen und öden Wohnsitze zurückzukehren, um die alten<br />
Fe<strong>in</strong>de zu bekriegen. Das Nomadenleben hatten sie noch nicht abgelegt.<br />
Auf dem Rückweg kam Tschang-kiën nach dem Gebirge P<strong>in</strong>g-shan und wollte von da<br />
durch das L<strong>and</strong> der Kiang gehen, wurde jedoch von den Hiungnu gefangen genommen<br />
und entkam nach e<strong>in</strong>em Jahr. Erst im Jahre 127 kehrte er mit E<strong>in</strong>em aus se<strong>in</strong>en 100 Begleitern<br />
an den kaiserlichen H<strong>of</strong> zurück. Se<strong>in</strong> Hauptzweck war verfehlt. Er hatte die gewünschten<br />
Bundestruppen nicht mitgebracht. Aber er hatte Wichtigeres erreicht. Denn er<br />
konnte se<strong>in</strong>em Kaiser über die Existenz grosser Völker im fernen Westen berichten ...<br />
Nach Feststellung der Lage von Ta-wan lassen sich die Positionen der <strong>and</strong>eren Völker<br />
und Reiche annähernd bestimmen. Die Khang-kiu und Yen-tsai breiteten sich am Yaxartes<br />
abwärts aus. Die ersteren nomadisierten wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich <strong>in</strong> den Gegenden von Taschkent,<br />
Tschemkent und Turkestan, während die Yen-tsai den Unterlauf des Stromgebietes bis<br />
zum Aralsee e<strong>in</strong>nahmen. Die Khang-kiu hatten im Nordosten die Usun zu Nachbarn. Mit<br />
der Residenz am Issyk-kul, breiteten sich diese wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich am Nordfuss des Alex<strong>and</strong>ergebirges<br />
und des Karatau über Talas h<strong>in</strong>aus aus. Südwestlich von den drei grossen<br />
Reichen am mittleren und unteren Yaxartes folgten e<strong>in</strong>ige kle<strong>in</strong>e Reiche, deren Namen uns<br />
nicht aufbewahrt s<strong>in</strong>d.<br />
In dem Thal von Samark<strong>and</strong> begann das ehemalige Gebiet der Ta-hiâ, von dessen<br />
nördlichem <strong>The</strong>il nun die Yue-tshî Besitz genommen hatten. Die letzteren sche<strong>in</strong>en sich<br />
— 9 —
ebenso nach Westen, gegen das jetzige Bokhara, als nach Südwesten bis zum Oxus ausgebreitet<br />
zu haben, während das unkriegerische, verweichlichte Volk der Ta-hiâ die reichen<br />
<strong>Han</strong>delsplätze im Süden des Oxus nebst grossen Strecken auf dem rechten Ufer desselben<br />
<strong>in</strong>ne hatte ... Die Yue-tshî breiteten sich aus und mögen die Ta-hiâ nach Westen gedrängt<br />
haben, da die Dahae oder Daoi der griechischen Schriftsteller am Kaspischen Meer wohnten<br />
...<br />
With so many contradictory explanations <strong>of</strong> one <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> same source text, it was<br />
about time for ano<strong>the</strong>r — closer — look at Shiji 123 by those who read Ch<strong>in</strong>ese.<br />
SPECHT does, <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> 1883: 348, expla<strong>in</strong>s:<br />
Les Yué-tchi, ou Indo-Scy<strong>the</strong>s, qui habitaient primitivement entre le pays des Thun-<br />
Hoang et le mont Ki-lian (les monts Célestes), furent va<strong>in</strong>cus, en 201 et en 165 avant notre<br />
ère, par les Hioung-nou. Ils s’enfuirent au-delà des Ta-Ouan, battirent les Ta-hia de la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e<br />
dans l’ouest, et les subjuguèrent. Leur roi fixa sa résidence au nord de l’Oxus; c’est<br />
dans cette contrée que Tchang-kian, ambassadeur ch<strong>in</strong>ois, les trouva en 126 avant notre<br />
ère. Après le départ de ce dernier, la ville de Lan-chi, capitale des Ta-hia, tomba au pouvoir<br />
des Gr<strong>and</strong>s Yué-tschi qui s’établirent déf<strong>in</strong>itivement dans la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e …<br />
Here <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 are termed “Indo-Scythians” — an epi<strong>the</strong>t which shall reapear<br />
regularly from now on. <strong>The</strong> mistaken appellation “Skythai” for <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 dates<br />
p<br />
b ack to Strabo, for whom n<strong>in</strong>e tenth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asian Cont<strong>in</strong>ent were yet unknown. In his<br />
t ime, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 were known to have come from regions just beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. <strong>The</strong><br />
G ræco-Roman historian, <strong>the</strong>refore, took it for granted that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 were just<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakas — called Scythians by <strong>the</strong> earliest Greek historians like<br />
H erodotos. When <strong>the</strong> easternmost Saka tribe, <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Sacaraucae, f<strong>in</strong>ally<br />
r eached India <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first century BCE, it was natural to name <strong>the</strong>se genu<strong>in</strong>e Scythians<br />
“ Indo-Scythians.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , however, have never been Scythians — let alone Indo-Scythians.<br />
Two thous<strong>and</strong> years after Strabo we know that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 orig<strong>in</strong>ated, not from regions<br />
near <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes, but thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> kilometers fur<strong>the</strong>r east from regions north <strong>and</strong><br />
w est <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yellow River where <strong>the</strong>y were neighbor<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> proto-Huns <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> archaic<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese. <strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 came, not from Central Asia, but from <strong>the</strong> Far East <strong>and</strong> ori-<br />
were, not <strong>of</strong> Indo-European, but <strong>of</strong> Mongoloid stock (see below, p. 71). <strong>The</strong>y<br />
g<strong>in</strong>ally<br />
surely looked a great deal different from any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Scythian tribes <strong>of</strong> our classical<br />
sources with whom <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 only shared <strong>the</strong> pastoral way <strong>of</strong> life.<br />
<strong>The</strong> appellation “Indo-Scythians” for <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 is a gross misnomer. It can be<br />
traced back to our classical <strong>Western</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> sources <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> pa<strong>in</strong>fully difficult<br />
<strong>and</strong> time-consum<strong>in</strong>g process towards <strong>the</strong>ir correct <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>in</strong> modern times.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Periplus, composed around <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first century CE, <strong>the</strong> Indus Val-<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Kabul River down to <strong>the</strong> Erythræan Sea, is still simply called Skythia. In<br />
ley,<br />
t he early first century CE this part <strong>of</strong> India was <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> foreign Parthians<br />
w ho had <strong>in</strong>herited it from <strong>the</strong> equally foreign Sakas or Scythians. <strong>The</strong> name “Skythia,”<br />
<strong>the</strong>n, for a country formerly occupied by <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai, a branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nomadic Scy-<br />
makes good thians, sense.<br />
(CASSON 1989: 73–74; 77) Periplus 38–39; 41<br />
After this region ... <strong>the</strong>re next comes <strong>the</strong> Met¦ d taÚthn t¾n cèran ... kdšcetai <br />
seaboard <strong>of</strong> Skythia, which lies directly to paraqal£ssia mšrh tÁj Skuq…aj par' aÙtÕn<br />
<strong>the</strong> north; it is very flat <strong>and</strong> through it keimšnhj tÕn boršan, tape<strong>in</strong>¦ l…an, x ïn<br />
flows <strong>the</strong> S<strong>in</strong>thos River, mightiest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> potamÕj S…nqoj, mšgistoj tîn kat¦ t¾n<br />
rivers along <strong>the</strong> Erythraean Sea ...<br />
'Eruqr¦n q£lassan potamîn ...<br />
<strong>The</strong> river has seven mouths, narrow <strong>and</strong> `Ept¦ d oátoj Ð potamÕj œcei stÒmata, lept¦<br />
full <strong>of</strong> shallows; none are navigable except d taàta kaˆ tenagèdh, kaˆ t¦ mn ¥lla di£ -<br />
<strong>the</strong> one <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> middle.<br />
ploun oÙk œcei, mÒnon d tÕ mšson, f' oá kaˆ<br />
At it, on <strong>the</strong> coast, st<strong>and</strong>s <strong>the</strong> port <strong>of</strong> trade tÕ paraqal£ssion mpÒriÒn st<strong>in</strong> Barbari-<br />
— 10 —
<strong>of</strong> Barbarikon.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a small islet <strong>in</strong> front <strong>of</strong> it; <strong>and</strong> be-<br />
it, <strong>in</strong>l<strong>and</strong>, is <strong>the</strong> metropolis <strong>of</strong> Skythia<br />
h<strong>in</strong>d<br />
itself, M<strong>in</strong>nagar.<br />
<strong>The</strong> throne is <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Parthians,<br />
w ho are constantly chas<strong>in</strong>g each o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong>f<br />
it.<br />
Vessels moor at Barbarikon, but all <strong>the</strong><br />
cargoes are taken up <strong>the</strong> river to <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g<br />
at <strong>the</strong> metropolis ...<br />
<strong>The</strong> part <strong>in</strong>l<strong>and</strong>, which borders on Skythia,<br />
is called Abêria, <strong>the</strong> part along <strong>the</strong> coast<br />
Syrastrênê.<br />
kÒn.<br />
PrÒkeitai d aÙtoà nhs…on mikrÒn, kaˆ kat¦<br />
nètou mesÒgeioj ¹ mhtrÒpolij aÙtÁj tÁj Sku-<br />
q…aj M<strong>in</strong>nag£r:<br />
basileÚetai d ØpÕ P£rqwn, sunecîj ¢ll»louj<br />
kdiwkÒntwn.<br />
T¦ mn oân plo‹a kat¦ t¾n Barbarik¾n diorm…zontai,<br />
t¦ d fort…a p£nta e„j t¾n mhtrÒ-<br />
¢nafšretai di¦ toà potamoà tù ba-<br />
pol<strong>in</strong><br />
sile‹ ...<br />
TaÚthj t¦ mn mesÒgeia tÍ Skuq…v sunor…-<br />
zonta 'Abhr…a kale‹tai, t¦ d paraqal£ssia<br />
Su[n]rastr»nh ...<br />
More than a century after <strong>the</strong> unknown author <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Periplus, but writ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
s ame Alex<strong>and</strong>ria <strong>in</strong> Egypt, it is <strong>the</strong> erudite Klaudios Ptolemaios who, <strong>in</strong> his Geography<br />
<strong>of</strong> about 170 CE, <strong>in</strong>troduces <strong>the</strong> appellation “Indoskythia.” He uses <strong>the</strong> name for <strong>the</strong><br />
very same region — <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s on both banks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indus River from where <strong>the</strong> latter<br />
receives <strong>the</strong> waters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kabul River down to <strong>the</strong> ocean. Up north, Ptolemaios had<br />
named two o<strong>the</strong>r geographic regions “Skythia”: <strong>the</strong> “Skythia this side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Imaon<br />
Mounta<strong>in</strong>s” <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Skythia beyond <strong>the</strong> Imaon Mounta<strong>in</strong>s.” This may have been <strong>the</strong><br />
simple reason why he wanted to give <strong>the</strong> Skythia <strong>in</strong> India a more dict<strong>in</strong>ct name <strong>and</strong> so<br />
change <strong>the</strong> name <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Periplus, Skythia, to “Indoskythia.” As far as <strong>the</strong>se classical<br />
writers were concerned, <strong>the</strong> name Skythia/Indoskythia had a lot to do with <strong>the</strong> Sakas<br />
or Scythians — <strong>and</strong> noth<strong>in</strong>g with <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 . <strong>The</strong> latter arrived on <strong>the</strong> scene some<br />
time after <strong>the</strong> Sakas: <strong>in</strong> any case after <strong>the</strong> name “Skythia” had already been applied<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Panjab <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> lower reaches <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indus River.<br />
(MCCRINDLE 1885: 136)<br />
India with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> (river) Ganges ...<br />
And furhter, all <strong>the</strong> country along <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indus is called by <strong>the</strong> general name<br />
<strong>of</strong> Indo-Skythia.<br />
Of this <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>sular portion formed by <strong>the</strong> bifurcation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river towards its mouth is Patalênê, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> region above this is Abiria, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> region<br />
about <strong>the</strong> mouths <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indus <strong>and</strong> Gulf <strong>of</strong> Kanthi is<br />
Syrastrênê ...<br />
MCCRINDLE, <strong>in</strong> his translation <strong>of</strong> Ptolemaios’ Indian chapters, 1885: 136–139, writes a<br />
short comment on <strong>the</strong> name “Indoskythia”: it shows that <strong>the</strong> greatest misunderst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>gs<br />
started <strong>in</strong> modern times:<br />
Geographia 7.1.55<br />
TÁj ntÕj G£ggou 'IndikÁj qšsij ...<br />
P£l<strong>in</strong> ¹ mn par¦ tÕ loipÕn mšroj<br />
toà 'Indoà p©sa kale‹tai ko<strong>in</strong>îj mn<br />
'Indoskuq…a,<br />
taÚthj d ¹ mn par¦ tÕn diamerismÕn<br />
tîn stom£twn Patalhn», kaˆ ¹ Øper-<br />
keimšnh aÙtÁj 'Abir…a, ¹ d perˆ t¦<br />
stÒmata toà 'Indoà kaˆ ¹ perˆ tÕn<br />
K£nqi kÒlpon Surastrhn» ...<br />
Indo-Scythia, a vast region which comprised all <strong>the</strong> countries traversed by <strong>the</strong> Indus,<br />
from where it is jo<strong>in</strong>ed by <strong>the</strong> river <strong>of</strong> Kâbul onward to <strong>the</strong> ocean ...<br />
<strong>The</strong> period at which <strong>the</strong> Skythians first appeared <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> valley which was dest<strong>in</strong>ed to<br />
bear <strong>the</strong>ir name for several centuries has been ascerta<strong>in</strong>ed with precision from <strong>the</strong> Chi-<br />
horde <strong>of</strong> Tibetan extraction called Yuei-<br />
nese sources. We <strong>the</strong>nce ga<strong>the</strong>r that a w<strong>and</strong>er<strong>in</strong>g chi or Ye-tha <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 2nd century B.C. left Tangut, <strong>the</strong>ir native country, <strong>and</strong>, advanc<strong>in</strong>g west-<br />
<strong>the</strong> pasture-l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Zungaria. Here <strong>the</strong>y<br />
ward found for <strong>the</strong>mselves a new home amid<br />
had been settled for about thirty years when<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>vasion <strong>of</strong> a new horde compelled <strong>the</strong>m<br />
to migrate to <strong>the</strong> Steppes which lay to <strong>the</strong> north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. In <strong>the</strong>se new seats <strong>the</strong>y<br />
halted for only two years, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> year 128<br />
B.C. <strong>the</strong>y crossed over to <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn bank<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes where <strong>the</strong>y made <strong>the</strong>mselves masters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rich prov<strong>in</strong>ces between that<br />
river <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus, which had lately before belonged to <strong>the</strong> Grecian k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> Baktriana.<br />
This new conquest did not long satisfy <strong>the</strong>ir ambition, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y cont<strong>in</strong>ued to advance<br />
— 11 —
southwards till <strong>the</strong>y had overrun <strong>in</strong> succession <strong>Eastern</strong> Baktriana, <strong>the</strong> bas<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kôphês,<br />
<strong>the</strong> bas<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Etym<strong>and</strong>er with Arakhôsia, <strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally <strong>the</strong> valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indus <strong>and</strong> Syras-<br />
<strong>in</strong>to several tribes, where<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most pow-<br />
trênê. This great horde <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yetha was divided erful was that called <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese annals Kwei-shwang. It acquired <strong>the</strong> supremacy over<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r tribes, <strong>and</strong> gave its name to <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kushâns ... <strong>The</strong>se Kushâns <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Panjâb <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indus are no o<strong>the</strong>rs than <strong>the</strong><br />
Indo-Skythians <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greeks. In <strong>the</strong> ›Râjatara„gi‡î‹<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are called Sâka <strong>and</strong> Turushka ( Turks) ...<br />
This is one example <strong>of</strong> how <strong>the</strong> early translations <strong>of</strong> Shiji 123 — at that time avail<strong>the</strong><br />
desk <strong>of</strong> an English scholar: <strong>the</strong> broad<br />
able <strong>in</strong> French <strong>and</strong> Russian only — reached<br />
outl<strong>in</strong>e is <strong>the</strong>re, but <strong>the</strong> details are <strong>in</strong> shambles. <strong>The</strong> geography <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese narra-<br />
This is strange because <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese his-<br />
tive is better understood than <strong>the</strong> chronology.<br />
torians are extremely careful <strong>and</strong> efficient<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir methods <strong>of</strong> dat<strong>in</strong>g important facts<br />
<strong>and</strong> events. But it is <strong>the</strong>re all given more si nico — that is <strong>the</strong> greatest barrier. In this<br />
short exposé <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 merge with <strong>the</strong> Central Asian Sakas. In this way<br />
<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 become <strong>the</strong> conquerors <strong>of</strong> Sakastana (Arachosia) <strong>and</strong> later <strong>the</strong> Indo-Scythians<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Panjab. It took time to correct <strong>the</strong>se early confused misconceptions.<br />
MCCRINDLE, I like to note here, has one rare observation to <strong>of</strong>fer: he states that <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 conquered, not Bactria, but <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>a — or Ta-hia/Daxia 大 夏 .<br />
SPECHT’s equation Ta-hia = <strong>Bactrian</strong>a is <strong>of</strong> course a great improvement over RÉMU-<br />
SAT’s first guess Ta-hia = Massagètes or “Gr<strong>and</strong>s Gètes” (Goths). Short two years later<br />
MCCRINDLE comes close to hitt<strong>in</strong>g upon a perfect Ta-hia = <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>a — if only<br />
he had been able to read <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s report <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji himself. Instead, from now<br />
on Ta-hia = Bactria will be repeated by just about every author. However, <strong>in</strong> order to<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> complex story <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia (Daxia 大 夏 ) or Tochari properly, <strong>the</strong><br />
equation with Bactria is not good enough: <strong>in</strong>deed it is still mislead<strong>in</strong>g. It suggests that<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 conquered <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Bactria which — as this study will show —<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were unable to do for a long time (see below, p. 56). Ta-hia 大 夏 cannot be <strong>the</strong><br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> name Bactria. Ta-hia ( Daxia), <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histous,<br />
was later called Tu-ho-lo (Tuhuoluo) 吐 火 羅 =<br />
ries (e.g. <strong>the</strong> New Tangshu) tell<br />
Tocharistan.<br />
NEUMANN, 1837: 181, translated:<br />
Tu ho lo … vor Al ters war dies das L<strong>and</strong> der Ta hia —<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese orig<strong>in</strong>al text very clearly given as:<br />
吐 火 羅 … 古 大 夏 地 or: Tu-ho-lo ... (is) <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> old Ta-hia.<br />
Tu-ho-lo, it was soon universally recognized, is <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese name for To-cha-ra. It<br />
is not Bactria, but only <strong>the</strong> easternmost part <strong>of</strong> it, <strong>the</strong> country later called Toxårestån<br />
(<strong>and</strong> also Taxårestån) by Arab authors. That this very important clarification has constantly<br />
been overlooked has greatly helped to confuse <strong>the</strong> issue. But what is <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>terest<br />
for us here, is <strong>in</strong>deed Specht’s statement that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> arrived at <strong>the</strong> Oxus River <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> year 126. Com<strong>in</strong>g from a S<strong>in</strong>ologist, this is disappo<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g. It is unfounded <strong>and</strong> not<br />
much more than a guess.<br />
In ano<strong>the</strong>r posthumously published work, <strong>the</strong> Non-s<strong>in</strong>ologist VON G UTSCHMID, 1888:<br />
59– 62, expla<strong>in</strong>s his own underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources:<br />
Es stünde schlimm um unser Wissen von dem Untergange jenes <strong>in</strong> ferne L<strong>and</strong>e versprengten<br />
Bruch<strong>the</strong>ils des griechischen Volkes, wenn nicht die Politik der ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Regierung<br />
e<strong>in</strong> sehr lebhaftes Interesse an den Bewegungen der <strong>in</strong>nerasiatischen Nomaden<br />
genommen hätte: diesem Interesse verdanken wir den Bericht e<strong>in</strong>es ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Agenten<br />
… Nach diesen Quellen wohnten die Yue-tshi, e<strong>in</strong> den Tibetanern verw<strong>and</strong>tes Nomadenvolk,<br />
ehedem zwischen Tun-hwang (d.h. Sha-tscheu) und dem Ki-lien-shan und wurden<br />
hier, wie alle ihre Nachbarvölker, 177 von dem türkischen Volke der Hiung-nu unterjocht.<br />
E<strong>in</strong>e Erneuerung des Kampfes zwischen 167–161 bekam ihnen übel: Lao-shang, der<br />
Shen-yu oder Gross-chan der Hiung-nu, erschlug ihren König Tshang-lun [<strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> this<br />
— 12 —
k<strong>in</strong>g is not known — GUTSCHMID is quot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> wrong place <strong>the</strong> mistaken translation <strong>of</strong><br />
BROSSET 1828: 424 for <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chanyu Mo-du] und machte sich aus se<strong>in</strong>em<br />
Hirnschädel e<strong>in</strong>e Tr<strong>in</strong>kschale; se<strong>in</strong> Volk aber trat die W<strong>and</strong>erung nach Westen an …<br />
Die sogenannten Grossen Yue-tshi zogen <strong>in</strong> das später von den Usun benannte L<strong>and</strong><br />
(das L<strong>and</strong> am See Issyk-kul). Hier trafen sie e<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong>eres Nomadenvolk, die Sse, und schlugen<br />
ihren König, der mit se<strong>in</strong>em Volk zur Flucht nach Süden genöthigt ward …<br />
Die Grossen Yue-tshi liessen sich darauf im L<strong>and</strong>e der Sse nieder, erfreuten sich aber<br />
des Besitzes nur kurze Zeit: der Kun-mo oder König der Usun, e<strong>in</strong>es Volkes, das westlich<br />
von den Hiung-nu gewohnt hatte, schlug die Grossen Yue-tshi und nöthigte sie, weiter nach<br />
Westen zu w<strong>and</strong>ern.<br />
Die Zeit der Vertreibung der Yue-tshi aus dem L<strong>and</strong>e am Issyk-kul lässt sich genau datieren;<br />
dem ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Agenten wurde während se<strong>in</strong>er Internierung bei den Hiung-nu<br />
(138–129) die Geschichte des Gründers des Reichs der Usun mitge<strong>the</strong>ilt: derselbe sei beim<br />
Tode des Shen-yu der Hiung-nu <strong>in</strong> e<strong>in</strong> fernes L<strong>and</strong> gegangen, habe sich <strong>in</strong> diesem niedergelassen<br />
und von da an dem Shen-yu den Gehorsam aufgesagt (Sse-ma-tsien im Nouv.<br />
Journ. Asiat. II, 429). Der e<strong>in</strong>zige Shen-yu aber, der <strong>in</strong> dieser Zeit gestorben ist, war Laoshang,<br />
der 160 starb (WYLIE im Journ. <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Anthrop. Inst. III, 421), so dass also die Vertreibung<br />
der Grossen Yue-tshi <strong>in</strong> dieses oder das folgende Jahr zu setzen ist. War der Aufent-<br />
derselben am Issyk-kul e<strong>in</strong> so kurzer, so begreift es sich, wie er dem ältesten Bericht-<br />
halt<br />
erstatter ganz verborgen hat bleiben können …<br />
Die Grossen Yue-tshi, sagt der jüngere Bericht, w<strong>and</strong>ten sich nun nach Westen, wo sie<br />
sich Ta-hia (d.i. Baktrien) unterwarfen; auch aus den Worten der älteren Quelle “geschlagen<br />
von den Hiung-nu hätten sie sich über Gross-Wan (Ferghana) h<strong>in</strong>aus entfernt, das<br />
Volk von Ta-hia geschlagen und sich unterworfen und alsbald ihr königliches Lager nördlich<br />
vom Flusse Wei (d.i. Oxus) aufgeschlagen,” folgt durchaus nicht nothwendig, dass der<br />
E<strong>in</strong>bruch über Gross-Wan erfolgt ist (noch weniger e<strong>in</strong> langer Aufenthalt daselbst, wie er<br />
angenommen zu werden pflegt). Vielmehr sche<strong>in</strong>en die ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Berichte darauf zu<br />
führen, dass die Grossen Yue-tshi schon 159 direct <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana e<strong>in</strong>gedrungen s<strong>in</strong>d, also gerade<br />
<strong>in</strong> der Zeit der <strong>in</strong>neren Kriege, welche die Macht des Eukratides untergruben. Vielleicht<br />
ist die Eroberung e<strong>in</strong>e allmähliche gewesen, da ja Baktrien im Jahre 140 noch als<br />
unabhängig vorkommt.<br />
Als die Yue-tshi schon <strong>in</strong> ihrer neuen Heimath sich niedergelassen hatten, schickte der<br />
Kai ser von Ch<strong>in</strong>a e<strong>in</strong>en Agenten <strong>in</strong> der Person des Tshang-kien zu ihnen, <strong>in</strong> der Absicht, sie<br />
zur Rückkehr <strong>in</strong> ihre alte Heimath zu bewegen … Tshang-kien fiel den Hiung-nu <strong>in</strong> die<br />
Hände, entkam aber 129 nach Gross-Wan und ward von da durch das L<strong>and</strong> Khang-kiu (am<br />
mittleren Sir-Darja) zu den Yue-tshi geleitet. Diese aber fühlten sich <strong>in</strong> dem fruchtbaren,<br />
räuberischen E<strong>in</strong>fällen wenig ausgesetzten, von e<strong>in</strong>er friedlichen Bevölkerung bewohnten<br />
L<strong>and</strong>e, das sie <strong>in</strong> Besitz genommen hatten, zu wohl, als dass sie auf die ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Anträge<br />
e<strong>in</strong>gegangen wären. Vergeblich begab sich Tshang-kien nach Ta-hia; er musste nach<br />
1-jährigem Aufenthalt (128–127) unverrichteter Sache heimkehren und hatte auf der Rückreise<br />
noch das Missgeschick, den Hiung-nu e<strong>in</strong> zweites Mal <strong>in</strong> die Hände zu fallen; erst 126<br />
langte er wieder <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a an.<br />
Auf diesen Mann gehen fast ausschliesslich die lehrreichen Schilderungen von L<strong>and</strong> und<br />
Leuten zurück, welche die ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Historiker uns liefern. Die Schilderungen s<strong>in</strong>d so<br />
charakteristisch, dass sie die empf<strong>in</strong>dliche Schwäche der ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Berichterstattung,<br />
die aus ihrer Unfähigkeit, die Laute fremder Sprachen gehörig wiederzugeben, entspr<strong>in</strong>gende<br />
Willkür <strong>in</strong> ihrer geographischen Nomenclatur — die damals noch viel schlimmer<br />
war als <strong>in</strong> späteren Zeiten —, fast völlig wieder gut machen ... Namensanklänge haben<br />
hier mehr geschadet als genützt; selbst richtige Gleichungen hat man <strong>of</strong>t aus falschen<br />
Gründen gemacht, wie “Ta-hia = Baktrien” von den Dahen (die nie <strong>in</strong> Baktrien gewohnt<br />
haben) ...<br />
Here we have an Orientalist who had to read <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources <strong>in</strong> translation. Yet,<br />
he shows a clear underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir contents. <strong>The</strong> only really important <strong>in</strong>forma-<br />
VON GUTSCHMID was lack<strong>in</strong>g is that “Ta-hia” was not simply Bactria, but only tion its<br />
— 13 —
e astern part — <strong>the</strong> country later called Tocharestan. With this <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d he would have<br />
grasped that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> year 140 BCE not necessarily all <strong>of</strong> Bactria was still <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />
u nder Greek k<strong>in</strong>gs, but only <strong>the</strong> country around <strong>the</strong> capital Bactra <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West. <strong>The</strong><br />
eastern part <strong>of</strong> Bactria had already fallen <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> those nomads who now —<br />
v ery shortly before <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> reached Daxia-Tochara — had lost this part <strong>of</strong> fertile,<br />
civilized, well populated Bactria, i.e. Tocharestan, to <strong>the</strong> superior 月 氏 . <strong>The</strong>se first<br />
nomad conquerors cannot have been <strong>the</strong> Tocharians — for <strong>the</strong> Tocharians were still<br />
<strong>the</strong>re: <strong>the</strong>y are described as well settled on <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> as good traders, but weak<br />
fighters — <strong>the</strong> first wave <strong>of</strong> nomad conquerors, <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong> Shiji knows noth<strong>in</strong>g beause<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> had missed <strong>the</strong>se early <strong>in</strong>vaders by a very short period <strong>of</strong> time, had<br />
c<br />
alr eady swept across Daxia. In this first déluge <strong>the</strong> Greek armies <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> last Greek<br />
sovereigns had disappeared from Tocharestan. Terrified by <strong>the</strong> reappearance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>the</strong> faster <strong>and</strong> hardier horseback archers from an unknown world — <strong>the</strong><br />
F ar <strong>Eastern</strong> Oikumene — <strong>the</strong> first-wave conquerors had disappeared, too, <strong>and</strong> had left<br />
beh<strong>in</strong>d a country which was now without a k<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
<strong>The</strong> victorious 月 氏 quickly filled that vacuum. But it was all still very new. <strong>The</strong><br />
uzhi 月 氏 had barely erected <strong>the</strong>ir provisional seat <strong>of</strong> government as a tent city on<br />
R<br />
t he near side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus River when <strong>the</strong> envoy <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> emperor <strong>Wu</strong> appeared before<br />
t heir leader — who was <strong>the</strong> son <strong>of</strong> that unfortunate k<strong>in</strong>g whom <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu had sla<strong>in</strong><br />
more than thirty years previously. <strong>The</strong> mysterious first nomad conquerors <strong>of</strong> Tochara<br />
can hardly have been any o<strong>the</strong>r people than <strong>the</strong> one which <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had carried before<br />
<strong>the</strong>m ever s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s on <strong>the</strong> upper Ili River: that particular tribe <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saka conederacy<br />
which has been variously called Sakarauloi / Sakaraukai, Sarancae / Saraucae,<br />
f<br />
[ Saka-] Aigloi / [Saka-] Augaloi, Sagarauloi, Sacaraucae, or Sakaurakai Skythai <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
W estern, <strong>and</strong> simply Sai-wang (older Sak-wang) 塞 王 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> historical sources.<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese 塞 王 has <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> past <strong>of</strong>ten been misunderstood to mean “<strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g (s) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Sai/Sak” — with consequences that turned out to be very mislead<strong>in</strong>g. This read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong><br />
translation was a capital blunder (see below, pp. 42, 43).<br />
FRANKE, 1904: 54–55, expla<strong>in</strong>s:<br />
Die verschiedenen Varianten für den Namen des Volkes, die sich bei den westlichen Autoren<br />
f<strong>in</strong>den ... legen den Gedanken nahe, daß ›wang‹ e<strong>in</strong>en Best<strong>and</strong>teil des Namens bildete,<br />
also ›Saka-wang‹, und daß dadurch e<strong>in</strong> besonderer Stamm der Saka bezeichnet werden<br />
sollte.<br />
F.W.K. MÜLLER, 1918: 577 2 , strongly underl<strong>in</strong>es this reason<strong>in</strong>g:<br />
塞 , jetzt zwar im Norden ›Sai‹ gesprochen, lautet aber noch <strong>in</strong> Canton ›sak‹. ›Sak‹ war<br />
die ältere Aussprache, wie die buddhistische Transkription für Upâsaka lehrt: U-pa-sakka<br />
優 婆 塞 迦 . Dass ›Sai-wang‹ e<strong>in</strong> Name se<strong>in</strong> müsse, hat FRANKE mit Recht hervorgehoben.<br />
Se<strong>in</strong>e Darlegung wäre noch schlagender gewesen, wenn er den Orig<strong>in</strong>altext h<strong>in</strong>zugefügt<br />
hätte:<br />
昔 匈 奴 破 大 月 氏 In alter<br />
大 月 氏 西 君 大 夏<br />
而 塞 王 南 君 罽 賓<br />
Zeit besiegten die Hiung-nu die großen Yüe-tšï,<br />
die großen Yüe-tšï machten sich im Westen zu Herren von Tai-Hia,<br />
und die Sak-wang machten sich im Süden zu Herren von Ki-p<strong>in</strong>.<br />
Da <strong>in</strong> den beiden ersten Sätzen ke<strong>in</strong>e Rede von Königen ist, wird auch im dritten Satze<br />
王 nicht König bedeuten, sondern zum Namen gehören ...<br />
“Le gr<strong>and</strong> déchiffreur berl<strong>in</strong>ois” (MEILLET on MÜLLER) makes an <strong>in</strong>telligent stateent<br />
here. Of <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese name Saiwang/Sakwang 塞 王 <strong>the</strong> first part, 塞 , is clearly a<br />
m<br />
transcription <strong>of</strong> Sak(a-), whereas <strong>the</strong> second part, 王 , mean<strong>in</strong>g “k<strong>in</strong>g” <strong>and</strong> read wang,<br />
is ra<strong>the</strong>r strange <strong>in</strong> at least two respects. It does not recall <strong>the</strong> second part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong><br />
name –raukai (*rawaka, “swift”) <strong>and</strong> it is a very common character <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese —<br />
— 14 —
whereas <strong>in</strong> transcrib<strong>in</strong>g foreign names <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese show a marked tendency to use<br />
rare or even obsolete characters. <strong>The</strong> 王 <strong>in</strong> 塞 王 might <strong>the</strong>refore be a scribal error<br />
which happened early <strong>and</strong> was not corrected by later scribes because <strong>the</strong>y had no way<br />
to check <strong>in</strong> all <strong>the</strong> many cases <strong>of</strong> little-known foreign names. I f<strong>in</strong>d that De Groot, 1926:<br />
25, has discussed <strong>the</strong> problem at greater length:<br />
Das Zeichen 塞 lautet sowohl ›sik‹ wie ›sak‹, und daß dies lange vorher der <strong>Fall</strong> war,<br />
zeigt uns die Behauptung des Jen Ši-ku (HS 61, Bl. 4), daß es nur e<strong>in</strong>e <strong>and</strong>ere Schreibung<br />
für 釋 ›Sik‹ ist, Buddhas Stammname Sakja, der <strong>in</strong> der Tat <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a immer durch dieses<br />
Zeichen oder durch 釋 伽 ›Sak(Sik)-kia‹ wiedergegeben worden ist. Was haben wir uns nun<br />
bei dem Zeichen 王 ›ong‹ zu denken? Zunächst befremdet es, daß für die Transkription<br />
e<strong>in</strong>es ausländischen Volksnamens gerade e<strong>in</strong> so alltägliches Zeichen, das e<strong>in</strong>fach “König”<br />
bedeutet, gewählt und dadurch die Tür für Mißverständnisse weit geöffnet wurde; denn<br />
e<strong>in</strong> jeder mußte seitdem aus Sak-ong ohne Bedenken “König der Sak” lesen, was der Textschreiber<br />
gewiß nicht gewollt haben kann. Man ahnt somit, daß hier e<strong>in</strong> Schreibfehler vorliegt<br />
und ursprünglich das ähnliche 圭 ›ke‹ gest<strong>and</strong>en haben kann, das dann später durch<br />
kluge Gelehrte, die <strong>in</strong> dem Text das betreffende Volk auch bloß als ›Sak‹ erwähnt f<strong>and</strong>en,<br />
für e<strong>in</strong>en Fehler für ›Sak-ong‹, “König der Sak” gehalten und dementsprechend “verbessert”<br />
wurde. Die Zeichen 圭 sowie 跬 , 閨 und 奎 , wor<strong>in</strong> es als phonetisches Element steht,<br />
lauten ›ke‹; 佳 aber lautet ›ka‹, und 罣 , 卦 und 挂 werden ›koa‹ ausgesprochen. Der ch<strong>in</strong>esischen<br />
Transkription zufolge kann also das <strong>in</strong> Frage stehende Volk ›Sak-ke‹ oder ›Sik-ke‹,<br />
›Sak-ka‹ oder ›Sik-ka, ›Sak-koa‹ oder ›Sik-koa‹ geheißen haben.<br />
De Groot makes it certa<strong>in</strong> here that <strong>the</strong> translation “<strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sai” for Saiwang<br />
塞 王 must be a mistake — as expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> 1904 by Franke <strong>and</strong> 1918 by F.W.K.<br />
Müller. But when he goes on to suggest that we should read 塞 王 simply as Sak–ka we<br />
cannot follow him. For <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu we f<strong>in</strong>d both Sai 塞 <strong>and</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 (below,<br />
pp. 42, 43). <strong>The</strong>se two hanzi 漢 字 , or Ch<strong>in</strong>ese characters, st<strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong> general designation<br />
“Saka” 塞 on <strong>the</strong> one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong> more specific tribal name “Sakaraukai”<br />
塞 王 on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r. Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Saiwang 塞 王 is <strong>the</strong> equivalent <strong>of</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> Sacaraucae<br />
<strong>and</strong> Greek Sakaraàkai (Sakaraukai) — <strong>and</strong> must be expla<strong>in</strong>ed accord<strong>in</strong>gly.<br />
In 1979: 207, BAILEY adduces a brilliant solution to this problem:<br />
›Khotanese Texts‹ 2.77.6 ... Here <strong>in</strong> a dyadic phrase, ›bðrøka-‹ is <strong>the</strong> Turkish ›buiruq‹ “<strong>of</strong>ficer,<br />
comm<strong>and</strong>ant” from <strong>the</strong> verb ›buyur-‹ “to comm<strong>and</strong>,” hence support<strong>in</strong>g a similar<br />
source “comm<strong>and</strong>” for <strong>the</strong> parallel Saka ›røka-‹ from older *›rauka-‹. This word ›rauka-‹ is<br />
attested <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saka title Lat<strong>in</strong> ›Sacaraucae‹, ›Sa(ca)raucae‹, with <strong>the</strong> Greek *›Sakaraukoi‹<br />
[sic] ... correspond<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese phrase ›sai uang‹ ...<br />
In 1994: 409, HARMATTA, without nam<strong>in</strong>g BAILEY, elaborated:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sakas who <strong>in</strong>vaded Bactria appear <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sources under different names, namely,<br />
Indian ›³aka-muru‡Ÿa-‹ka k<strong>in</strong>gs,” respectively, <strong>in</strong> so far as ›muru‡Ÿa-‹ can be regarded as <strong>the</strong> Saka title for “lord,<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ›Sai-wang‹, Greek *›Sakaraukai‹, Lat<strong>in</strong> *›Saraucae‹.<br />
Of <strong>the</strong>se both Indian ›³aka-muru‡Ÿa-‹ <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ›Sai-wang‹ mean “Saka k<strong>in</strong>g” <strong>and</strong> “Sa-<br />
k<strong>in</strong>g” <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ›wang‹ as <strong>the</strong> translation <strong>of</strong> it. As both <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Graeco-Lasame<br />
peoples as conquerors <strong>of</strong> Bactria, we have to regard <strong>the</strong> ›Sa-<br />
karaukai‹ as identical with <strong>the</strong> ›³aka-muru‡Ÿa-‹ <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ›Sai-wang‹ respectively. Accord-<br />
<strong>in</strong>gly, <strong>the</strong> element ›-rauk-‹ <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> name ›Sakaraukai‹ must have <strong>the</strong> same mean<strong>in</strong>g as Saka<br />
t<strong>in</strong> sources mention <strong>the</strong><br />
›muru‡Ÿa-‹ <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ›wang‹. In fact, <strong>the</strong> word can be compared to Khotanese Saka<br />
›røkya-‹ “comm<strong>and</strong>er, lord,” go<strong>in</strong>g back to *›raukya-‹. Saka ›muru‡Ÿa-‹, too, has an equivalent<br />
<strong>in</strong> Khotanese Saka: ›rrund-‹ “possess<strong>in</strong>g power, lo rd, k<strong>in</strong>g.” As it is proved by Saka<br />
›muru‡Ÿa-‹, both Khotanese terms ›rrund-‹ <strong>and</strong> ›røkya-‹ derive from <strong>the</strong> root *›mrav-/*›mru‹<br />
“to declare, to order” as *›mrav-ant-‹ <strong>and</strong> *›mrav-aka-‹/*›mrau-ka-‹ respectively. Old Iranian<br />
*›mr-‹ was reduced to ›r-‹ <strong>in</strong> Khotanese Saka, while <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakas <strong>of</strong><br />
G<strong>and</strong>håra <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial ›mr-‹ was preserved.<br />
— 15 —
With <strong>the</strong>se scholarly explanations we underst<strong>and</strong> from our context that <strong>the</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ethnic name Sacaraucae/Sakaraukai is not “Saka K<strong>in</strong>gs,” but ra<strong>the</strong>r “K<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Sakas,” i.e. <strong>the</strong> easternmost ancient nomads from beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes were, <strong>in</strong> fact,<br />
called <strong>the</strong> “Royal Sakas” — <strong>of</strong> which Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Sai–wang 塞 王 is <strong>the</strong> exact translation:<br />
<strong>the</strong> “K<strong>in</strong>gly Sakas.” We will see (below, pp. 42, 43) that HULSEWÉ/LOEWE, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> year<br />
1979 translat<strong>in</strong>g important phrases on <strong>the</strong> Saiwang <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96, did not grasp this <strong>in</strong>-<br />
genu<strong>in</strong>e mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 — to <strong>the</strong> correct <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> which<br />
tr<strong>in</strong>sic,<br />
BAILEY, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same year, shows us <strong>the</strong> way.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> next text, however, <strong>the</strong> Saka-raukai or Sak–wang nomads do not figure at all.<br />
In 1895: LXX–LXXII, CHAVANNES <strong>of</strong>fered a fresh <strong>in</strong>terpretation — but exclusively on <strong>the</strong><br />
b<br />
asis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji where <strong>the</strong> Saiwang/Sakwang 塞 王 are not yet mentioned:<br />
Ce n’était pas seulement par des colonnes militaires envoyées en pays ennemi que<br />
l’empereur Ou avait cherché à détruire la puissance des Hiong-nou; il eut recours aussi<br />
aux moyens diplomatiques et tenta de nouer des alliances avec les peuples qui pouvaient<br />
être disposés à faire cause commune avec lui.<br />
Parmi ces nations étrangères, aucune ne devait être plus hostile aux Hiong-nou que les<br />
Ta Yue-tche; battus une première fois par le chen-yu Mo-tou vers l’année 176 avant notre<br />
ère, ils avaient été complètement défaits par le chen-yu Lao-chang en l’an 165 avant J.-C.;<br />
leur roi avait été tué et, de son crâne, suivant la coutume barbare, le chef turk s’était fait<br />
une coupe à boire ...<br />
Après ce désastre, les Ta Yue-tche cherchèrent leur salut dans la fuite; ils se retirèrent<br />
d’abord dans la vallée de l’Ili, mais ils ne tardèrent pas à en être délogés par les Ou-suen<br />
et, recommençant un nouvel exode, ils se portèrent vers l’ouest; puis ils tournèrent au sud,<br />
franchirent l’Iaxartes et envahirent la Sogdiane qui appartenait alors au royaume grécobactrien;<br />
cet état, connu des Ch<strong>in</strong>ois sous le nom de Ta-hia, se trouvait déjà affaibli par les<br />
attaques du roi par<strong>the</strong> Mithridate I er (174–136 av. J.-C.): il fut <strong>in</strong>capable de résister aux envahisseurs;<br />
les Ta Yue-tche purent refouler la population Ta-hia au sud de l’Oxus et s’établir<br />
eux-mêmes au nord de ce fleuve; ils ne devaient pas tarder à le traverser pour pénétrer<br />
en <strong>Bactrian</strong>e ...<br />
L’empereur Ou ne savait sans doute pas que les Ta Yue-tche avaient dû fuir jusqu’en<br />
Sogdiane et il les croyait encore établis dans la vallée de l’Ili lorsqu’il projeta de contracter<br />
une alliance avec eux contre l’ennemi commun. Il chargea de cette mission, prédest<strong>in</strong>ée à<br />
l’<strong>in</strong>succès, un certa<strong>in</strong> Tchang K’ien.<br />
Tchang K’ien partit en l’an 138 avant J.-C., avec une escorte d’une centa<strong>in</strong>e de personnes;<br />
il sortit de Ch<strong>in</strong>e par la frontière du nord-ouest et fut presque aussitôt arrêté par<br />
les Hiong-nou qui l’envoyèrent au chen-yu Kiun-tch’en (qui avait succédé en 161 avant J.-C.<br />
à son père, le chen-yu Lao-chang). Tchang K’ien feignit d’accepter de bonne grâce sa détention;<br />
il se maria, eut des enfants et resta une diza<strong>in</strong>e d’années chez les barbares; on<br />
cessa de le surveiller de près; il en pr<strong>of</strong>ita pour s’enfuir un beau jour avec ses compagnons.<br />
Se dirigeant vers l’ouest, il arriva d’abord dans le Ferganah, siège du royaume de Tayuan;<br />
il y fut bien accueilli et le roi lui donna des guides qui le menèrent dans le pays de<br />
K’ang-kiu, au nord du Syr-daria; aller de Ta-yuan dans le K’ang-kiu serait aujourd’hui passer<br />
de Kok<strong>and</strong> à Tachkend. Les gens de K’ang-kiu conduisirent Tchang K’ien dans le pays<br />
des Ta Yue-tche; il dut donc franchir de nouveau le Syr-daria pour arriver dans les contrées<br />
situées entre ce fleuve et l’Amou-daria, à l’ouest du Ferganah.<br />
Parvenu au terme de son voyage, Tchang K’ien ne tarda pas à reconnaître qu’il n’en tirerait<br />
aucun avantage diplomatique; les Ta Yue-tche se trouvaient bien dans leur nouvelle<br />
patrie; ils avaient oublié leur ha<strong>in</strong>e mortelle contre les Hiong-nou; ils ne se souciaient<br />
guère des Ch<strong>in</strong>ois, trop éloignés ma<strong>in</strong>tenant pour qu’une alliance avec eux fût pr<strong>of</strong>itable.<br />
Tchang K’ien passa un an (probablement l’année 128) chez les Ta Yue-tche et les suivit,<br />
peut-être dans une campagne qu’ils faisaient contre l’état de Ta-hia, jusqu’aux conf<strong>in</strong>s de<br />
ce royaume; mais il ne put rien obtenir et dut partir après s’être heurté à une f<strong>in</strong> de nonrecevoir<br />
absolue.<br />
— 16 —
Dans son voyage de retour, il fut de nouveau fait prisonnier par les Hiong-nou et resta<br />
dans leur pays plus d’une année; mais en 126 avant notre ère, le chen-yu Kiun-tch’en mourut;<br />
son frère cadet, I-tché-sié, et son fils se disputèrent le pouvoir; I-tché-sié f<strong>in</strong>it par l’emporter<br />
et prit le titre de chen-yu; Tchang K’ien pr<strong>of</strong>ita de ces troubles pour s’évader; il rentra<br />
en Ch<strong>in</strong>e avec sa femme turke et un seul de ces cent compagnons. Si le but particulier<br />
que s’était proposé Tchang K’ien n’avait pas été atte<strong>in</strong>t, son expédition eut cependant des<br />
résultats considérables en ouvrant aux Ch<strong>in</strong>ois tout un monde nouveau.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are a good number <strong>of</strong> new po<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>of</strong> view here. Some can be fully welcomed,<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rs must be questioned as <strong>the</strong>y served to mislead later authors. CHAVANNES leaves<br />
out <strong>the</strong> Saiwang completely; <strong>and</strong> he, too, equates Ta-hia squarely with <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong>s. Yet, to repeat myself: “Ta-hia” cannot be <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription<br />
<strong>of</strong> “Bactria” — as CHAVANNES would have readily admitted, I trust. In 1903, <strong>the</strong><br />
g reat S<strong>in</strong>ologist published an excellent translation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> (New) Tangshu’s chapter 221B.<br />
One paragraph <strong>of</strong> it starts with <strong>the</strong> statement:<br />
Notice sur le T’ou-ho-lo (Tokharestan). Le T’ou-ho-lo ... c’est l’ancien territoire du (royaume<br />
de) Ta-hia.<br />
And <strong>in</strong> a footnote CHAVANNES adds:<br />
Lors de la mission de Tchang K’ien en 128 av. J.-C., le royaume de Ta-hia se trouvait au<br />
sud de l’Oxus.<br />
This may well be taken as a late correction <strong>of</strong> what he had said about Ta-hia <strong>in</strong><br />
1895. With this important new <strong>in</strong>formation before him, how would he have rewritten<br />
his above exposé ? In any case, <strong>in</strong> 1907: 187, CHAVANNES stated <strong>in</strong> a footnote <strong>and</strong> without<br />
any fur<strong>the</strong>r discussion:<br />
‹Ta-hia› (= Tokharestan).<br />
With better <strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong>to what was to be found <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories,<br />
<strong>the</strong> French S<strong>in</strong>ologist quietly corrected himself <strong>in</strong> time.<br />
<strong>The</strong> year <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 f<strong>in</strong>ally decided to migrate west — a date <strong>of</strong> great<br />
historical importance, <strong>of</strong> course — CHAVANNES gives as 165 BCE. This date will be<br />
copied by many later authors. However, I have been unable to f<strong>in</strong>d a conv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g discus-<br />
<strong>of</strong> this date. <strong>The</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu are ra<strong>the</strong>r vague <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir descriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sion<br />
decisive fourth <strong>and</strong> last clash between <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 . Follow<strong>in</strong>g Shiji 110,<br />
<strong>the</strong> first one is <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>cident when Modu, <strong>the</strong> crown pr<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, was sent as a<br />
hostage to <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>and</strong> his fa<strong>the</strong>r, chanyu Touman, suddenly attacked <strong>the</strong> latter some<br />
t ime before 209 BCE; <strong>the</strong> second clash occurred a short time after 209 BCE (<strong>in</strong> which<br />
y ear Modu killed his fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> became <strong>the</strong> new chanyu <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu) when Modu<br />
started military campaigns to greatly enlarge his Empire <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Steppe by fall<strong>in</strong>g upon<br />
his neighbor<strong>in</strong>g nomad peoples, first <strong>the</strong> Dong Hu 東 胡 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> East <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> 月 氏<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West; <strong>the</strong> third is that bloody war <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu subdued <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong>sun <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> oasis states <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tarim Bas<strong>in</strong>. After this great victory<br />
M odu wrote his historic letter to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> court announc<strong>in</strong>g boldly that all <strong>the</strong> peoples<br />
t hat draw <strong>the</strong> bow have now become one family. We are told <strong>in</strong> Shiji 110 that <strong>the</strong><br />
e nvoy bear<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> letter arrived at (<strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> border town?) X<strong>in</strong>wang 薪 望 <strong>in</strong> July 176<br />
BCE. Far too <strong>of</strong>ten, this date has erroneously been given by later authors as <strong>the</strong> start <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> great 月 氏 exodus. For <strong>the</strong> dat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> last clash, however — <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 was killed by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, now under <strong>the</strong> comm<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> Modu’s son, <strong>the</strong> Lao-<br />
chanyu (r. 174–161), <strong>and</strong> after which <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 f<strong>in</strong>ally resolved to escape from<br />
shang<br />
Xiongnu dom<strong>in</strong>ation — we have only <strong>in</strong>direct clues, as far as I know.<br />
But CHAVANNES, 1907: 189, has this footnote:<br />
C’est en 165 av. J.-C. que les Ta Yue-tche, va<strong>in</strong>cus par les Hiong-nou, commencèrent vers<br />
l’Occident le gr<strong>and</strong> exode qui devait les amener du Kan-su dans la vallée de l’Ili, et, de là,<br />
jusque sur les bords de l’Oxus. Par suite d’une <strong>in</strong>advertance que je déplore, j’ai <strong>in</strong>diqué<br />
— 17 —
l’année 140 av. J.-C., au lieu de l’année 165, dans une note de mes «Documents sur les Toukiue<br />
occidentaux» (1903, p. 134, n. 1).<br />
He provides no discussion <strong>of</strong> this dat<strong>in</strong>g, nei<strong>the</strong>r 1903 nor 1907. But 165 BCE, as <strong>the</strong><br />
c rucial year <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 started to migrate west, should not be too far <strong>of</strong>f as<br />
S hiji 110 tells us that one year before, <strong>in</strong> 166 BCE, <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu chanyu <strong>in</strong> person led an<br />
army <strong>of</strong> some 140,000 horsemen deep <strong>in</strong>to Ch<strong>in</strong>ese territory burn<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Huizhong palce<br />
回 中 宮 <strong>and</strong> send<strong>in</strong>g out advance parties which came as close to Chang’an as <strong>the</strong><br />
a<br />
pal<br />
ace <strong>of</strong> Sweet Spr<strong>in</strong>gs 甘 泉 at Yong 雍 . Laoshang ante portas. It was <strong>the</strong> worst irruption<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese suffered at <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> vastly superior Xiongnu. <strong>The</strong> victorious,<br />
seem<strong>in</strong>gly irresistible Xiongnu armies may well have topped <strong>the</strong>re military<br />
exploit by also <strong>in</strong>vad<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>gdom, <strong>in</strong> this or <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g year.<br />
(WATSON 1993: 145)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Chan-yu rema<strong>in</strong>ed with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> borders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
empire [literally: with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> border defences] for a<br />
little over a month <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n withdrew. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Han</strong><br />
(forces) pursued him beyond <strong>the</strong> border defences<br />
but returned without hav<strong>in</strong>g been able to kill<br />
(any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> enemy).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Xiong-nu grew more arrogant day by day,<br />
cross<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> border every year, kill<strong>in</strong>g many <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>habitants, <strong>and</strong> steal<strong>in</strong>g a great number <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir animals ...<br />
Shiji 110. 2901<br />
單 于 留 塞 內 月 餘 乃 去<br />
漢 逐 出 塞 即 還 不 能 有<br />
所 殺<br />
匈 奴 日 已 驕 歲 入 邊 殺<br />
略 人 民 畜 產 甚 多 …<br />
From <strong>the</strong>se accounts we may guess that chanyu Laoshang had thus prepared <strong>the</strong><br />
way for <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu to <strong>in</strong>vade <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 next. In <strong>the</strong> Hexi 河 西 (modern Gansu) Corridor,<br />
where <strong>the</strong>ir ordos or royal camp was to be found near modern <strong>Zhang</strong>ye 張 掖 —<br />
orig<strong>in</strong>ally called Zhaowu 昭 武 by <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, as we know from Weishu 102 <strong>and</strong> later<br />
St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories —, <strong>and</strong> with Longxi 隴 西 near <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Great Wall<br />
as <strong>the</strong> border town, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 were <strong>the</strong> immediate <strong>Western</strong> neighbors <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> north <strong>the</strong>y had a long common border with <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. Under <strong>the</strong>se geographic<br />
conditions, it must have been ra<strong>the</strong>r easy for <strong>the</strong> latter to <strong>in</strong>vade <strong>the</strong> wide-open homel<strong>and</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>in</strong> a similarly gr<strong>and</strong> style <strong>in</strong> this or <strong>the</strong> next year. <strong>The</strong> 月 氏 , obviously<br />
ill-prepared <strong>and</strong> thus taken by surprise, were beaten once aga<strong>in</strong>. This time <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
k<strong>in</strong>g was killed. And add<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>sult to <strong>in</strong>jury, <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu chanyu had a ceremonial<br />
dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g cup made out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> skull <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>g. This was too much to bear for <strong>the</strong><br />
once so proud nomads who had despised <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. Deeply shocked by this defeat,<br />
<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 reached <strong>the</strong> decision to dodge Xiongnu dom<strong>in</strong>ation by escape.<br />
<strong>The</strong> only route open to <strong>the</strong>m was <strong>the</strong> vacant country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir old western neighbors,<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun, between Dunhuang <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lake Lopnor. When this small nation <strong>of</strong> nomads<br />
had been beaten by <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>and</strong> when <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>g had been killed, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun<br />
had decamped <strong>and</strong> fled to <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. From what we read <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu,<br />
we may <strong>in</strong>fer that this happened <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu chanyu Modu, <strong>in</strong> any case<br />
before 176 BCE as <strong>the</strong> term<strong>in</strong>us ante quem. More than a decade later, presumably <strong>in</strong><br />
about 165 BCE, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 commenced <strong>the</strong>ir historic trek from <strong>the</strong> Hexi Corridor <strong>in</strong> a<br />
northwesterly direction, past Lake Barkol between <strong>the</strong> Tianshan <strong>and</strong> Bogdashan mounta<strong>in</strong><br />
ranges, along <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn foothills <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tianshan <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> bas<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> Dzungaria<br />
<strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally across <strong>the</strong> Borohoroshan <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> upper Ili River valley. It was an exodus<br />
fateful for <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Central <strong>and</strong> South Asia over <strong>the</strong> next few centuries. It was —<br />
e<strong>in</strong>e Sternstunde der Menschheit.<br />
As for <strong>the</strong> chronology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s mission, which is <strong>the</strong> first topic <strong>of</strong> this compila<br />
tion <strong>of</strong> relevant primary <strong>and</strong> secondary sources: whereas later discussions are<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten far <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> mark, CHAVANNES is com<strong>in</strong>g very close to <strong>the</strong> truth here. A small cor-<br />
<strong>of</strong> his text would have sufficed to make it perfect: he should, <strong>in</strong> fact, rection have<br />
— 18 —
written “très tôt en 126” <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong> simply “en 126.” For Shiji 110, <strong>the</strong> chapter on <strong>the</strong><br />
Xiongnu, also <strong>in</strong>forms us that Chanyu Junchen died <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter follow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> secon<br />
d year “yuan-shuo” (one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reign periods <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>) 元 朔 二 年 其<br />
後 冬 .<br />
We know that dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> first century <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Han</strong> dynasty, down to <strong>the</strong> year<br />
104 BCE, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese civil year began with <strong>the</strong> three w<strong>in</strong>ter months. <strong>The</strong> above <strong>in</strong>formation,<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore, translates <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> calendar as: between 31 October 127 <strong>and</strong><br />
26 January 126 BCE (Julian). This means that <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu <strong>Emperor</strong> Junchen died <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> last two months <strong>of</strong> 127 or <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first four weeks <strong>of</strong> 126. Hence, <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> returned<br />
to Changan very early <strong>in</strong> 126. Had his journey lasted one year, he would have started<br />
<strong>in</strong> 127; if it had lasted three years, he would have left <strong>in</strong> 129; s<strong>in</strong>ce his journey <strong>in</strong> fact<br />
lasted thirteen years, it becomes clear that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> left Ch<strong>in</strong>a <strong>in</strong> 139 BCE — probably<br />
also early <strong>in</strong> that year. However, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> next text this topic becomes confused<br />
aga<strong>in</strong>, although <strong>the</strong> author is a close friend <strong>of</strong> CHAVANNES’.<br />
In 1897: 12–13 LÉVI writes:<br />
Seu-ma Ts’ien, qui composait ses Mémoires historiques environ cent ans avant l’ère<br />
chrétienne, y a <strong>in</strong>séré, au chapitre CXXIII, une longue relation des voyages de Tchang-k’ien;<br />
ses <strong>in</strong>formations sur les Yue-tchi et les Ta-hia concordent presque littéralement avec la no-<br />
identique; les deux historiens ont fidèle-<br />
tion de l’Histoire des <strong>Han</strong> et attestent une orig<strong>in</strong>e<br />
ment reproduit le récit de Tchang-k’ien.<br />
“Les Ta-hia,” dit Seu-ma Ts’ien, “n’avaient pas<br />
de souvera<strong>in</strong>; chaque cité, chaque ville<br />
élisait son chef. Les soldats étaient faibles et làches à la bataille, bons seulement à faire<br />
du commerce. Les Yue-tchi v<strong>in</strong>rent de l’ouest, les attaquèrent, les défirent et établirent leur<br />
souvera<strong>in</strong>eté.”<br />
La soumission des Ta-hia était donc un fait accompli dès le voyage de Tchang-k’ien,<br />
vers 125 avant J.-C. La biographie de Tchang-k’ien contenue dans l’Histoire des premiers<br />
<strong>Han</strong> confirme ces données et les précise davantage ... Le rapport de Tchan-k’ien à l’empereur<br />
marque encore plus clairement l’enchaînement des faits. Expulsés de leur territoire<br />
par les Hioung-nou (165 av. J.-C.), les Yue-tchi avaient envahi le pays des Ou-suenn, leurs<br />
vois<strong>in</strong>s de l’ouest, et tué leur roi Nan-teou-mi; puis, cont<strong>in</strong>uant leur marche vers l’ouest, ils<br />
avaient attaqué le roi des Se (Çakas), et les Se s’étaient enfuis bien lo<strong>in</strong> au sud, ab<strong>and</strong>onnant<br />
leurs terres aux Yue-tchi. Mais le fils de Nan-teou-mi, Koenn-mouo, resté orphel<strong>in</strong> dès<br />
le berceau, avait été nourri miraculeusement par une louve, puis recueilli par le roi des<br />
Hioung-nou; devenu gr<strong>and</strong>, Koenn-mouo attaqua les Yue-tchi, qui s’enfuirent vers l’Ouest et<br />
allèrent s’établir sur le territoire des Ta-hia. L’<strong>in</strong>tervention de Koenn-mouo exige au mo<strong>in</strong>s<br />
v<strong>in</strong>gt ans d’<strong>in</strong>tervalle entre la défaite des Ou-suenn et la soumission des Ta-hia; le premier<br />
événement se passe peu de temps après l’an 165; le second tombe donc vers l’an 140 et précède<br />
d’assez longtemps l’arrivée de Tchang-k’ien chez les Yue-tchi ...<br />
LÉVI got <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> young pr<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun (Usun; Ou-suenn) all confused<br />
which GUTSCHMID before him had understood so much better. <strong>The</strong> 月 氏 had attacked<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir <strong>Western</strong> neighbors, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Xiongnu Chanyu Modu (r. 209–174).<br />
It was he <strong>and</strong> his son Laoshang chanyu (r. 174–161) who had reared <strong>the</strong> young pr<strong>in</strong>ce.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> time Laoshang died <strong>in</strong> late 161 BCE, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun pr<strong>in</strong>ce was old enough to attack<br />
<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>and</strong> avenge his fa<strong>the</strong>r. <strong>The</strong> same pr<strong>in</strong>ce was an “old man” when <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong><br />
went on his second mission to <strong>the</strong> West, c. 118–115 BCE, to negotiate a treaty with <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong>sun. With LÉVI <strong>the</strong> Kunmo (Koenn-mouo) would have been just over forty at that<br />
time — still very far from be<strong>in</strong>g “an old man.”<br />
In 1900: 533–534 BOYER writes:<br />
Les données à exam<strong>in</strong>er avant tout sont naturellement celles contenues dans le 123 e<br />
chapitre du Sse-ki. On ne saurait, en effet, contester aux <strong>in</strong>formations de Seu-ma Ts’ien la<br />
plus haute valeur, puisque, né vers le milieu du second siècle avant J.-C., il fut contempora<strong>in</strong><br />
de Tchang-k’ien, dont il utilisa du reste la relation, qu’il cite dans ce même chapitre.<br />
— 19 —
En l’an 165 avant J.-C., les Yue-tchi habitent entre le pays de Toenn-hoang et les monts<br />
K’i-lien (la chaîne du T’ien-chan) dans le Turkestan ch<strong>in</strong>ois. A cette époque, va<strong>in</strong>cus par les<br />
Hioung-nou, qui tuent leur roi, ils émigrent pour la pluspart vers l’ouest, s’emparent du territoire<br />
des Se qui fuient au sud, sont de là chassés encore par le Ou-suenn Koenn-mouo, et,<br />
marchant toujours à l’ouest, arrivent au pays des Ta-hia (<strong>Bactrian</strong>e), qu’ils soumettent. La<br />
question est justement de savoir tout d’abord ce que fut cette conquête, et nous allons y venir.<br />
Vers 125 avant J.-C., Tchang-k’ien visite les Ta Yue-tchi, <strong>in</strong>stallés dans leur nouvelle<br />
patrie. Le lecteur se souvient qu’il était chargé par l’empereur Ou-ti (140–86 avant J.-C.)<br />
d’amener ce peuple à servir d’appui à la Ch<strong>in</strong>e contre les Hioung-nou. Parti vers 135 avant<br />
J.-C., il avait d’abord été retenu dix ans captif chez ces derniers, lors de son passage sur<br />
leur territoire, et à son retour, ayant subi une autre année de captivité chez le même peuple,<br />
il rentra en Ch<strong>in</strong>e après treize ans d’absence, vers 122 avant J.-C.<br />
<strong>The</strong> thirteen years <strong>of</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> are correctly reproduced by most authors.<br />
But to anchor this span <strong>of</strong> time firmly with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> reign <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong><br />
seems to be beyond <strong>the</strong> capabilities <strong>of</strong> quite a few. One wonders why. <strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese text,<br />
as we have seen above from BROSSET’s translation, ties <strong>the</strong> return <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> to <strong>the</strong><br />
death <strong>of</strong> one particular Xiongnu chanyu — whose name Sima <strong>Qian</strong> neglects to menion<br />
<strong>in</strong> this particular place, Shiji 123. But he had given a full account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu<br />
t<br />
history, down to his own time, <strong>in</strong> Shiji 110: From this we know that it was Chanyu Jun-<br />
He died, as stated above, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter which followed year 2 (<strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong><br />
chen.<br />
<strong>Wu</strong>’s reign period) “yuan-shuo” 元 朔 . Evidently, <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tricacies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese reign<br />
periods (a practice still <strong>in</strong> use <strong>in</strong> Japan which country I reached a first time <strong>in</strong> year 46<br />
“ showa” 昭 和 or 1971) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> somewhat complicated Ch<strong>in</strong>ese calendar are <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong><br />
stumbl<strong>in</strong>g block: a careful year by year concordance book between <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> calendars was still want<strong>in</strong>g. Before <strong>the</strong> great calendar reform <strong>of</strong> 104 BCE<br />
— <strong>in</strong> which Sima <strong>Qian</strong> participated — <strong>the</strong> civil Ch<strong>in</strong>ese year started with <strong>the</strong> three w<strong>in</strong>er<br />
months (lunar months 10–12); after that date, it started with <strong>the</strong> three months <strong>of</strong><br />
t<br />
spr<strong>in</strong>g (lunar months 1–3). <strong>The</strong> old (now un<strong>of</strong>ficial) Ch<strong>in</strong>ese calendar still does.<br />
In 1903: 18–19, V. A. SMITH published a first English summary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se events:<br />
<strong>The</strong> early Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historians derived <strong>the</strong>ir knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> migrations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi<br />
chiefly from <strong>the</strong> reports <strong>of</strong> Chang-k’ien (Tchang-k’ien), who visited <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi territory <strong>in</strong><br />
or about B.C. 125. This <strong>of</strong>ficer was despatched <strong>in</strong> or about B.C. 135 by <strong>the</strong> emperor <strong>Wu</strong>-ti<br />
(Ou-ti, flor. B.C. 140–86) on a mission to <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi, <strong>in</strong> order to obta<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir assistance<br />
aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu, who constantly harried <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese frontiers.<br />
<strong>The</strong> envoy was <strong>in</strong>tercepted by <strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu, who deta<strong>in</strong>ed him for ten years, so that he<br />
did not arrive at <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi chiefta<strong>in</strong>’s camp until about B.C. 125. Return<strong>in</strong>g from his mission,<br />
Chang-k’ien was unlucky enough to be aga<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>tercepted by <strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu, who deta<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
him yet ano<strong>the</strong>r year. When at length he returned to Ch<strong>in</strong>a <strong>in</strong> about B.C. 122, he had<br />
been absent from his native l<strong>and</strong> for thirteen years, <strong>and</strong> was thus well qualified to br<strong>in</strong>g<br />
back accurate <strong>in</strong>formation about <strong>the</strong> foreign nations whom he visited.<br />
<strong>The</strong> story <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> travels <strong>of</strong> Chang-k’ien was recorded by his contemporary Ssu-ma-<br />
Ch’ien, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese “Fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> History” (born c. B.C. 145), <strong>in</strong> chapter 123 <strong>of</strong> his classical work<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sse-ki, or “Historical Record” ...<br />
As far as <strong>the</strong> chronology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s mission was concerned, RÉMUSAT’S authority<br />
was still unbroken — more than sixty years after <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> his 佛 國 記 .<br />
However, one grave geographical misunderst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> translations<br />
goes back to <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al text: <strong>the</strong> historians <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ban family had been able to follow<br />
<strong>the</strong> migrations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 as far as <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 or Sakaraukai —<br />
after which <strong>the</strong>y lost track <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n rediscovered <strong>the</strong>ir former <strong>Western</strong> neighbors, firm-<br />
established <strong>in</strong> Daxia 大 夏 or Tochara. In <strong>Han</strong>shu 96, Ban Gu <strong>the</strong>n simply connect-<br />
ly<br />
ed <strong>the</strong> two po<strong>in</strong>ts with a straight l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>and</strong> let <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 hit upon <strong>and</strong> subjugate <strong>the</strong> Da-<br />
more or less directly after leav<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Ili River region, gloss<strong>in</strong>g over <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
<strong>the</strong>re was a wide gap between <strong>the</strong> two regions <strong>in</strong> space <strong>and</strong> between <strong>the</strong> two events<br />
xia<br />
<strong>in</strong><br />
— 20 —
tim<br />
g<br />
e. Before him, Sima <strong>Qian</strong>, <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123, had known even less. He had <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 mirate<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Hexi 河 西 Corridor directly to Daxia 大 夏 :<br />
... <strong>the</strong>y <strong>the</strong>n moved far away, beyond (Da)<br />
Yuan, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> west attacked <strong>and</strong> subju-<br />
gated Daxia.<br />
乃 遠 去 過 宛 西 擊 大 夏 而<br />
臣 之<br />
<strong>The</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al encounter between <strong>the</strong> two nomadic nations, <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu 匈 奴 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
uzhi 月 氏 , arch rivals <strong>in</strong> East Asia, occurred sometime around 165 BCE. In <strong>the</strong> sum-<br />
R<br />
mer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> year 129 <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> found <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 newly established <strong>in</strong> Central Asia. He<br />
was <strong>the</strong>ir guest, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir make-shift royal camp <strong>of</strong> tents north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus River (mo-<br />
Amu Darya), for more than a year. We must realize here that Sima <strong>Qian</strong> com-<br />
pressed a wide stretch <strong>of</strong> space <strong>and</strong> time <strong>in</strong>to one short sentence. What really happen-<br />
dern<br />
ed dur<strong>in</strong>g this generation <strong>and</strong> a half <strong>and</strong> dur<strong>in</strong>g this migration over a distance <strong>of</strong> some<br />
3.500 km (as <strong>the</strong> crow flies), <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historians were only able to f<strong>in</strong>d out <strong>and</strong> reconstruct<br />
very, very slowly.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> chronology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s mission FRANKE, 1930: 337–338, writes:<br />
Dafür stellte sich jetzt e<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong>eres Moment e<strong>in</strong>, das ... schicksalbestimmend für die<br />
nächsten Jahrhunderte werden sollte. Die Ges<strong>and</strong>tschaft, die im Jahre 138 abges<strong>and</strong>t war,<br />
um mit den Yüe-tschi e<strong>in</strong> Bündnis gegen die Hiung-nu zu schließen, und die man, da<br />
nichts mehr von ihr verlautete, aus dem Gedächtnis verloren hatte, kehrte im W<strong>in</strong>ter 126 zu<br />
125 nach Tsch’ang-ngan zurück. Und was hatte sie nicht erlebt und erfahren!<br />
Zwar e<strong>in</strong> Bündnis mit den Yüe-tschi hatte sie nicht erreichen können, aber sie hatte<br />
neue Welten entdeckt, Welten, die bis dah<strong>in</strong> unfaßbar gewesen waren und die nun das verblüffte<br />
Staunen der Zeitgenossen daheim erregten. An der Spitze der Ges<strong>and</strong>tschaft st<strong>and</strong><br />
e<strong>in</strong> e<strong>in</strong>facher Mann aus <strong>Han</strong>-tschung (im südwestlichen Schen-si), der e<strong>in</strong>en kle<strong>in</strong>en Posten<br />
im Palaste bekleidete. Er führte den Namen Tschang K’ien, der seitdem zu den berühmtesten<br />
der ganzen ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Geschichte gehört.<br />
Dem Auftrage des Kaisers folgend, machte er sich zusammen mit e<strong>in</strong>em Manne der Hu-<br />
Völ ker Namens Kan-fu und e<strong>in</strong>er Begleitung von etwa hundert Mann auf den Weg nach<br />
dem L<strong>and</strong>e der Yüe-tschi. Da Tschang K’ien durch Kan-su zog, muß man annehmen, daß<br />
er das gesuchte Volk noch <strong>in</strong> se<strong>in</strong>en alten Wohnsitzen am Nan-schan wähnte. Bei den<br />
Hiung-nu aber, durch deren Gebiet die Ges<strong>and</strong>tschaft <strong>in</strong> jedem <strong>Fall</strong>e h<strong>in</strong>durch mußte, wurde<br />
sie festgehalten und zum Schan-yü (vermutlich im Norden) geführt. Hier erfuhr<br />
Tschang, daß die Yüe-tschi “im Norden von den Hiung-nu” wohnten ( was tatsächlich nicht<br />
richtig war), und daß se<strong>in</strong>e Weiterreise nicht gestattet werden könnte. Über zehn Jahre<br />
blieben die Ch<strong>in</strong>esen <strong>in</strong> Gefangenschaft bei den Hunnen, dann gelang es ihnen zu entfliehen.<br />
Tschang K’ien g<strong>in</strong>g, vermutlich am Südhang des T’ien-schan entlang, den Spuren der<br />
Yüe-tschi nach, und f<strong>and</strong> sie schließlich, nachdem ihm Leute von Ta-yuan (Ferghana) und<br />
K’ang-kü (die Kirgisen-Steppen nördlich vom Syr darja oder Jaxartes) das Geleit gegeben,<br />
<strong>in</strong> den Ländern am oberen Oxus (Amu darja) ...<br />
Tschang K’ien blieb e<strong>in</strong> Jahr im L<strong>and</strong>e, dann trat er, ohne se<strong>in</strong>en Zweck erreicht zu haben,<br />
die Rückreise an, allem Ansche<strong>in</strong> nach auf der Südseite des Tarim-Beckens, um hier<br />
das L<strong>and</strong> der Tibeter oder Tanguten (K’iang) zu erreichen. Er geriet jedoch abermals <strong>in</strong><br />
die Gefangenschaft der Hiung-nu, und erst nachdem er über e<strong>in</strong> Jahr festgehalten war,<br />
konnte er sich die beim Tode des Schan-yü ausgebrochenen Unruhen zu Nutze machen<br />
und fliehen. Nach dreizehnjähriger Abwesenheit langte er <strong>in</strong> Tsch’ang-ngan wieder an.<br />
Von se<strong>in</strong>en Begleitern war ihm nur se<strong>in</strong> treuer Kan-fu noch geblieben, alle <strong>and</strong>eren hatte<br />
er verloren.<br />
Tschang K’iens Reise ist e<strong>in</strong>e Leistung, der <strong>in</strong> der Geschichte wenig Gleichartiges an die<br />
Seite zu stellen ist, nicht zum wenigsten was die Wirkung angeht. Er hatte nicht nur die<br />
Oasen-Staaten am R<strong>and</strong>e des Tarim-Beckens durchreist, sondern er hatte auch jenseits<br />
der Wüsten <strong>and</strong>ere große Staaten mit zahlreicher Bevölkerung, mit großen, blühenden<br />
Städten, mit lebhaftem <strong>Han</strong>delsverkehr, mit verfe<strong>in</strong>erter Kultur und e<strong>in</strong>er eigenen Schrift<br />
— 21 —
und Literatur angetr<strong>of</strong>fen, von <strong>and</strong>eren großen und mächtigen Reichen, wie Indien, Parthien,<br />
Babylonien, dem L<strong>and</strong>e der Alanen u.a. hatte er gehört, kurzum Tschang K’ien hatte<br />
e<strong>in</strong>e fremde Welt aufgefunden, er war <strong>in</strong> den Bannkreis der griechisch-<strong>in</strong>disch-persischen<br />
Kultur geraten.<br />
This is an exceptionally clear-sighted <strong>and</strong> eloquent presentation <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s<br />
mission <strong>in</strong> search <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 . <strong>The</strong> imperial envoy is not called a general here, but <strong>the</strong><br />
low-rank<strong>in</strong>g palace employee (›lang‹ 郎 ) he really was at <strong>the</strong> time.<br />
A few m<strong>in</strong>or errors <strong>in</strong> FRANKE’s exposé may be noted here. It should be clear that<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese did not expect <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 to live <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir old seats still. <strong>The</strong>y had<br />
been told, strangely late <strong>in</strong> fact, that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had decided to move far to <strong>the</strong> West —<br />
not for better graz<strong>in</strong>g grounds, as stated by a number <strong>of</strong> later authors, but to be safe<br />
from fur<strong>the</strong>r attacks by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. To search for <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , however, <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
his men with <strong>the</strong>ir large baggage tra<strong>in</strong> had to pass <strong>the</strong> Hexi (Gansu) Corridor: this was<br />
<strong>the</strong> traditional <strong>and</strong> only l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> communication from Ch<strong>in</strong>a to all countries fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
West. It was <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s bad luck that <strong>the</strong> Hexi Corridor, <strong>the</strong> former l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ru zhi 月 氏 , had been annexed by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> decades between c. 165 <strong>and</strong> 139<br />
BCE. Wh en <strong>the</strong> mission passed Longxi 隴 西 — <strong>the</strong> last Ch<strong>in</strong>ese town near <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Great Wall —, <strong>the</strong>y entered enemy l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> were quickly spotted <strong>and</strong> stopped.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r po<strong>in</strong>t is that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, liv<strong>in</strong>g more than ten years among <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu,<br />
had more than enough time to f<strong>in</strong>d out where <strong>in</strong> fact <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 were liv<strong>in</strong>g now.<br />
N ot north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, as <strong>the</strong> Chanyu had told him; not <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> region between <strong>the</strong> Ili,<br />
C hu <strong>and</strong> Naryn rivers (any more) — where <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> might have been told to search<br />
for <strong>the</strong>m; but much fur<strong>the</strong>r West still, somewhere on <strong>the</strong> age-old caravan route which<br />
passed Shule 疏 勒 (Kashgar) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Congl<strong>in</strong>g 蔥 嶺 mounta<strong>in</strong>s (<strong>the</strong> Pamirs).<br />
In Shiji 123 we are told that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> lived a full decade or more amongst <strong>the</strong><br />
X iongnu 匈 奴 中 ; this could be misunderstood to mean that he was liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> center<br />
o f <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu empire. So <strong>Han</strong>shu 61 (see above, sentence (14) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al text)<br />
po<strong>in</strong>tedly tells us that he was liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu realm 匈 奴 西 . With<br />
t his we may assume that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> found excuses to roam about <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> region <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Tarim Bas<strong>in</strong> which he may have entered via <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn route skirt<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
slopes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tian shan 天 山 mounta<strong>in</strong> ranges. But <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had not passed this way.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir trek must have passed to <strong>the</strong> north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tian shan, i.e. <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 must have<br />
trekked across <strong>the</strong> empty l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> what is called Dzungaria today — <strong>the</strong> western-most<br />
end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gobi desert — before <strong>the</strong>y reached <strong>the</strong> upper Ili river <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re came <strong>in</strong>to<br />
conflict with <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai or Saiwang 塞 王 , <strong>the</strong> easternmost branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> large Sa-<br />
ka Federation.<br />
This people led a nomad way <strong>of</strong> life just like <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 . But <strong>the</strong>y were Skythai<br />
<strong>and</strong> thus belonged to <strong>the</strong> Indo-European world <strong>of</strong> Central Asia. When <strong>the</strong> Far <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> thus mongoloid 月 氏 clashed with <strong>the</strong>se Sakaraukai/Saiwang <strong>and</strong> drove <strong>the</strong>m<br />
w est, <strong>the</strong>y opened <strong>the</strong> door to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Oikumene, to <strong>the</strong>mselves as well as to<br />
Z hang <strong>Qian</strong> who, o<strong>the</strong>rwise, would not have crossed this decisive — <strong>and</strong> until <strong>the</strong>n<br />
nearly <strong>in</strong>surmountable — divid<strong>in</strong>g l<strong>in</strong>e between two separate worlds.<br />
With this it should be clear that — after his escape — <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> was not travel<strong>in</strong>g<br />
with his orig<strong>in</strong>al one hundred men strong delegation across <strong>the</strong> Tarim Bas<strong>in</strong> to get<br />
himself familiar with <strong>the</strong> area. He would not have gone far at that time, just as ten<br />
years before. Instead, he must have pretended to do someth<strong>in</strong>g useful for <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu.<br />
And only when he was close enough to where he wanted to go, i.e. when he had<br />
reached <strong>the</strong> southwestern-most corner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tarim Bas<strong>in</strong>, i.e. <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> Shule/Kashar,<br />
did he f<strong>in</strong>ally drop his disguise to make his escape from <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu — <strong>in</strong> just <strong>the</strong><br />
g<br />
c ompany <strong>of</strong> his trustworthy Xiongnu servant Gan-fu 甘 父 with whom he crossed <strong>the</strong><br />
Congl<strong>in</strong>g 蔥 嶺 (Pamirs) <strong>and</strong> via <strong>the</strong> Terek pass (3870 m) reached Da Yuan 大 苑<br />
( Ferghana) with<strong>in</strong> one month or so. His large mission must <strong>in</strong> fact have disappeared<br />
early <strong>in</strong> those ten years amongst <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, not at a later time.<br />
— 22 —
<strong>The</strong> last but most important po<strong>in</strong>t to be discussed here concerns <strong>the</strong> chronology <strong>of</strong><br />
Z hang <strong>Qian</strong>’s mission. FRANKE states that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> returned to Chang’an “<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
w<strong>in</strong>ter <strong>of</strong> 126 to 125.” As reproduced above, Shiji 123 says that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> was able to<br />
e scape a second time from Xiongnu captivity <strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally return to <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a after<br />
troubles had broken out at <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu court follow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chanyu 單 于 .<br />
And from Shiji 110, also briefly quoted above, we know that <strong>the</strong> chanyu <strong>in</strong> question was<br />
Junchen 軍 臣 :<br />
(WATSON 1993: 150)<br />
This (took place <strong>in</strong>) <strong>the</strong> second year <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Han</strong> (era) ›yuan–shuo‹ (127 B.C.).<br />
<strong>The</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g w<strong>in</strong>ter <strong>the</strong> Xiong–nu Shan–yu<br />
Jun–chen died.<br />
Shiji 110. 2906–2907<br />
是 歲 漢 之 元 朔 二 年 也<br />
其 後 冬 匈 奴 軍 臣 單 于 死<br />
For FRANKE to translate this date <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> calendar as “w<strong>in</strong>ter 126/125” is<br />
disappo<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g because it shows that FRANKE was not familiar with <strong>the</strong> (admittedly complex)<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese calendar. As a S<strong>in</strong>ologist he had no excuse for this mistake, because <strong>in</strong><br />
1910 <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Jesuit, Fa<strong>the</strong>r PIERRE HOANG 黃 伯 祿 (d. 1909), had published his<br />
Concordance des Chronologies Néoméniques Ch<strong>in</strong>oise et Européenne (bas<strong>in</strong>g him-<br />
self on an older work <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese: <strong>the</strong> Li dai chang shu ji yao 歷 代 長 術 輯 要 by<br />
WANG YUEZHEN 汪 曰 楨 , prepared 1836–1862 <strong>and</strong> published 1877). Now, from Shiji 123<br />
<strong>and</strong> Shiji 110 it is clear that Chanyu Junchen died <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third year yuanshuo<br />
元 朔 — or <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter <strong>of</strong> 127/126 BCE — which is given <strong>in</strong> HOANG’s Concordance<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g way:<br />
126<br />
Av.J.-C.<br />
Cycle de<br />
la lune<br />
12<br />
13<br />
14<br />
15<br />
16<br />
17<br />
18<br />
19<br />
20<br />
21<br />
22<br />
23<br />
*<br />
Lune<br />
1 er jour<br />
10<br />
11<br />
12<br />
j.7<br />
1<br />
2<br />
3<br />
4<br />
5<br />
6<br />
7<br />
8<br />
9<br />
9<br />
西 漢<br />
Si <strong>Han</strong><br />
武 帝<br />
Ou Ti<br />
元 朔<br />
Yuen-chouo<br />
3<br />
乙 卯<br />
Y-mao<br />
Mois<br />
Solaire<br />
10<br />
11<br />
12<br />
1<br />
1<br />
2<br />
3<br />
4<br />
5<br />
6<br />
7<br />
8<br />
9<br />
10<br />
384<br />
Jour du<br />
mois<br />
28<br />
26<br />
26<br />
1<br />
24<br />
23<br />
24<br />
23<br />
23<br />
21<br />
21<br />
19<br />
18<br />
17<br />
Cycle du<br />
jour<br />
10<br />
39<br />
9<br />
15<br />
38<br />
8<br />
37<br />
7<br />
37<br />
6<br />
36<br />
5<br />
35<br />
4<br />
— 23 —
This chart is a translation <strong>and</strong> elaboration <strong>of</strong> what WANG YUEZHEN had written on<br />
<strong>the</strong> same year <strong>Han</strong> <strong>Wu</strong> Di ›yuan-shuo‹ 3 <strong>in</strong> an extremely abbreviated way, giv<strong>in</strong>g only<br />
<strong>the</strong> essentials <strong>of</strong> columns 2 <strong>and</strong> 5 <strong>of</strong> HOANG :<br />
乙 卯 [ 漢 武 帝 元 朔 ] 三 殷 [ 歷 ] 十 癸 酉 [10] 十 一 壬 寅 [39] 正 辛 丑<br />
[38] 三 庚 子 [37] 六 己 巳 [6] 八 戊 辰 [5] 後 九 丁 卯 [4] 朔 .<br />
HOANG tells us that <strong>the</strong> third year <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reign period ›yuan-shuo‹ 元 朔 <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> Em-<br />
peror <strong>Wu</strong> consisted <strong>of</strong> 13 lunar months: 12 regular lunar months plus on e <strong>in</strong>tercalary<br />
lunar month added to <strong>the</strong> end; seven <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se thirteen months were long months <strong>of</strong> 30<br />
days <strong>and</strong> six were short months <strong>of</strong> 29 day<br />
s; thus this year conta<strong>in</strong>ed 384 days. But<br />
what is really important for our context is <strong>the</strong> fact that this Ch<strong>in</strong>ese civil year started<br />
with a tenth lunar month. This is <strong>the</strong> first month <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter season. <strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
calendar know<strong>in</strong>g four season <strong>of</strong> exactly three months each, <strong>the</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter season consists<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three lunar months ten to twelve, <strong>the</strong> spr<strong>in</strong>g season <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three months one to<br />
three, <strong>the</strong> summer season <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three months four to six, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> autumn season <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> three months seven to n<strong>in</strong>e. Intercalary months, to be added every second or third<br />
year, are regarded as a duplicate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> month preced<strong>in</strong>g it. In our year <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tercalary<br />
month is a second n<strong>in</strong>th month.<br />
To translate this year <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> calendar, it suffices to know that <strong>the</strong> first<br />
day <strong>of</strong> this Ch<strong>in</strong>ese year corresponds to October 28, 127 BCE (given <strong>in</strong> columns 3 <strong>and</strong> 4<br />
<strong>in</strong> HOANG’s chart: 10/28). <strong>The</strong> first month <strong>of</strong> spr<strong>in</strong>g, HOANG’s chart gives as January 24,<br />
126 BCE. With this we know that <strong>the</strong> crucial “w<strong>in</strong>ter which followed year 2 ›yuanshu<br />
o‹,” as given <strong>in</strong> Shiji 110, lasted from October 28, 127 to January 23, 126 BCE.<br />
However, for reasons not altoge<strong>the</strong>r clear to me, HOANG gives all <strong>Western</strong> dates BCE<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gregorian calendar. Hence, to express <strong>the</strong> above dates <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Julian calendar we<br />
have to add three days <strong>in</strong> each case. <strong>The</strong> year ›yuan-shuo‹ 3 thus began October 31, 127<br />
BCE (Julian) or on JD 167 5340. It is likely, <strong>the</strong>n, that chanyu Junchen died <strong>in</strong> late 127,<br />
<strong>and</strong> it is clear that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> returned to Chang’an (very early) <strong>in</strong> 126 BCE.<br />
Interpret<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese calendar correctly, FRANKE should have written: ... kehrte<br />
im W<strong>in</strong>ter 127 zu 126 nach Tsch’ang-ngan zurück; or better still: im Frühjahr 126. To<br />
give <strong>the</strong> great scholar due credit here, I like to add that he corrected himself this way<br />
<strong>in</strong> a later paper (1934: 269).<br />
When most, if not all, <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s mission seemed well established, HALOUN<br />
1937: 246–252 succeeds <strong>in</strong> cast<strong>in</strong>g grave doubts over <strong>the</strong> whole topic aga<strong>in</strong>:<br />
Die beiden Abschnitte der Üe-tṣï–W<strong>and</strong>erung genau zu datieren, ist recht schwierig. Unsere<br />
hauptsächlichen ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Que llen , die Tṣa ṅ Tś’ien–Biographie und die Westländer-<br />
Monographie des Xan-ṣu<br />
(= <strong>Han</strong>s hu 61 + 96) bie ten nur ungenaue, z.T. widerspruchsvolle<br />
Angaben und sche<strong>in</strong>en verschiedene Komb<strong>in</strong>ationen mit den sonst zur Verfügung stehenden<br />
Stellen zuzulassen. Der gesa mte Quellen st<strong>of</strong>f ist zuletzt von japanischen Forschern<br />
untersucht worden ...<br />
In se<strong>in</strong>em an neuen Fragestellungen und eigenständigen Ergebnissen so fruchtbaren<br />
Aufsatz über die Expedition des Tṣaṅ Tś’ien stellt Kuwabara die <strong>The</strong>se auf, die W<strong>and</strong>erung<br />
der Üe-tṣï von Kansu nach dem Ili s ei zwischen 172 und<br />
161, ihre Abw<strong>and</strong>erung von da nach<br />
dem Âmû-daryâ-Gebiet erst zwisch en 139 und<br />
129 erfolgt ... E<strong>in</strong>e mehr als ungefähre Zeitangabe<br />
für den ersten W<strong>and</strong>erzug läßt sich m. E. den Quellen nicht abzw<strong>in</strong>gen ...<br />
Es muß demnach bei dem etwa s rohen Datum 174–160 verbleiben, ja selbst e<strong>in</strong>e kurze<br />
Spanne danach sche<strong>in</strong>t u.U. nicht ausgeschlo ssen. In H<strong>in</strong>sicht auf den zweiten W<strong>and</strong>erungsabschnitt,<br />
den Zug vom T’ien- ṣa n nach Baktrien, ist die n eue, von Kuwabara und Yasuma<br />
vorgeschlagene Datierung 139 b is 129, durch die vo n Tṣaṅ Tś’ien <strong>in</strong> hunnischer Gefangenschaft<br />
verbrachte Zeit be grenzt , m.E. überzeuge nd, und l äßt sich, wie ich glaube, bei<br />
gleicher Begründung auf die Jahre zwischen<br />
135 und 129 e<strong>in</strong>engen. Diese ausschließlich<br />
durch sorgfältige Interpretation der ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Quellen gewonnenen Zahlen fügen sich<br />
vollkommen den aus den westlichen Quellen ableitbaren e<strong>in</strong>.<br />
— 24 —
Der Vorstoß der Nomaden erfolgte <strong>in</strong> e<strong>in</strong>er e<strong>in</strong>zigen auf Baktrien geradezu gerichteten<br />
Welle; die Annahme, daß die Üe-tṣï den Griechen bereits um 160 Sogdiana entrissen hätten,<br />
ist aufzugeben.<br />
Tṣaṅ Tś’ien, ausges<strong>and</strong>t, um e<strong>in</strong> Bündnis zwischen den Ch<strong>in</strong>esen und den Üe-tṣï abzuschließen,<br />
soll sich, nach den Angaben se<strong>in</strong>er Biographie, 129 bis Anfang 128 bei ihnen auf-<br />
haben (wenn wir als Rückkehrjahr 126 annehmen; auch 125 könnte mit guten<br />
Gründen <strong>in</strong> Erwägung gezogen werden, und der Aufenthalt <strong>in</strong> Baktrien läge dann entspre-<br />
gehalten<br />
chend je e<strong>in</strong> Jahr später). Die Daten s<strong>in</strong>d nicht völlig gewiß, können aber wohl nur <strong>in</strong> ger<strong>in</strong>gen<br />
Grenzen schwanken.<br />
In a footnote HALOUN adds:<br />
In den Bericht s<strong>in</strong>d z.T. sagenhafte Züge e<strong>in</strong>gedrungen; kaum historisch kann das für<br />
die Entsendung des Tṣaṅ angegebene Jahr 139 — bzw. 138 — se<strong>in</strong>, vielmehr gehört die gerade<br />
dreizehnjährige Irrfahrt <strong>in</strong> der Fremde mehr als wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich e<strong>in</strong>em wohlbekannten<br />
Ausstattungsstück der Legende an; die allgeme<strong>in</strong>e politische Lage spricht gegen die<br />
E<strong>in</strong>leitung der Mission vor frühestens 133; vor e<strong>in</strong>er Überschätzung und kritiklosen Auswertung<br />
von Ṣï-tśi Kap.123 (Ferghâna) muß grundsätzlich gewarnt werden. Er bezeichnet die<br />
den Üe-tṣï unterworfene L<strong>and</strong>schaft Baktrien mit besonderem Namen, Ta-śia 大 夏 , der nun<br />
zu den übrigen zu identifizierenden zuwächst.<br />
Über e<strong>in</strong>en der vier Völkernamen ist man sich seit langem e<strong>in</strong>ig. Die Sai (Sǝ), mittelch<strong>in</strong>esisch<br />
und altch<strong>in</strong>esisch Sǝk, s<strong>in</strong>d fraglos die Saken. Dürfen wir die “Sakarauken”, zum<strong>in</strong>dest<br />
<strong>in</strong> der Sache, als e<strong>in</strong>en ihrer Stämme auffassen, so geht es nach Zeit und W<strong>and</strong>erungsrichtung<br />
doch wohl nicht an, sie mit den von den Üe-tṣï um 170–60 aus dem alten<br />
Sakenl<strong>and</strong> vertriebenen Sai-uaṅ zu verselbigen, wie immer dieser bis jetzt ebenfalls noch<br />
unklare Name auszudeuten ist ...<br />
If we did not know better, we might <strong>in</strong>deed feel greatly disturbed by such seem<strong>in</strong>gly<br />
conv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g statements. When HALOUN decreed die allgeme<strong>in</strong>e politische Lage spricht<br />
gegen die E<strong>in</strong>leitung der Mission vor frühestens 133, he sounded like a great authority<br />
on <strong>the</strong> subject — but he was utterly wrong as we know today. As it is, we realize here<br />
how dangerous forceful, but unproven, reason<strong>in</strong>g may be. Better than just nam<strong>in</strong>g<br />
sources it is to really go down ad fontes <strong>and</strong> quote verbatim <strong>the</strong> most important ones<br />
we have. I am try<strong>in</strong>g to do just that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> present compilation.<br />
With <strong>the</strong> next author we return to <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>oundly researched arguments <strong>of</strong> a great<br />
authority on <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greeks. In 1938: 279–280, TARN writes:<br />
We must now turn to Chang-k’ien. He was sent <strong>in</strong> 138 by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> emperor, <strong>Wu</strong>-ti, as his<br />
envoy to <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi to solicit <strong>the</strong>ir alliance aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> common enemy, <strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu.<br />
Where <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi were at <strong>the</strong> time, <strong>and</strong> what route Chang-k’ien took, are not recorded,<br />
but it is generally supposed that he followed <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn route through Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Turkestan<br />
to Kashgar; <strong>the</strong>nce he would have taken <strong>the</strong> route by Irkishtam <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Terek pass to Ferghana,<br />
which probably shows that he expected to f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi still north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes.<br />
On his way through Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Turkestan he was captured by <strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu <strong>and</strong> kept <strong>in</strong><br />
more or less honourable captivity for some ten years; f<strong>in</strong>ally he escaped with his attendants<br />
<strong>and</strong> proceeded on his mission as though noth<strong>in</strong>g had happened, a fact which illustrates<br />
<strong>the</strong> man’s force <strong>of</strong> character. He reached Ta-yuan (Ferghana); <strong>the</strong> Saca government<br />
passed him through to <strong>the</strong> K’ang-kiu <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y <strong>in</strong> turn to <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi, <strong>the</strong>n camped between<br />
Samarc<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus ...<br />
Chang-k’ien says that <strong>the</strong> K’ang-kiu to <strong>the</strong> south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river were “under <strong>the</strong> political <strong>in</strong>fluence<br />
<strong>of</strong>” (i.e. subject to) <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi as those north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river were to <strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y may possibly have extended to <strong>the</strong> Samark<strong>and</strong> country, though if <strong>the</strong>y did it was probably<br />
later. But <strong>the</strong> reason that <strong>the</strong> Ta-yuan entrusted Chang-k’ien to <strong>the</strong>ir safe-conduct,<br />
which would mean for him a considerable détour to <strong>the</strong> westward, more probably was, not<br />
merely that <strong>the</strong>y were vassals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi, but that Samark<strong>and</strong> was still ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />
itself <strong>in</strong> some sort <strong>of</strong> quasi-<strong>in</strong>dependence <strong>and</strong> block<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> direct road ...<br />
— 25 —
Chang-k’ien failed to obta<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> alliance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi, who told him that <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
tired <strong>of</strong> fight<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> trekk<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> only wanted a peaceful life <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> rich country which<br />
<strong>the</strong>y had at last secured, <strong>and</strong> returned to Ch<strong>in</strong>a by <strong>the</strong> more difficult sou<strong>the</strong>rn route from<br />
Badakshan over <strong>the</strong> Pamirs <strong>and</strong> so through Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Turkestan; he was aga<strong>in</strong> captured by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu, but after a year’s captivity he reached Ch<strong>in</strong>a <strong>in</strong> 126. In 115 he was sent on a<br />
mission to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>-sun, <strong>the</strong>n apparently about Lake Issyk Kul <strong>and</strong> from <strong>the</strong>re sent out subord<strong>in</strong>ate<br />
envoys to visit <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Countries up to <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g Parthia, a country he<br />
himself never saw. He died <strong>in</strong> 114, a year after his return to Ch<strong>in</strong>a ...<br />
TARN’s chronology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> is correct for <strong>the</strong> year <strong>of</strong> return, but <strong>of</strong>f one year<br />
for <strong>the</strong> departure from Chang’an. He does not state <strong>the</strong> year <strong>in</strong> which, accord<strong>in</strong>g to his<br />
reckon<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ambassador reached <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 ordos on <strong>the</strong> north side <strong>of</strong><br />
t he Oxus, but fur<strong>the</strong>r down he says: 128. As for <strong>the</strong> onward route <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, TARN’s<br />
e xplanations are immaculate except that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> was not able to ga<strong>the</strong>r his 100<br />
men mission toge<strong>the</strong>r aga<strong>in</strong> after more than ten years with <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. As discussed<br />
a bove, his escape could only work because he was <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong> no one but his<br />
trusted Xiongnu servant Gan Fu: just <strong>the</strong>se two men cont<strong>in</strong>ued <strong>the</strong> mission, not really<br />
“ as if noth<strong>in</strong>g had happened.” As for <strong>the</strong> return journey: it is very unlikely that <strong>Zhang</strong><br />
<strong>Qian</strong> took <strong>the</strong> direct, extremely difficult route by cross<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Pamirs from Badakhhan<br />
to Yark<strong>and</strong>. He had no knowledge <strong>of</strong> this route whatsoever, <strong>and</strong> it would not have<br />
s<br />
h elped him to evade <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. More likely it is that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> returned <strong>the</strong> way he<br />
h ad come, i.e. via Samark<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Ferghana — here he may have picked up <strong>the</strong> seeds<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> grape which we know he imported <strong>in</strong>to Ch<strong>in</strong>a — <strong>and</strong> along <strong>the</strong> age-old caravan<br />
route over <strong>the</strong> Pamirs back to Kashgar. From <strong>the</strong>re he must have traveled <strong>the</strong> Souhern<br />
route around <strong>the</strong> Taklamakan, close to <strong>the</strong> mounta<strong>in</strong> ranges <strong>the</strong>re, <strong>in</strong>habited by<br />
t<br />
<strong>the</strong> proto-Tibetans, to avoid <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. That he was captured all <strong>the</strong> same shows<br />
how<br />
well <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu were <strong>in</strong> control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole region <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tarim Bas<strong>in</strong> at <strong>the</strong><br />
time.<br />
One f<strong>in</strong>al po<strong>in</strong>t to discuss would be <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> Kangju 康 居 . This was at first<br />
just a small k<strong>in</strong>gdom “some two thous<strong>and</strong> li (800 km) northwest <strong>of</strong> Da Yuan” accord<strong>in</strong>g<br />
to <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Report. <strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese envoy was search<strong>in</strong>g for <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , not <strong>the</strong><br />
Kangju. When <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Da Yuan 大 苑 sent him to <strong>the</strong> Kangju, this <strong>the</strong>n is a first<br />
h<strong>in</strong>t at <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , established <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s around Sa<br />
mark<strong>and</strong>, had become<br />
<strong>the</strong> new Kangju after <strong>the</strong>y had subjugated this small k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> process had<br />
extended <strong>the</strong> borders <strong>of</strong> it a considerable distance to <strong>the</strong> southwest, i.e. across <strong>the</strong><br />
Jax artes <strong>in</strong>to Sogdiana. What sounds like a mere guess is corroborated <strong>in</strong> some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
later Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories: <strong>the</strong> Weishu 魏 書 , Beishi 北 史 , Suishu 隨 書 , <strong>and</strong><br />
Tangshu 唐 書 (see below, pp. 27–29).<br />
As will become clearer later on <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir history, one very curious fact about <strong>the</strong> Ruhi<br />
月 氏 is that <strong>the</strong>y were always try<strong>in</strong>g to hide beh<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong>, i.e. Central Asian,<br />
p eoples <strong>the</strong>y conquered. In <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu <strong>of</strong> Ban Gu, completed more than two hundred<br />
z<br />
years after <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Report, <strong>the</strong> Kangju 康 居 are suddenly a much bigger <strong>and</strong><br />
m uch more powerful country, now extend<strong>in</strong>g across <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes as far as <strong>the</strong> Oxus<br />
a nd thus <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g all <strong>of</strong> former Greek Sogdiana with its capital <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong><br />
S amark<strong>and</strong> as described <strong>in</strong> Tangshu 221B (see below, pp. 28–29). This first Ruzhi<br />
p owerbase had hardly more than <strong>the</strong> name <strong>in</strong> common with <strong>the</strong> Kangju <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji,<br />
w here Sima <strong>Qian</strong> is quot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>. But <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same Shiji 123 we are told — now<br />
bas ed on later sources — that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> year 101 BCE Kanjgu forces were lurk<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
background, ready to spr<strong>in</strong>g on <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese armies <strong>of</strong> Li Guangli 李 廣 利 , <strong>the</strong> “Ershi<br />
g eneral” 貳 師 將 軍 , who at that time was besieg<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Da Yuan 大 苑 <strong>in</strong><br />
order to obta<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> coveted “heavenly horses” 天 馬 . Those “Kangju” were already <strong>the</strong><br />
R uzhi 月 氏 hid<strong>in</strong>g beh<strong>in</strong>d this Central Asian name. <strong>The</strong> Shiji has a vague notion <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se two different Kangju by stat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> chapter 123 :<br />
— 26 —
In <strong>the</strong> south it is controlled by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi, <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> east it is controlled by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu.<br />
南 羈 事 月 氏 東 羈 事 匈 奴<br />
This can hardly apply to <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al small Kangju k<strong>in</strong>gdom, but reflects <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , after chas<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 from <strong>the</strong> region, had foundd<br />
a strong k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana <strong>and</strong>, for reasons we can only guess, became known<br />
e<br />
<strong>the</strong>re, not as (new) Sogdians, but as (new) Kangju: <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 must have brought<br />
this name with <strong>the</strong>m from across <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes.<br />
(WATSON 1993: 249)<br />
» If <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> (soldiers) do not kill us,<br />
we will promptly br<strong>in</strong>g out (all) <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>e horses<br />
so that you may take (as many) as you please,<br />
<strong>and</strong> will (supply) food for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> army.<br />
(But) if you refuse to accept (<strong>the</strong>se terms) we<br />
will slaughter (all) <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>e horses.<br />
Moreover, rescue (troops) will soon be com<strong>in</strong>g<br />
(to aid us) from Kang–ju.<br />
And when <strong>the</strong>y arrive <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> army will have<br />
to fight (both) us with<strong>in</strong> (<strong>the</strong> city) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Kang–ju on <strong>the</strong> outside.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Han</strong> army (had better) consider <strong>the</strong> matter<br />
well (<strong>and</strong> decide) which course to take! «<br />
At this time scouts from <strong>the</strong> Kang–ju were keep<strong>in</strong>g<br />
a watch on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> troops, but s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Han</strong> troops were still <strong>in</strong> good condition, (<strong>the</strong><br />
Kang–ju forces) did not dare to advance<br />
(aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong>m).<br />
Shiji 123. 3177<br />
漢 毋 攻 我<br />
我 盡 出 善 馬 恣 所 取 而 給<br />
漢 軍 食<br />
即 不 聽 我 盡 殺 善 馬 而 康<br />
居 之 救 且 至<br />
至 我 居 內 康 居 居 外 與 漢<br />
軍 戰<br />
漢 軍 熟 計 之 何 從<br />
是 時 康 居 候 視 漢 兵 漢 兵<br />
尚 盛 不 敢 進<br />
Centuries later we will be told <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories, i.e. for <strong>the</strong> first<br />
time <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Weishu, that <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kangju 康 居 had been ruled by certa<strong>in</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>gs s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>. This seems to <strong>in</strong>dicate that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 — after<br />
be<strong>in</strong>g evicted by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 from <strong>the</strong> former homel<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang<br />
塞 王 , <strong>the</strong> region between <strong>the</strong> upper Ili <strong>and</strong> Chu Rivers <strong>and</strong> around Lake<br />
Issyk Köl —, had cont<strong>in</strong>ued <strong>the</strong>ir migration westward <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> process had subjugated<br />
<strong>the</strong> small nomad state <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> genu<strong>in</strong>e Kangju <strong>and</strong> had extended it across <strong>the</strong><br />
Jaxartes <strong>in</strong>to Sogdiana.<br />
<strong>The</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kang 康 is <strong>the</strong> former (k<strong>in</strong>gdom<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>) Kangju. 康 居 .<br />
(<strong>The</strong> people) move about <strong>and</strong> have no l<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own.<br />
Ever s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> advent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> (dynasty), generation<br />
followed upon generation without break.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>g’s orig<strong>in</strong>al family name is ›Wen‹.<br />
He is a Ruzhi 月 氏 .<br />
Anciently, (<strong>the</strong> Ruzhi) resided north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qilian<br />
mounta<strong>in</strong> range <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> town (i.e. ›ordos‹ = royal<br />
camp) <strong>of</strong> Zhaowu 昭 武 (modern <strong>Zhang</strong>ye).<br />
When <strong>the</strong>y were beaten by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
crossed <strong>the</strong> Congl<strong>in</strong>g mounta<strong>in</strong>s to <strong>the</strong> West <strong>and</strong><br />
soon took possession <strong>of</strong> this l<strong>and</strong> (<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kang).<br />
<strong>The</strong>y divided it amongst a number <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual<br />
members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g’s (family) <strong>and</strong> that is why left<br />
<strong>and</strong> right (east <strong>and</strong> west) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> (ma<strong>in</strong>) state <strong>of</strong><br />
Kang <strong>the</strong>re are several (lesser) states <strong>and</strong> all<br />
Weishu 102. 2281<br />
康 國 者 康 居 之 後 也<br />
遷 徙 無 常 不 恒 故 地<br />
自 漢 以 來 相 承 不 絕<br />
其 王 本 姓 溫<br />
月 氏 人 也<br />
舊 居 祁 連 山 北 昭 武 城<br />
因 被 匈 奴 所 破 西 踰 蔥<br />
嶺<br />
遂 有 其 國<br />
枝 庶 各 分 王 故 康 國 左<br />
— 27 —
(<strong>the</strong>se rulers’) family name is Zhaowu to demon-<br />
strate (that <strong>the</strong>y all do) not forget <strong>the</strong>ir roots (l<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>) ...<br />
右 諸 國 並 以 昭 武 為<br />
示 不 忘 本 也 …<br />
姓<br />
<strong>The</strong> Weishu conta<strong>in</strong>s Ch<strong>in</strong>ese history from <strong>the</strong> late fourth to <strong>the</strong> mid-sixth century.<br />
<strong>The</strong> new facts on <strong>the</strong> migration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 are <strong>the</strong>refore reported some four to five<br />
centuries after <strong>the</strong> last piece <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> Ban Gu’s <strong>Han</strong>shu. As we can<br />
see here, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historians needed much time to f<strong>in</strong>d out what really had been<br />
happen<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Far West — reflect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>g centuries com-<br />
<strong>of</strong>f <strong>and</strong> reestablished a couple <strong>of</strong> times.<br />
munications with <strong>the</strong> West were cut<br />
At long last we read that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 did not at all migrate directly from <strong>the</strong> region be-<br />
reaches <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>to Daxia —<br />
tween <strong>the</strong> Ili <strong>and</strong> Chu all <strong>the</strong> way to <strong>the</strong> upper<br />
as <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu wanted us to believe. <strong>The</strong> 月 氏 were driven from <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s between <strong>the</strong><br />
rivers Ili <strong>and</strong> Chu by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 shortly<br />
before Laoshang chanyu <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu<br />
匈 奴 had died <strong>in</strong> late 161 BCE <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y arrived at <strong>the</strong> Oxus River only months before<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> reached <strong>the</strong> region <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 129. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu had kept us won-<br />
long span <strong>of</strong> one full generation. With<br />
der<strong>in</strong>g what had happened to <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>in</strong> this <strong>the</strong> additional <strong>in</strong>formation conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Weishu, we are f<strong>in</strong>ally able to fill out this<br />
blank <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir history.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 subjugated <strong>the</strong> Kangju 康 居 , established <strong>the</strong>mselves as <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>gs<br />
<strong>and</strong> extended (or moved) this Kangju k<strong>in</strong>gdom southwestward as far as Samark<strong>and</strong><br />
(Sogdiana). <strong>The</strong>re, i.e. <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 must have collided a second time with <strong>the</strong><br />
Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 , who were now dri<br />
ven south — as to <strong>the</strong> west, i.e. west <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> middle reaches <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus, <strong>the</strong> mighty empire <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parthians 安 息 was already<br />
block<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> way.<br />
And here, <strong>in</strong> former Greek Sogdiana, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 — for <strong>the</strong> first time as far as we can<br />
tell — established lesser pr<strong>in</strong>cipalities or viceroy-ships around <strong>the</strong>ir central or ma<strong>in</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom. All <strong>the</strong>se viceroys were members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g’s family. After <strong>the</strong> Weishu 魏 書 ,<br />
or “Book <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Wei (Dynasty),” had reported this important new <strong>in</strong>formation for <strong>the</strong><br />
first time, <strong>the</strong> next <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> long l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories, <strong>the</strong> Beishi 北 史 (<strong>in</strong><br />
chapter 97) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Suishu 隨 書 (<strong>in</strong> chapter 83), simply repeated <strong>the</strong> new facts. We<br />
have to wait ano<strong>the</strong>r two hundred years to be told how many sub-k<strong>in</strong>gs or viceroys<br />
<strong>the</strong>re had been <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> realm <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new Kangju — <strong>and</strong> what <strong>the</strong>ir names were. <strong>The</strong><br />
(New) Tangshu 唐 書 f<strong>in</strong>ally has this additional <strong>in</strong>formation.<br />
(CHAVANNES 1903: 132–134)<br />
(Le pays de) K’ang 康 est appelé aussi Sa–mo–kien 薩<br />
末 鞬 , ou encore Sa–mo–kien 颯 秣 建 (Samark<strong>and</strong>);<br />
c’est le pays qu’on appelai t Si–wan–k<strong>in</strong> 悉 萬 斤 sous<br />
les Yuen Wei 元 魏 .<br />
Du côté du sud il est à cent c<strong>in</strong>quante ›li‹ de Che 史<br />
(Kesch);<br />
du côté du nord-ouest, il est à plus de cent ›li‹ du Ts’ao<br />
曹 occidental (Ischtîkhan);<br />
au sud-est, il est à cent ›li‹ de Mi 米 (Mâïmargh);<br />
au nord, à c<strong>in</strong>quante li du Ts’ao central (Kaboûdhan);<br />
il est au sud de la rivière Na–mi 那 密 (Zara fchan).<br />
Il a trente gr<strong>and</strong>es villes et trois cents petites places.<br />
Le nom de famille du pr<strong>in</strong>ce est ›Wen‹ 溫 .<br />
C’étaient à l’orig<strong>in</strong>e des Yue–tche 月 氏 qui résidaient<br />
autrefois dans la ville de Tchao–ou 昭 武 , au nord des<br />
(monts) K’i–lien 祁 連 . Ayant été battus par les Tou–<br />
kiue (ici: les Hiong–nou), ils se retirèrent graduelle-<br />
(X<strong>in</strong>) Tangshu 221B. 6243<br />
康 者 曰 薩 末 鞬 曰<br />
颯 秣 建<br />
元 魏 所 謂 悉 萬 斤 者<br />
其 南 距 史 百 五 十 里<br />
西 北 距 西 曹 百 餘 里<br />
東 南 屬 米 百 里<br />
北 中 曹 五 十 里<br />
在 那 密 水 南 城<br />
大 城 三 十 小 堡 三 百<br />
君 姓 溫 月 氏 人<br />
始 居 祁 連 北 昭 武 城<br />
— 28 —
ment vers le sud en s’appuyant sur les (monts) Ts’ong<br />
l<strong>in</strong>g 蔥 嶺<br />
et entrèrent a<strong>in</strong>si en possession de ce territoire.<br />
Les pr<strong>in</strong>cipautés qui sont détachées comme des rameaux<br />
s’appellent<br />
— Ngan 安 (Boukhârâ),<br />
— Ts’ao 曹 (Kaboûdhan),<br />
— Che 石 (Taschkend),<br />
— Mi 米 (Mâïmargh),<br />
— Ho 何 (Koschânyah),<br />
— Ho–siun 火 尋 (Khârizm),<br />
— Meou–ti 戊 地 (le Fa–ti 伐 地 de Hiuen–tsang, à l’ouest<br />
de Boukhârâ),<br />
— Che 史 (Kesch).<br />
On les nomme communément les neuf familles (les<br />
huit plus Samark<strong>and</strong>, la métropole des autres).<br />
Tous sont de la famille ›Tchao–ou‹.<br />
–<br />
為 突 厥 所 破 稍 南 依<br />
蔥 嶺<br />
即 有 其 地<br />
枝 庶 分 王<br />
曰 安 曰 曹<br />
曰 石 曰 米<br />
曰 何 曰 火 尋<br />
曰 戊 地 曰 史<br />
世 謂 九 姓<br />
皆 氏 昭 武<br />
With this late <strong>in</strong>formation we may safely assume: When <strong>the</strong> Da Yuan 大 苑 sent<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> on to <strong>the</strong> “Kangju” <strong>the</strong>y did not usher him north to <strong>the</strong> former small<br />
Kangju k<strong>in</strong>gdom 康 居 國 — under Xiongnu 匈 奴 dom<strong>in</strong>ation already —, but due west<br />
to Samark<strong>and</strong> were <strong>the</strong> Da Yuan knew <strong>the</strong> ›ordos‹ <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 to be. That it just<br />
had been moved south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hissar Mounta<strong>in</strong>s to <strong>the</strong> Oxus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>reby <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 was apparently not yet known <strong>in</strong> Ferghana. In <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 129<br />
BCE, <strong>the</strong>se were very new developments.<br />
2. ARE WE ENTITLED TO EQUATE ›DAXIA‹ WITH TOCHARA ?<br />
At this junction <strong>of</strong> <strong>Western</strong> studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relevant Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, two improved<br />
translations <strong>of</strong> Shiji 123 were published <strong>in</strong> New York <strong>and</strong> Berl<strong>in</strong>. Below, I reproduce<br />
<strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se new translations, i.e. as far as <strong>the</strong> mission <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> is narrated<br />
<strong>in</strong> this important chapter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji. For easy comparison I quote <strong>the</strong> translations<br />
once more toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese orig<strong>in</strong>al. It will be clear from <strong>the</strong> first sen-<br />
tences that <strong>the</strong>se are vastly improved renditions.<br />
(H IRTH 1917: 93–94)<br />
(DE G ROOT 1926: 9–10)<br />
Our first knowledge <strong>of</strong> Tayüan<br />
Die Spur von Ta Wan ist durch<br />
(Ferghana) dates from<br />
Chang K’ien.<br />
Tšang K’i¥n entdeckt worden.<br />
Tšang K’i¥n war e<strong>in</strong> Mann aus<br />
Chang K’ien was a native <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Han</strong>-chung (Shen-si prov.).<br />
<strong>Han</strong>-tšung.<br />
In der Periode Ki¥n-juan (140–<br />
Dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> K’ién-<br />
134) war er Palastbeamter.<br />
yüan (140–134 B.C.) he was a In diesem Zeitraum verhörte der<br />
›lang‹. Sohn des Himmels Leute, die<br />
At that time <strong>the</strong> Son <strong>of</strong> Heaten.<br />
sich Hung-no unterworfen hat-<br />
ven made <strong>in</strong>quiries among<br />
Sie teilten ihm alle mit,<br />
those Hiung-nu who had surrendered<br />
daß Hung-no den König von<br />
(as prisoners) <strong>and</strong> Goat-si geschlagen und<br />
aus<br />
<strong>the</strong>y all reported that <strong>the</strong> dessen Schädel e<strong>in</strong> Tr<strong>in</strong>kgefäß<br />
Hiung-nu had overcome <strong>the</strong> gemacht habe;<br />
k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüé-chï <strong>and</strong> made die Goat-si seien dann geflohen<br />
a dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g-vessel out <strong>of</strong> his und hegten e<strong>in</strong>e dauernde<br />
Shiji 123. 3157–3159<br />
大 宛 之 跡 見<br />
自 張 騫<br />
張 騫 漢 中 人<br />
建 元 中 為 郎<br />
是 時 天 子 問<br />
匈 奴 降 者 皆<br />
言 匈 奴 破 月<br />
氏 王 以 其 頭<br />
為 飲 器 月 氏<br />
遁 逃 而 常 怨<br />
— 29 —
skull.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Yüé-chï had decamped<br />
<strong>and</strong> were hid<strong>in</strong>g somewhere,<br />
all <strong>the</strong> time schem<strong>in</strong>g how to<br />
take revenge on <strong>the</strong> Hiungjo<strong>in</strong><br />
nu, but had no ally to<br />
<strong>the</strong>m <strong>in</strong> strik<strong>in</strong>g a blow.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, wish<strong>in</strong>g to de-<br />
clare war on <strong>and</strong> wipe out<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tartars, upon hear<strong>in</strong>g this<br />
report, desired to communi-<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
cate with <strong>the</strong> Yüé-chï.<br />
But, <strong>the</strong> road hav<strong>in</strong>g to pass<br />
through <strong>the</strong> territory<br />
Hiung-nu, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong> sought<br />
out men whom he could send.<br />
Chang K’ién, be<strong>in</strong>g a ›lang‹,<br />
responded to <strong>the</strong> call <strong>and</strong> en-<br />
Yüé–<br />
listed <strong>in</strong> a mission to <strong>the</strong><br />
chï; he took with him one Kan<br />
Fu, a Tartar, formerly a slave<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> T’ang–i family, <strong>and</strong> set<br />
out from Lung–si (Kan–su).<br />
Cross<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Hiung–nu, <strong>the</strong> Hiung–nu<br />
made him a prisoner <strong>and</strong><br />
sent him to <strong>the</strong> ›Shan–yü‹<br />
who deta<strong>in</strong>ed him, say<strong>in</strong>g:<br />
»<strong>The</strong> Yüé–chï are to <strong>the</strong> north<br />
<strong>of</strong> us; how can Ch<strong>in</strong>a send<br />
ambassadors to <strong>the</strong>m?<br />
If I wished to send ambassadors<br />
to Yüé (Kiang–si <strong>and</strong><br />
Ch’ö–kiang), would Ch<strong>in</strong>a be<br />
will<strong>in</strong>g to submit to us?«<br />
He held Chang K’ién for more<br />
than ten years <strong>and</strong> gave him<br />
a wife, by whom he had a<br />
son.<br />
All this time Chang K’ien had<br />
kept possession <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong>’s<br />
token <strong>of</strong> authority.<br />
And, when <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong><br />
time he was allowed greater<br />
liberty, he, watch<strong>in</strong>g his opportunity,<br />
succeeded <strong>in</strong> mak<strong>in</strong>g<br />
his escape with his men<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> direction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüé-chï.<br />
Hav<strong>in</strong>g marched several tens<br />
<strong>of</strong> days to <strong>the</strong> west, he arrived<br />
<strong>in</strong> Ta-yüan.<br />
<strong>The</strong> people <strong>of</strong> this country,<br />
hav<strong>in</strong>g heard <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wealth<br />
<strong>and</strong> fertility <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a, had<br />
Rachgier gegen Hung-no, hät-<br />
sie<br />
ten aber niem<strong>and</strong>, mit dem<br />
sich verb<strong>in</strong>den könnten,<br />
um es<br />
anzugreifen.<br />
<strong>Han</strong> war damals gerade im Be-<br />
der Hu zu beschäftigen, und<br />
griff, sich mit der Vernichtung<br />
faßte auf Grund dieser Mittei-<br />
ei-<br />
lungen den Entschluß, zur Anknüpfung<br />
von Beziehungen<br />
ne Ges<strong>and</strong>tschaft (nach Goatsi)<br />
zu entsenden.<br />
Der Weg dorth<strong>in</strong> mußte quer<br />
durch Hung-no führen. Es wurden<br />
nun für e<strong>in</strong>e Aussendung<br />
dah<strong>in</strong> geeignete Personen aufund<br />
K’i¥n, der als Palastbeam-<br />
gerufen,<br />
ter sich meldete, wurde nach<br />
Goat-si geschickt. Zusammen<br />
mit e<strong>in</strong>em Manne aus T’ang-ji’,<br />
e<strong>in</strong>em ehemaligen Hu’schen<br />
Sklaven Kam-hu (Kan-fu)verließ<br />
er Lung-si<br />
und zog durch Hung-no. Aber<br />
die Hung-no faßten sie und<br />
führten sie zum Tan-hu. Dieser<br />
behielt sie bei sich und sprach:<br />
»Zu Goat-si liegen wir im Nor-<br />
den; dürfte <strong>Han</strong> also dorth<strong>in</strong><br />
reisen?<br />
<strong>Fall</strong>s ich e<strong>in</strong>e Ges<strong>and</strong>tschaft<br />
nach Ju¥’ schicken wollte (zu<br />
dem <strong>Han</strong> im Norden liegt), würde<br />
mir dann <strong>Han</strong> das erlauben?«<br />
Mehr als zehn Jahre hielt er<br />
K’ien bei sich; er gab ihm e<strong>in</strong>e<br />
Frau, und er hatte Söhne von<br />
ihr.<br />
Das Diplom von <strong>Han</strong>, welches<br />
er führte, ließ er nicht verlorenvon<br />
gehen.<br />
Während er so im Zentrum<br />
Hung-no verweilte, erwarb er<br />
sich mehr und mehr Freiheit<br />
und benutzte diese, um mit se<strong>in</strong>en<br />
Angehörigen die Flucht zu<br />
ergreifen. Der Richtung nach<br />
Goat-si folgend, floh er westwärts<br />
und erreichte nach mehrmals<br />
zehn Tagen Ta-wan.<br />
In Ta-wan hatte man schon von<br />
den Reichtümern und Schätzen<br />
仇 匈 奴 無 與<br />
共 擊 之<br />
漢 方 欲 事 滅<br />
胡 聞 此 言 因<br />
欲 通 使<br />
道 必 更 匈 奴<br />
中 乃 募 能 使<br />
者<br />
騫 以 郎 應 募<br />
使 月 氏 與 堂<br />
邑 氏 ( 故 )<br />
胡 奴 甘 父 俱<br />
出 隴 西<br />
經 匈 奴 匈 奴<br />
得 之 傳 詣 單<br />
于<br />
單 于 留 之 曰<br />
月 氏 在 吾 北<br />
漢 何 以 得 往<br />
使 吾 欲 使 越<br />
漢 肯 聽 我 乎<br />
留 騫 十 餘 歲<br />
與 妻 有 子<br />
然 騫 持 漢 節<br />
不 失<br />
居 匈 奴 中<br />
益<br />
寬 騫 因 與 其<br />
屬 亡 鄉 月 氏<br />
西 走 數 十 日<br />
至 大 宛<br />
大 宛 聞 漢 之<br />
饒 財 欲 通 不<br />
得 見 騫 喜 問<br />
— 30 —
tried <strong>in</strong> va<strong>in</strong> to communicate<br />
with it.<br />
When, <strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>the</strong>y saw<br />
Chang K’ién, <strong>the</strong>y asked joyfully:<br />
»Where do you wish to<br />
go?«<br />
Chang K’ién replied:<br />
»I was sent by (<strong>the</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong>) Ch<strong>in</strong>a to <strong>the</strong> Yüé-chï, <strong>and</strong><br />
was made prisoner by <strong>the</strong><br />
Hiung-nu.<br />
I have now escaped <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong><br />
would ask that your k<strong>in</strong>g<br />
have some one conduct me to<br />
<strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüé-chï.<br />
And if I should succeed <strong>in</strong><br />
reach<strong>in</strong>g that country, on my<br />
return to Ch<strong>in</strong>a, my k<strong>in</strong>g will<br />
reward yours with untold<br />
treasures.«<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ta-yüan believed his account<br />
<strong>and</strong> gave him safe-conduct<br />
on postal roads to K’angkü<br />
(Soghdiana);<br />
<strong>and</strong> K’ang-kü sent him on to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ta-yüé-chï.<br />
<strong>The</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta-yüé-chï<br />
hav<strong>in</strong>g been killed by <strong>the</strong> Hu,<br />
<strong>the</strong> people set up <strong>the</strong> crown<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>in</strong> his stead.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y had s<strong>in</strong>ce conquered<br />
Ta-hia (Bactria) <strong>and</strong> occupied<br />
that country.<br />
<strong>The</strong> latter be<strong>in</strong>g rich <strong>and</strong> fertile<br />
<strong>and</strong> little troubled with<br />
robbers, <strong>the</strong>y had determ<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
to enjoy a peaceful life;<br />
moreover, s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>y considered<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves too far<br />
away from Ch<strong>in</strong>a, <strong>the</strong>y had<br />
no longer <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tention to<br />
take revenge on <strong>the</strong> Hu<br />
(Hiung-nu).<br />
Chang K’ien went through <strong>the</strong><br />
country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüé-chï to Tahia<br />
(Bactria), yet, after all, he<br />
did not carry his po<strong>in</strong>t with<br />
<strong>the</strong> Yüé-chï.<br />
After hav<strong>in</strong>g rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>re<br />
fully a year, he returned,<br />
skirt<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Nan-shan.<br />
He wished to return through<br />
<strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> K’iang<br />
(Tangutans), but was aga<strong>in</strong><br />
von <strong>Han</strong> gehört und Beziehungen<br />
anknüpfen wollen, jedoch<br />
war es nicht dazu gekommen.<br />
Als man nun K’i¥n erblickte,<br />
freute man sich und fragte ihn:<br />
»Wo willst du h<strong>in</strong>?«<br />
Die Antwort lautete:<br />
»Ich wurde von <strong>Han</strong> nach Goatsi<br />
ents<strong>and</strong>t, jedoch durch Hungno<br />
wurde mir der Weg verlegt.<br />
Jetzt b<strong>in</strong> ich auf der Flucht, o<br />
König, laß mich von De<strong>in</strong>en<br />
Leuten begleiten, auf daß ich<br />
wirklich me<strong>in</strong> Ziel erreichen<br />
kann.<br />
Sobald ich dann wieder <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong><br />
zurück b<strong>in</strong>, werden die Schätze,<br />
welche es Dir, König, schenkt,<br />
alle Beschreibung übertreffen.«<br />
Ta-wan war e<strong>in</strong>verst<strong>and</strong>en; es<br />
ließ (Tšang) K’ien weiterreisen<br />
und bot Leute auf, die ihm von<br />
der e<strong>in</strong>en Station nach der <strong>and</strong>eren<br />
bis nach K’ang-ki das Ge-<br />
leit gaben.<br />
Und dann ließ ihn K’ang-ki<br />
nach Groß-Goat-si br<strong>in</strong>gen.<br />
Als der König von Groß-Goat-si<br />
durch die Hu umgebracht war,<br />
hatte es se<strong>in</strong>en ältesten Sohn<br />
zum König erhoben;<br />
dann hatte es Ta-ha (Tochara)<br />
unterworfen und sich dort ansässig<br />
gemacht.<br />
Dieses L<strong>and</strong> war fruchtbar und<br />
reich; man wurde da selten von<br />
Fe<strong>in</strong>den angegriffen und suchte<br />
nur e<strong>in</strong> ruhiges und freudiges<br />
Dase<strong>in</strong> zu führen;<br />
man betrachtete <strong>Han</strong> als weit<br />
entlegen und hegte gegen die<br />
Hu fast ke<strong>in</strong>e Rachsucht mehr.<br />
Von Goat-si reiste (Tšang) K’ien<br />
nach Ta-ha, ohne daß es ihm<br />
gelungen war, e<strong>in</strong>e Entscheidung<br />
von Goat-si zu bekommen.<br />
Nachdem er länger als e<strong>in</strong> Jahr<br />
sich da aufgehalten hatte, trat<br />
er den Rückweg an. Er reiste<br />
den Nan-šan (Südgebirge) entlang,<br />
mit der Absicht, über<br />
K’iong (D{a-k’iong} heimzureisen;<br />
aber zum zweiten Male<br />
曰<br />
若 欲 何 之<br />
騫 曰<br />
為 漢 使 月 氏<br />
而 為 匈 奴 所<br />
閉 道<br />
今 亡 唯 王 使<br />
人 導 送 我<br />
誠 得 至 反 漢<br />
漢 之 賂 遺 王<br />
財 物 不 可 勝<br />
言<br />
大 宛 以 為 然<br />
遣 騫 為 發 導<br />
繹 抵 康 居<br />
傳 致 大<br />
康 居<br />
月 氏<br />
大 月 氏 王 已<br />
為 胡 所 殺 立<br />
其 太 子 為 王<br />
既 臣 大 夏 而<br />
居<br />
地 肥 饒 少 寇<br />
志 安 樂 又 自<br />
以 遠 漢 殊 無<br />
報 胡 之 心<br />
騫 從 月 氏 至<br />
大 夏 竟 不 能<br />
得 月 氏 要 領<br />
留 歲 餘 還 並<br />
南 山 欲 從 羌<br />
中 歸 復 為 匈<br />
奴 所 得<br />
— 31 —
made a prisoner by <strong>the</strong><br />
Hiung-nu,<br />
who deta<strong>in</strong>ed him for more<br />
than a year, when <strong>the</strong> Shanyü<br />
died <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> “left” Luk-li<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>ce attacked <strong>the</strong> rightful<br />
heir <strong>and</strong> usurped <strong>the</strong> throne,<br />
thus throw<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> country<br />
<strong>in</strong>to a state <strong>of</strong> confusion.<br />
At this time Chang K’ien, with<br />
his Tartar wife <strong>and</strong> T’ang-i<br />
Fu (Kan Fu), escaped <strong>and</strong> returned<br />
to Ch<strong>in</strong>a.<br />
(<strong>The</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>of</strong>) Ch<strong>in</strong>a appo<strong>in</strong>ted<br />
Chang K’ién a ›T’ai-<br />
chung-ta-fu‹ <strong>and</strong> gave T’ang-i<br />
Fu <strong>the</strong> title ›Föng-shï-kün‹.<br />
wurde er von Hung-no entdeckt<br />
und länger als e<strong>in</strong> Jahr festgehalten.<br />
Da starb der Tan-hu; der l<strong>in</strong>ke<br />
Kok-li-König erschlug dessen ältesten<br />
Sohn und setzte sich<br />
selbst auf den Thron;<br />
Wirren herrschten im Reich;<br />
(Tšang) K’ien w<strong>and</strong>te sich mit<br />
se<strong>in</strong>er Hu-Frau und mit T’ang-<br />
ji’ (Kam-)hu zur Flucht und<br />
kam nach <strong>Han</strong> zurück.<br />
<strong>Han</strong> ernannte darauf (Tšang)<br />
K’i¥n zum ›Wesir des <strong>in</strong>nersten<br />
Palastes‹, und T’ang-ji’ (Kam-)<br />
hu wurde ›Fürst, der vom Kaiser<br />
e<strong>in</strong>e Sendung empf<strong>in</strong>g‹.<br />
留 歲 餘 單 于<br />
死 左 谷 蠡 王<br />
攻 其 太 子 自<br />
立 國 內 亂 騫<br />
與 胡 妻 及 堂<br />
邑 父 俱 亡 歸<br />
漢<br />
漢 拜 騫 為 太<br />
中 大 夫 堂 邑<br />
父 為 奉 使 君<br />
By now, <strong>the</strong>re were translations <strong>of</strong> Shiji 123 <strong>in</strong>to four European languages: <strong>in</strong>to<br />
French by B ROSSET (1828); <strong>in</strong>to Russian by BICHURIN (1851); <strong>in</strong>to E nglish by HIRTH (1917);<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>to German by DE GROOT (1926). With<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> span <strong>of</strong> about one hundred years, Si-<br />
nology <strong>in</strong> Europe <strong>in</strong> general <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories <strong>in</strong> par-<br />
ticular had made great strides forward. Yet <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese language, <strong>the</strong><br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese script <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> cumbersome Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ways to transribe foreign names proved<br />
formidable obstacles. It seemed that a century <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>tensive research was not enough to<br />
overcome <strong>the</strong> difficulties <strong>in</strong>vo lved. One example is that HIRTH, who came from Ger-<br />
many <strong>and</strong> taught at Columbia University <strong>in</strong> New York, still equated Daxia 大 夏 with<br />
Bactria, thus copy<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> mist ake <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> his forerunners. <strong>The</strong> mistaken <strong>and</strong> miscan<br />
be traced back to RÉMUSAT 1825: 116:<br />
lead<strong>in</strong>g identification, <strong>in</strong> fact,<br />
Les contrées que Tchhang-kian avoit visitées par lui-même étoient<br />
— le Ta-wan ou pays de Schasch,<br />
— le pays des Ta-youeï-chi ou la Transoxane,<br />
— le Ta-hia ou la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e,<br />
— et Kang-kiu ou la Sogdiane.<br />
Mais il rapporta des relations détaillées au sujet de c<strong>in</strong>q ou six autres états vois<strong>in</strong>s.<br />
1846: 231, JULIEN, <strong>the</strong> successor <strong>of</strong> RÉMUSAT at <strong>the</strong> Collège de France, confirms:<br />
Je donnerai des notices historiques sur divers peuples de l’Asie qui ont joué un rôle imels<br />
les auteurs ch<strong>in</strong>ois<br />
portant dans cette partie du monde, et pour la connaissance desqu<br />
nous <strong>of</strong>frent seuls des renseignements solides et étendus. Je me co ntenterai de citer, pour<br />
le moment,<br />
— les Ta-hia ou Bactriens,<br />
— les ‘Asi ou Par<strong>the</strong>s,<br />
— les habitants du Khang-khiu ou Sogdiens,<br />
— les Yen-tsai ou Gètes,<br />
— les Youeï-tchi, de race <strong>in</strong>do-scy<strong>the</strong>, qui ont occupé successivem ent la Transoxiane, la<br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>e et le Caboul;<br />
— les Ou-sun, race blonde aux yeux bleus, appelée par quelques aut eurs, <strong>in</strong>do-germanique,<br />
etc. ...<br />
It proved to be very unfortunate, that after RÉMUSAT <strong>and</strong><br />
JULIEN, <strong>the</strong> erroneous<br />
identification Ta-hia = Bactria cont<strong>in</strong>ued to be copied <strong>and</strong> recopied by five to six gen-<br />
erations <strong>of</strong> scholars down to our own times (Vaissière 2002: 31).<br />
One year after HIRTH’s translation, <strong>in</strong> 1918: 572, F.W.K. MÜLLER quoted one short<br />
paragraph <strong>of</strong> Shiji 123 <strong>in</strong> translation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al text which conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e:<br />
— 32 —
西 擊 大 夏 Im Westen schlugen sie die Tai-Hia (*Dai-Ha = Baktrer).<br />
He thus gave <strong>the</strong> false equation a semi-scientific touch.<br />
In contrast to MÜLLER, <strong>the</strong> famous Dutch S<strong>in</strong>ologist DE GROO<br />
T, who had come from<br />
Leiden to Berl<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong>troduces here <strong>the</strong> new <strong>and</strong> much improved equation Daxia = To-<br />
chara <strong>in</strong> his translation <strong>of</strong> Shiji 123. With this, he confirms what MARQUART 1901: 204<br />
had written:<br />
Aus dieser historischen Gegenüberstellung der griechisch-römis<br />
chen und ch<strong>in</strong>esischen<br />
Berichte ergibt sich mit logischer Notwendigkeit die Gleichung: Ta -hia = Tochari. Ich<br />
treffe also <strong>in</strong> dieser Identifikatio n zufällig mit K<strong>in</strong>gsmill (1882: 74–79)<br />
zusammen; man wird<br />
aber h<strong>of</strong>fentlich zugeben, dass me<strong>in</strong>e auf historisch-kritischem Wege gewonnenen Erklä-<br />
lediglich auf sche<strong>in</strong>bare Namensanklänge h<strong>in</strong> gemachten<br />
rungen nichts mit den wilden,<br />
Identifikationen j enes S<strong>in</strong>ologen geme<strong>in</strong> haben ...<br />
Shortly before DE GROOT, <strong>in</strong> 1920: 1617, <strong>the</strong> well-known Geographer HERRMANN, writ-<br />
<strong>in</strong>g on <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae, <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>the</strong> crucial equation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g explanations:<br />
Schon Chang-k’ien nennt uns<br />
im eigentlichen Baktrien das Volk<br />
der Ta-ha; es s<strong>in</strong>d dies<br />
die Tocharer, die dort kürzlich die griechische Herrschaft abgelöst hatten. Und wie wir aus<br />
den <strong>Han</strong>-Annalen schließen können, folgten den Sacaraucae nach e<strong>in</strong>er Reihe von Jahren<br />
die Kurschi (Guát-si), als sie von den Å-sun aus ihren neuen Sitzen verjagt wurden. Wenn<br />
wir dabei die griechischen Nachrichten über die letzten Könige von Baktrien <strong>in</strong> Betracht<br />
ziehen, so gehen wir wohl kaum fehl <strong>in</strong> der Annahme, daß die Sacaraucae zwischen 160<br />
und 150, die Tocharer um 135, endlich die Kurschi um 130 v.Chr. e<strong>in</strong>gew<strong>and</strong>ert s<strong>in</strong>d. Mit diesen<br />
Kenntnissen ausgerüstet, s<strong>in</strong>d wir endlich <strong>in</strong> der Lage, die abendländischen Berichte<br />
kritisch zu verwerten. Trogus Pompeius hat den E<strong>in</strong>bruch der Sacaraucae im 41. Buch beh<strong>and</strong>elt:<br />
»De<strong>in</strong>de quo regnante Scythicae gentes Saraucae et Asiani Bactra occupavere et Sogdianos.«<br />
Leider hat der jämmerliche Auszug bei Iust<strong>in</strong>. über dieses Ereignis ke<strong>in</strong>e Silbe aufbewahrt.<br />
Daß, wie Marquart (1901: 205) behauptet, die Sacaraucae mit Bactra, die Asiani mit<br />
Sogdiani <strong>in</strong>haltlich zusammengehören, darf man aus dem Text nicht ohne weiteres herden<br />
Sacaraucae alle<strong>in</strong> die Asiani genannt<br />
auslesen. Wesentlich ist hier nur, daß neben<br />
werden. Über beide Völker h<strong>and</strong>elt auch das nächste Buch:<br />
»Additae his res Scythicae. Reges Thocarorum Asiani <strong>in</strong>teritusque Saraucarum.«<br />
Hier lernen wir also noch e<strong>in</strong> drittes Sky<strong>the</strong>nvolk kennen, die Thocari, die bei Iust<strong>in</strong>.<br />
XLII 2, 2 als ›Tochari‹ vorkommen; v. Gutschmid (1888: 70) und Marquart haben wohl Recht,<br />
wenn sie die letztere Notiz <strong>in</strong> dem S<strong>in</strong>ne auslegen, daß die Könige der Tocharer Asiani-<br />
schen Stammes seien. Denn hierzu stimmt genau die Angabe der <strong>Han</strong>-Annalen, daß die<br />
Guát-si, die Chang-k’ien noch im Norden des Oxus antraf, sich bald darauf des L<strong>and</strong>es der<br />
Ta-ha (Tocharer) bemächtigten. Somit können die Asiani nur die Kurschi (Guát-si) se<strong>in</strong>.<br />
N’s Å-sun are <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kurschi (Guát-si) our Ruzhi 月 氏 . His<br />
HERRMAN<br />
last statement is <strong>of</strong> importance because it is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> straightforward logical reason<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
It is also important to notice here that HERRMANN identifies <strong>the</strong> Ta-ha 大 夏 <strong>of</strong><br />
Z hang <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari <strong>of</strong> Trogus <strong>and</strong> says that <strong>the</strong>y migrated <strong>in</strong>to Bactria from<br />
somewhere else, sometime between <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 . Below, we will<br />
see that HERRMANN soon changed his m<strong>in</strong>d on this po<strong>in</strong>t reveal<strong>in</strong>g a curious<br />
dilemma — which will be <strong>of</strong> great help for solv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> whole question <strong>of</strong> who really<br />
t ook Bactria from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks. Sometimes <strong>the</strong> solution <strong>of</strong> complex problems<br />
can be found by ask<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> right questions.<br />
HERRMANN cont<strong>in</strong>ues:<br />
Während Trogus nur von dem E<strong>in</strong>bruch zweier Sky<strong>the</strong>nstämme spricht und erst bei<br />
späterer Gelegenheit mit ihnen zusammen die Thocari erwähnt, zählt Strabon <strong>in</strong>sgesamt<br />
vier Völker auf, welche, vom Sakenl<strong>and</strong> jenseits des Iaxartes ausgehend, den Hellenen<br />
Baktrien entrissen haben sollen ...<br />
— 33 —
In welcher Weise läßt sich nun diese Darstellung mit der des Trogus vere<strong>in</strong>igen ? ...<br />
Warum erwähnt Trogus die Tocharer nicht von vornhere<strong>in</strong> bei Gelegenheit des E<strong>in</strong>bruchs<br />
<strong>in</strong> Baktrien ?<br />
Two years later, <strong>in</strong> 1922: 459 <strong>and</strong> more <strong>in</strong> pass<strong>in</strong>g, RAPSON provides us with a new<br />
<strong>and</strong> crucial observation on <strong>the</strong> Daxia:<br />
<strong>The</strong> report <strong>of</strong> Chang-kien, a Ch<strong>in</strong>ese envoy who visited <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi <strong>in</strong> 126 B.C., is still<br />
extant. <strong>The</strong>se nomads were <strong>the</strong>n settled <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> report speaks <strong>in</strong> somewhat<br />
contemptuous terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir sou<strong>the</strong>rn neighbours, <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia, by whom are apparently<br />
meant <strong>the</strong> native population <strong>of</strong> Bactria: <strong>the</strong>y were a nation <strong>of</strong> shopkeepers, liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> towns<br />
each governed by its magistrate, <strong>and</strong> car<strong>in</strong>g noth<strong>in</strong>g for <strong>the</strong> delight or <strong>the</strong> glory <strong>of</strong> battle ...<br />
This simple observation is also taken up by HERRMANN who adduces two more ar-<br />
<strong>and</strong> plenty <strong>of</strong> evidence for revers<strong>in</strong>g his earlier statements on <strong>the</strong> Daxia. In<br />
guments<br />
<strong>the</strong> same year, 1922: 209–211 <strong>and</strong> now contra MARQUART, he writes:<br />
In diesen Zusammenhang gehört auch die Beurteilung des Völkernamens Ta-hsia. Wir<br />
haben gesehen, daß e<strong>in</strong> Volksstamm dieses Namens <strong>in</strong> der Geschichte Ch<strong>in</strong>as nur e<strong>in</strong>mal,<br />
nämlich im Jahre 1084 v.Chr. unter den westlichen Grenzvölkern aufgetreten ist, um dann<br />
für immer zu verschw<strong>in</strong>den. Nur durch die ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Karten und Legenden hat sich der<br />
Name, wie wir an e<strong>in</strong>igen Beispielen darlegen konnten, b<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> die <strong>Han</strong>-Zeit fortgepflanzt ...<br />
Es ist daher gar nicht verwunderlich, daß schließlich CHANG CH’IEN genau denselben Namen<br />
auf das größte Kulturvolk des Westens, die Baktrer, übertragen hat, <strong>in</strong> der <strong>of</strong>fenbaren<br />
Me<strong>in</strong>ung, hier das uralte Westvolk endlich wiedergefunden zu haben. Wenn also, wie es <strong>in</strong><br />
der Tat sche<strong>in</strong>t, lediglich e<strong>in</strong>e Namensübertragung vorliegt, dann haben wir ke<strong>in</strong>e Veranlassung<br />
mehr, zwischen den beiden Ta-hsia von den Jahren 1084 und 127 v.Chr. e<strong>in</strong>en ethnographischen<br />
Zusammenhang zu konstruieren, wie es O. FRANKE <strong>in</strong> e<strong>in</strong>er besonderen Abh<strong>and</strong>lung<br />
getan hat (OZ 1919–20, S. 125 ff.), so daß wir gegen se<strong>in</strong>e Ergebnisse schon oben<br />
schwere Bedenken äußern mußten. Ebenso ist es e<strong>in</strong> Verstoß gegen die Methoden der historischen<br />
Geographie, daß man den Namen Ta-hsia <strong>in</strong> das vielerörterte Problem der Tocharer<br />
und Yüeh-chih h<strong>in</strong>e<strong>in</strong>gezogen hat. Während auf der e<strong>in</strong>en Seite Tocharer und Yüehchih<br />
mite<strong>in</strong><strong>and</strong>er identifiziert werden, machen <strong>and</strong>ere Gelehrte, namentlich J. MARQUART<br />
(1901), O. FRANKE (1920) und STEN KONOW (1920) die Ta-hsia zu Vorfahren der Tocharer, da diese<br />
schon vor den Yüeh-chih <strong>in</strong> Baktrien e<strong>in</strong>gew<strong>and</strong>ert und dann von den letzteren unterworfen<br />
se<strong>in</strong> sollen. Ausschlaggebend ist für sie der Namensanklang des rekonstruierten<br />
Lautes Ta-ha an Tocharoi.<br />
Aber war denn, wie SCHLEGEL, Marquarts Gewährsmann, behauptet hat, die alte Aussprache<br />
wirklich Ta-ha ? Neuerd<strong>in</strong>gs haben F.W.K. MÜLLER und unabhängig von ihm B.<br />
KARLGREN festgestellt, daß der alte Laut eher Tai-ha gewesen se<strong>in</strong> müsse (nach e<strong>in</strong>er persönlichen<br />
Mitteilung KARLGRENs ist für 大 der alte Laut ›d’âi‹ das Normale, während ›d’â‹<br />
nur bisweilen <strong>in</strong> der Poesie vorkommt). Wenn auch e<strong>in</strong>e sichere Entscheidung <strong>in</strong> dieser<br />
phonetischen Frage vorläufig nicht möglich ist, die etymologische Verb<strong>in</strong>dung mit Tocharoi<br />
ist m<strong>in</strong>destens sehr anfechtbar. Sie wird geradezu illusorisch, wenn wir drei Momente <strong>in</strong><br />
Betracht ziehen, über die man bisher achtlos h<strong>in</strong>weggegangen ist.<br />
Das erste Moment besteht dar<strong>in</strong>, daß die Ch<strong>in</strong>esen, obgleich ihnen die Namen Ta-hsia<br />
und Tu-ho-lo (für Tocharoi und Tokhåra) durchaus geläufig waren, selber niemals auf den<br />
Gedanken gekommen s<strong>in</strong>d, sie mite<strong>in</strong><strong>and</strong>er zu identifizieren. Dieser <strong>Fall</strong> wiegt um so<br />
schwerer, weil sie bei ihren nur selten unterbrochenen Beziehungen zu Baktrien immer<br />
wieder auf den alten Namen Ta-hsia zurückgekommen s<strong>in</strong>d. Besonders bezeichnend ist<br />
hierfür die von CHAVANNES übersetzte Angabe der Tang-Annalen (618–906 n.Chr.):<br />
Le T’ou-ho-lo est appelé parfois T’ou-ho-lo ou Tou-ho-lo. C’est l’ancien territoire du (royaume<br />
de) Ta-hia.<br />
Hier werden also alle möglichen Transkriptionen für Tokhåra, Tukhåra geliefert; dagegen<br />
wird Ta-hsia nur aus re<strong>in</strong> geographischen Gründen h<strong>in</strong>zugefügt; an e<strong>in</strong>e lautliche<br />
Übere<strong>in</strong>stimmung haben also die Ch<strong>in</strong>esen niemals gedacht.<br />
— 34 —
Wenn auch diese Tatsache an sich nicht beweiskräftig ist, so gew<strong>in</strong>nt sie doch an Tragweite,<br />
sobald wir die beiden <strong>and</strong>eren Momente sprechen lassen. Das e<strong>in</strong>e ergibt sich aus<br />
dem Bericht des Entdeckers CHANG CH’IEN. Während er von den Yüeh-chih hervorhebt, daß<br />
sie als Nomadenvolk von Osten her <strong>in</strong> das Oxusl<strong>and</strong> e<strong>in</strong>gedrungen seien, um sich an dessen<br />
Nordufer festzusetzen, betrachtet er die Ta-hsia als die seßhafte Bevölkerung Baktriens,<br />
die kriegerisch schwach, aber im <strong>Han</strong>del und Gewerbe äußerst tüchtig sei. Es ist ohne<br />
weiteres klar, daß e<strong>in</strong> solches Urteil nicht e<strong>in</strong>em Volke gelten kann, das erst vor kurzem<br />
e<strong>in</strong>gew<strong>and</strong>ert ist, um das griechisch-baktrische Reich zu stürzen. Mit den Ta-hsia s<strong>in</strong>d also<br />
zweifellos die alte<strong>in</strong>gesessenen Bewohner geme<strong>in</strong>t.<br />
Dann können aber die Tocharer nicht mit den Ta-hsia, sondern nur mit den Yüeh-chih<br />
identisch se<strong>in</strong>, die, wie wir wissen, bald nach CHANG CH’IENs Expedition die Ta-hsia voll-<br />
unterwarfen und damit Herren von ganz Baktrien wurden. Daß diese Lösung die<br />
ständig<br />
e<strong>in</strong>zig mögliche ist, wird uns durch die Nachricht bewiesen, die sich auf die frühere Heimat<br />
der Yüeh-chih bzw. Tocharer beziehen.<br />
Über die ältesten Sitze der Yüeh-chih s<strong>in</strong>d die Angaben der ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Annalen so<br />
klar gefaßt, daß die europäische Forschung zu e<strong>in</strong>em völlig gesicherten Ergebnis gekommen<br />
ist: Die Yüeh-chih wohnten, als sie den Ch<strong>in</strong>esen zuerst bekannt wurden, zwischen<br />
Tun-huang und Kan-chou, und als die Hauptmasse nach Westen ausw<strong>and</strong>erte (um 160<br />
v.Chr.), behaupteten sich die Kle<strong>in</strong>en Yüeh-chih im Gebirge südlich davon; e<strong>in</strong>ige werden<br />
besonders <strong>in</strong> Huang-chung, dem heutigen Hsi-n<strong>in</strong>g-fu, bezeugt. Was <strong>and</strong>erseits die Herkunft<br />
der Tocharer betrifft, die im Ch<strong>in</strong>esischen erst seit dem 4. Jahrh. n.Chr. als Tou-ch’ialo<br />
und bald darauf als Tu-ho-lo bezeugt werden, so enthalten sich die <strong>of</strong>fiziellen Annalen<br />
jeder weiteren Äußerung ...<br />
No doubt, <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription Daxia 大 夏 for <strong>the</strong> foreign name To-<br />
cha(ra) had been an unfortunate choice because this was <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese name for a total-<br />
different foreign people, first north <strong>and</strong> later west <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a. This fact is also alluded<br />
ly<br />
t o by PELLIOT below (p. 37). In preparation <strong>of</strong> his mission to search for <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 ,<br />
Z hang <strong>Qian</strong>, a literate man, may have gone through what written sources on <strong>the</strong> 月 氏<br />
t here were <strong>in</strong> his time. Sima Tan, <strong>the</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> Sima <strong>Qian</strong>, had just been appo<strong>in</strong>ted<br />
court astronomer / astrologer by <strong>Han</strong> <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong> (<strong>in</strong> 140 BCE). In charge <strong>of</strong> all maters<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> calendar <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> imperial archives, Sima Tan with <strong>Zhang</strong><br />
t<br />
<strong>Qian</strong> may have gone through such old books as <strong>the</strong> Yizhoushu 逸 周 書 where <strong>in</strong> chap-<br />
59 a number <strong>of</strong> foreign nations are mentioned br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g “tribute” (gifts) to <strong>the</strong> Chi-<br />
ter<br />
nese court: from due north 正 北 , <strong>the</strong>re were, among o<strong>the</strong>rs, <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 , <strong>the</strong><br />
Xiongnu 匈 奴 , <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 .<br />
With this chapter <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> back <strong>of</strong> his m<strong>in</strong>d, <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> may have believed for a moent<br />
that he had <strong>the</strong> Far <strong>Eastern</strong> Daxia before him <strong>in</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria. He was, <strong>of</strong><br />
m<br />
course, badly mistaken, <strong>and</strong> so <strong>the</strong> compilers <strong>of</strong> later Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories<br />
changed <strong>the</strong> two-character transcription 大 夏 <strong>in</strong>to a variety <strong>of</strong> better-fitt<strong>in</strong>g three-charcter<br />
transcriptions (see below, pp. 37–38) to end <strong>the</strong> confusion which <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s<br />
a<br />
mistake had created. But it was too late: East Asian <strong>and</strong> <strong>Western</strong> authors <strong>in</strong> our times<br />
jumped on <strong>the</strong> co<strong>in</strong>cidence <strong>and</strong> thus helped proliferate <strong>and</strong> worsen <strong>the</strong> confusion.<br />
HERRMANN’s ma<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> only valid reason for his about-face was his new <strong>and</strong> brilli-<br />
observation, h<strong>in</strong>ted at by RAPSON: <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Daxia 大 夏 were die alte<strong>in</strong>geses-<br />
ant<br />
sene Bevölkerung Baktriens — <strong>the</strong> autochthonous population <strong>of</strong> Bactria which, by <strong>the</strong><br />
t ime <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, had become a melt<strong>in</strong>g pot <strong>of</strong> races, cultures <strong>and</strong> languages. After<br />
<strong>the</strong> Iranians <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greeks it was <strong>the</strong> Sakas who left <strong>the</strong>ir traces <strong>in</strong> this local popula-<br />
This was <strong>of</strong> paramount importance. It proved that <strong>the</strong> Daxia = Tocharians had<br />
tion.<br />
not come from anywhere else. With this shrewd new <strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong>to <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s text,<br />
HERRMANN was obliged to believe that <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 could no longer be equated with<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tochari <strong>of</strong> Trogus <strong>and</strong> especially not with <strong>the</strong> TÒcaroi (Tochari) <strong>of</strong> Strabo’s list<br />
because <strong>the</strong> latter were said to be Scythian nomads <strong>and</strong> recent <strong>in</strong>vaders <strong>of</strong> Bactria.<br />
This was HERRMANN’S dilemma.<br />
FRANKE, <strong>in</strong> 1930: 338, a text quoted above already, just confirms his earlier f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs:<br />
— 35 —
Tschang K’ien g<strong>in</strong>g, vermutlich am Südhang des T’ien-schan entlang, den Spuren der<br />
Yüe-tschi nach, und f<strong>and</strong> sie schließlich, nachdem ihm Leute von Ta-yuan (Ferghana) und<br />
K’ang-kü (die Kirgisen-Steppen nördlich vom Syr darja oder Jaxartes) das Geleit gegeben,<br />
<strong>in</strong> den Ländern am oberen Oxus (Amu darja). Hier waren sie geme<strong>in</strong>sam mit <strong>and</strong>eren Völkerstämmen<br />
<strong>in</strong> das griechische Diadochen-Reich Baktrien e<strong>in</strong>gefallen und hatten sich ihre<br />
gegenwärtigen Wohnsitze erobert. Sie führten <strong>in</strong> dem fruchtbaren und hochkultivierten<br />
L<strong>and</strong>e zusammen mit den Tocharern (Ta-hia) e<strong>in</strong> behagliches Dase<strong>in</strong> und waren zu großer<br />
Blüte gelangt. Es ist leicht zu verstehen, daß die Yüe-tschi unter diesen Umständen<br />
ke<strong>in</strong>e Neigung mehr hatten, gegen die Hiung-nu e<strong>in</strong>en Rachekrieg zu beg<strong>in</strong>nen und mit<br />
dem weit entfernten Reiche der <strong>Han</strong> e<strong>in</strong> Bündnis zu schließen.<br />
<strong>The</strong> early German S<strong>in</strong>ologist is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> few who, unwaver<strong>in</strong>gly, equate Ta-hia or<br />
Daxia 大 夏 with <strong>the</strong> Tocharians — not <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>s.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> complex issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> identity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari kept vex<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> torment-<br />
<strong>the</strong> greatest m<strong>in</strong>ds. KONOW is ano<strong>the</strong>r example. In 1920: 231–233, he writes:<br />
<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Ich habe im vorhergehenden die Entdeckung me<strong>in</strong>es Freundes SIEG, SbAW, 1918, S. 560<br />
ff., absichtlich nicht erwähnt, obgleich sie ansche<strong>in</strong>end alles, was ich bis jetzt über diese<br />
Fragen geschrieben habe, über den Haufen wirft. SIEG hat bekanntlich nachgewiesen, daß<br />
die <strong>in</strong>dogermanische Sprache des nordöstlichen Turkistan, welche die Uiguren als tocri,<br />
d.h. doch wohl sicher tocharisch, bezeichnen, <strong>in</strong> den Texten selbst årši genannt wird, und<br />
daß dies Wort årši auch das Reich und dessen Bewohner bezeichnet. Man wird wohl ohne<br />
weiteres F.W.K. MÜLLER beistimmen, wenn er, idem, S. 566 ff., dies årši mit dem 'Asioi des<br />
Strabo und dem Asiani des Trogus zusammenbr<strong>in</strong>gt, <strong>in</strong>dem ja die Asiani nach Trogus die<br />
Könige der Tochari waren oder wurden. Wir würden somit mit MÜLLER zu dem Ergebnis<br />
kommen, daß das Volk selbst tocri, Tocharer, die Herrscherschicht årši Asii, genannt wurde.<br />
Wenn weiter MÜLLER’s Annahme, die auch FRANKE, OZ 6, S. 83 ff., für wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich hält,<br />
daß das ch<strong>in</strong>esische Yüe-tschi e<strong>in</strong>e Wiedergabe eben des Wortes årši ist, das Richtige treffen<br />
sollte, wäre somit die Frage gelöst ...<br />
Die Frage nach dem Verhältnis zwischen Årši und tocri hängt selbstverständlich mit<br />
e<strong>in</strong>er <strong>and</strong>eren zusammen: wie steht es mit der allgeme<strong>in</strong> angenommenen Gleichsetzung<br />
der Yüe-tschi mit den Tocharern ?<br />
In se<strong>in</strong>em ›×rånšahr‹, S. 200 ff., hat MARQUART aus e<strong>in</strong>er Prüfung der ch<strong>in</strong>esischen und<br />
klassischen Nachrichten den Schluß gezogen, daß es sich um zwei verschiedene Völker<br />
h<strong>and</strong>elt. Auf den Inhalt der ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Nachrichten habe ich schon oben h<strong>in</strong>gewiesen.<br />
Auf ihrer W<strong>and</strong>erung gegen Westen schlugen die Yüe-tschi die Ta-hia und unterjochten<br />
sie ... Nach dem Schi-ki waren sie mehr e<strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>dels- als e<strong>in</strong> Kriegervolk, weshalb sie von<br />
den Ta Yüe-tschi unterjocht wurden. Ähnlich ist die Darstellung im Ts’ien <strong>Han</strong>-schu ...<br />
Damit hat MARQUART, wie ich glaube mit Recht, die Bemerkung des Trogus reges Tocharorum<br />
Asiani zusammengestellt, und den Schluß gezogen, daß die Ta-hia mit den Tocharern,<br />
die Yüe-tschi mit den Asiani identisch se<strong>in</strong> müssen. Daraus folgt aber mit Notwendigkeit,<br />
daß die Yüeh-tschi und die Tocharer von Haus aus verschiedene Völker waren. Dazu<br />
stimmen auch die <strong>and</strong>eren Nachrichten, die uns zugänglich s<strong>in</strong>d. Nach den ch<strong>in</strong>esischen<br />
Berichten saßen die Ta-hia schon <strong>in</strong> Baktrien, als die Yüeh-tschi im 2. Jahrhundert v.Chr.<br />
das L<strong>and</strong> eroberten ...<br />
Thirteen years later, now also revers<strong>in</strong>g his own earlier convictions, KONOW writes,<br />
1933: 463:<br />
Marquart hat auch nachzuweisen versucht, daß die beiden Formen denselben Namen<br />
wiedergeben ...<br />
Heute werden wohl wenige Gelehrte dieser Ansicht se<strong>in</strong>. Nach freundlicher Mitteilung<br />
Karlgrens wurde Ta-hia im 2. Jahrh. v.Chr. d’ât-g’â gesprochen, und e<strong>in</strong>e solche Form kann<br />
unmöglich dem klassischen Tochari zugrunde liegen. Dagegen ist es wohl möglich, daß sich<br />
die beiden Bezeichnungen sachlich decken.<br />
To this PELLIOT answers one year later, 1934: 27–40:<br />
— 36 —
M. Sten Konow écarte le rapprochement fait par Marquart entre le nom de 大 夏 Ta-hia<br />
et celui du Tokharestan, d’autant que M. Karlgren lui a donné *D’ât-g’å pour la prononciation<br />
de Ta-hia au second siècle avant notre ère, mais admet que les deux noms se recouvrent<br />
néanmo<strong>in</strong>s en fait et sont synonymes ...<br />
Géographiquement, le Ta-Hia répond au Tokharestan, le pays des Tukhâras, et Marquart,<br />
on l’a vu, a proposé d’identifier phonétiquement Ta-Hia et Tukhâra ... je crois volontiers<br />
que les Ch<strong>in</strong>ois de la f<strong>in</strong> du II siècle avant notre ère ont utilisé, pour transcrire le nom<br />
e<br />
des Tukhâras, le nom de Ta-Hia ou «Gr<strong>and</strong> Hia» déjà connu dans le doma<strong>in</strong>e ch<strong>in</strong>ois.<br />
With this, KONOW soon reverses his op<strong>in</strong>ion once aga<strong>in</strong>, <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> 1934: 6, states what<br />
he had written <strong>in</strong>itially, namely <strong>in</strong> 1920:<br />
It seems to be generally admitted that <strong>the</strong> Saraucae, for which o<strong>the</strong>r texts have Sakaraukae,<br />
Sakarauloi, etc., correspond to <strong>the</strong> Saiwang, <strong>the</strong> Asiani or Asioi, as <strong>the</strong>y are also<br />
called, to <strong>the</strong> Yüe-chi, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tocharians to <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia. <strong>The</strong>re cannot well be any question<br />
about identify<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> name Ta-hia, which accord<strong>in</strong>g to Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Karlgren was pronounced<br />
›d’ât-g’a‹ <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century B.C., with Tochara, or Yüe-chi, old ›gwat-ti‹ or ›gat-ti‹, with<br />
Asioi.<br />
Here, all problems seemed well solved. HERRMANN — who, like KONOW, had subcribed<br />
to <strong>the</strong> equation Ta-ha = Tocharer <strong>in</strong> 1920 — had just two years later been<br />
s<br />
forced to reconsider <strong>the</strong> evidence <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> consequence had changed his m<strong>in</strong>d, too. But<br />
unlike KONOW he repeated his objections <strong>in</strong> 1937: 1633–1634:<br />
Als e<strong>in</strong>e Umschreibung von Tokhâra hat man vielfach das ch<strong>in</strong>es. ›Ta-hsia‹ (›Ta-hia‹) <strong>in</strong><br />
Baktrien ansehen wollen, vgl. Marquart (1901: 204), O. Franke (1920: 125ff.), Sten Konow (1920:<br />
233). Das ist aber e<strong>in</strong> Irrtum. Denn abgesehen davon, daß die alte Aussprache etwa ›tai-ha‹<br />
war und sich somit von Tokhâra noch mehr entfernte als der heutige Laut, hat unser Gewährsmann<br />
Tschang K’ien (um 127 v.Chr.) mit Ta-hsia nicht e<strong>in</strong> Eroberervolk, sondern die<br />
alte<strong>in</strong>gesessene Bevölkerung Baktriens bezeichnen wollen; er beg<strong>in</strong>g nur den Fehler, daß<br />
er hierauf den Namen e<strong>in</strong>es ganz <strong>and</strong>eren Volkes Ta-hsia übertrug, das ihm <strong>in</strong> der Literatur<br />
als kulturell hochstehendes Fremdvolk angegeben war.<br />
TARN, <strong>in</strong> his famous book <strong>of</strong> 1938, observes <strong>the</strong> same important fact (see below,<br />
p. 67). With that we may go on to discuss <strong>the</strong> logical implications <strong>of</strong> this crucial obser-<br />
<strong>and</strong> suggest a solution to <strong>the</strong> dilemma: to accept that <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 were <strong>the</strong><br />
vation<br />
town-dwell<strong>in</strong>g, autochthonous population <strong>of</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria <strong>and</strong> still stick to <strong>the</strong><br />
equation Daxia = Tochara.<br />
In Ch<strong>in</strong>a proper, WANG GUOWEI 王 國 維 , <strong>in</strong> his Study on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Hu 西 胡 考 ,<br />
onta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> chapter 13 <strong>of</strong> his famous collection Guantang jil<strong>in</strong> 觀 堂 集 林 <strong>of</strong> 1<br />
ed Marquart ( 馬 括 德 ) as his ma<strong>in</strong> authority when he expla<strong>in</strong>ed, p. 15 b:<br />
c 923,<br />
nam<br />
My <strong>in</strong>vestigations show that <strong>the</strong> name Du–huo–<br />
luo [Tochara] orig<strong>in</strong>ally derives from Da–xia.<br />
考 睹 貨 邏 之 名 源 出 大 夏<br />
With this statement <strong>the</strong> great Ch<strong>in</strong>ese scholar jo<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> ra<strong>the</strong>r few enlightened au-<br />
who got <strong>the</strong> crucial equation Daxia = Tocha(ra) right. And with this clarification<br />
thors<br />
firmly established, we are <strong>in</strong> a position to rectify what BAILEY, 1947: 151, had written:<br />
S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese equated Buddhist Sanskrit Tuḫkhāra with <strong>the</strong>ir own name Üe-ṭṣï ... <strong>the</strong><br />
equation <strong>of</strong> Τόχαροι <strong>and</strong> Üe-ṭṣï seems certa<strong>in</strong> enough.<br />
BAILEY’s identification is based on a fallacious assumption. In Weishu 102 <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />
Beishi 97, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, <strong>in</strong> fact, transliterate “Buddhist Sanskrit Tuḫkhāra,” not with Üe-<br />
ṭṣï<br />
月 氏 , but with —<br />
吐 呼 羅 (T’u–hu–lo, <strong>in</strong> Wade-Giles, Tuhuluo, <strong>in</strong> p<strong>in</strong>y<strong>in</strong>), <strong>and</strong> with<br />
吐 火 羅 (T’u–ho–lo; Tuhuoluo) <strong>in</strong> Suishu 83 <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> Tangshu 221; <strong>the</strong> latter also gives<br />
吐 豁 羅 (T’u–ho–lo; Tuhuoluo),<br />
睹 貨 邏 (Tu–ho–lo; Duhuoluo), <strong>and</strong><br />
— 37 —
吐 呼 羅 (T’u–hu–lo; Tuhuluo) as variants. In <strong>the</strong> last <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se four Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard<br />
Histories, <strong>the</strong> (New) Tangshu, it is said — as I have quoted above:<br />
Tuhuoluo ... is <strong>the</strong> old Daxia territory.<br />
(X<strong>in</strong>) Tangshu 221B. 6252<br />
吐 火 羅 … 古 大 夏 地<br />
Hence, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese equate Buddhist Sanskrit Tuḫkhāra, not with Üe-ṭṣï 月 氏 , but —<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Sima <strong>Qian</strong> — with <strong>the</strong> name Daxia 大 夏 .<br />
From <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu we know that <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 were subjugated by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>and</strong> hence cannot be identical with <strong>the</strong> latter. BAILEY’s <strong>in</strong>formant on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources is HALOUN (see above, pp. 24–25). <strong>The</strong> above erroneous equation<br />
Τόχαροι = Üe-ṭṣï must thus be his. BAILEY knew his limitations <strong>and</strong> frankly admitted:<br />
Indeed, it is evident that no scholar is equipped to control all <strong>the</strong> sources. We f<strong>in</strong>d scholars<br />
who have done admirable work <strong>in</strong> one branch st<strong>and</strong> helpless before essential documents<br />
<strong>in</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r. One scholar may know to <strong>the</strong> full Indian materials but be unable to<br />
h<strong>and</strong>le <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, or ano<strong>the</strong>r may know <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources but have slight knowledge<br />
<strong>of</strong> Iranian. Admitt<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>n <strong>in</strong> advance, as an excuse for <strong>the</strong> present excursus, that we are<br />
all <strong>in</strong>adequately equipped <strong>in</strong> some respect <strong>of</strong> Central Asiatic studies ...<br />
In 1985: 126, BAILEY corrects himself, or ra<strong>the</strong>r, he corrects his <strong>in</strong>formant HALOUN:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese writ<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> Bud. Skt. tukhåra- are 吐 火 羅 K 1129, 117, 569 t’u-xuo-lo<br />
< t’uo-xuâ-lâ <strong>and</strong> 兜 佉 羅 K 1017, 491, 569 tou-k’ie-lo < tÿu-k’ia-lâ. Hüan Tsang (A.D. 644)<br />
mentioned an old country <strong>of</strong> this people at a ru<strong>in</strong>ed site 都 貨 羅 故 國 tu-huo-lo ku kuo<br />
“old city <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> T’u-huo-lo” at ancient Så¾a, modern Endere, west <strong>of</strong> ²er¾en (CHAVANNES 1903:<br />
155, 221) ...<br />
In our own times, <strong>the</strong> topic <strong>of</strong> Tochara has f<strong>in</strong>ally witnessed substantial progress.<br />
In 1994: 173–178, ENOKI / KOSHELENKO / HAIDARY write:<br />
As ›Ta-hsia‹ is an exact transcription <strong>of</strong> ›Tochara‹ (which was <strong>the</strong> central part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom), if <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih were <strong>the</strong> Tocharians, <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Ta-hsia by <strong>the</strong><br />
Yüeh-chih means <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> Tochara by <strong>the</strong> Tocharians, which seems<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r strange. <strong>The</strong> evidence <strong>of</strong> Sz°-ma Ch’ien shows that Ta-hsia cannot be <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom, but was <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> Tochara divided <strong>in</strong>to several small political units at <strong>the</strong><br />
time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih <strong>in</strong>vasion. In o<strong>the</strong>r words <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom had already<br />
been destroyed or divided when <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih arrived. <strong>The</strong>refore, <strong>the</strong>re is no need to accept<br />
<strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tocharas with <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih ...<br />
If <strong>the</strong> explanation given above is correct, <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> Ta-hsia, which was conquered<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih, cannot have been <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom, which had already been destroyed<br />
before <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih ...<br />
Accord<strong>in</strong>g to W. W. TARN, 1938: 272–73, Bactria<br />
was up to about 141 B.C. under <strong>the</strong> control<br />
<strong>of</strong> Heliocles, who is believed to be <strong>the</strong> last k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bactr ian k<strong>in</strong>gdom. S o <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>vasion<br />
may have taken place <strong>in</strong> that year or some time later <strong>and</strong> must have been before <strong>the</strong> com<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih who occupied <strong>the</strong> Sogdiana-Bactria region between 136 <strong>and</strong> 129 (or 128)<br />
B.C. Strabo tells us that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom was destroyed by <strong>the</strong> Tocharians <strong>and</strong> three<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r peoples, <strong>and</strong>, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Sz°-ma Ch’ien, <strong>the</strong> country which <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih conquered<br />
was Ta-hsia. As ›Ta-hsia‹ is believed to be a transcription <strong>of</strong> ›Tochara‹, <strong>and</strong> if <strong>the</strong>se two<br />
statements are accepted, it cannot have been <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih who conquered <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom.<br />
To <strong>the</strong>se clear <strong>and</strong> logical statements one only needs to add some m<strong>in</strong>or corrections<br />
or comments. For one: Ta-hsia/Daxia 大 夏 was not <strong>the</strong> central, but <strong>the</strong> eastern<br />
part <strong>of</strong> Bactria. And when <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 arrived on <strong>the</strong> scene, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom<br />
was already divided <strong>in</strong>to two separate parts: Tochara, or eastern Bactria, which was<br />
ruled by <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai or Saiwang 塞 王 , <strong>and</strong> western Bactria, around <strong>the</strong> capital<br />
Bactra, which was still ruled by <strong>the</strong> la<br />
st <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs. When <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
— 38 —
<strong>the</strong>n evicted <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang from Tochara, <strong>the</strong> latter put an end to Greek rule<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> city <strong>of</strong> Bactra (modern Balkh).<br />
With this, it was only <strong>the</strong> Sakas (S akaraukai) who took Bactria from <strong>the</strong> Greeks —<br />
<strong>in</strong> two dist<strong>in</strong>ct stages. <strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , it seems, never clashed with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong><br />
Greeks directly. Instead, <strong>the</strong>y always fought it out with <strong>the</strong>ir arch enemy, <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang<br />
塞 王 : <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> pla<strong>in</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ili River, <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana, <strong>in</strong> Daxia.<br />
It is, <strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> utmost importance to realize that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 conquered<br />
<strong>and</strong> occupied, not <strong>the</strong> old Greek k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> Bactria, but only Daxia 大 夏 , <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s<br />
which <strong>in</strong> later times were called Tokharestan (\ukhåristån <strong>in</strong> TABARÐ; it <strong>in</strong>cluded<br />
prov<strong>in</strong>ces on both shores <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Amu Darya). This will greatly help to underst<strong>and</strong> that<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs lost Bactria proper <strong>in</strong> two stages <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> two irruptions, but<br />
to just one nomadic people: <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks may have<br />
felt that <strong>the</strong>se Sakas were be<strong>in</strong>g pushed by a still more powerful nomadic nation — but<br />
t hey <strong>the</strong>mselves were fight<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st, <strong>and</strong> loos<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>gdom to, this particular<br />
tribe <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakas, <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai. When it becomes apparent that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s visit, had occupied only Tochara/Daxia 大 夏 , we beg<strong>in</strong> to<br />
wonder whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 conquered <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Bactria <strong>in</strong> two successive stages as<br />
well — as I have been <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to believe so far —, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> both stages not from <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks, but from <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 . At first sight, this is corrobo-<br />
by our <strong>Western</strong> sources where Trogus first says that <strong>the</strong> Asiani occupied Sogdi-<br />
rated<br />
ana <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sa(ca)raucae Bactra — taken by some writers to mean Bactria, but it is<br />
<strong>the</strong> city <strong>of</strong> Bactra where <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae/Sakaraukai will ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>mselves for a long<br />
time to come (sse below).<br />
Prolog 41 (Stage One):<br />
Scythicae gentes, Saraucae et Asiani, Bactra occupavere et Sogdianos.<br />
So Trogus. He <strong>the</strong>n goes on to say: Follow<strong>in</strong>g this, <strong>the</strong> Asiani became <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Tochari (<strong>in</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria) — because <strong>the</strong> Daxia, as <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> had noticed <strong>and</strong><br />
written down, had no overlords any more.<br />
Prolog 42 (Stage Two):<br />
Reges Tocharorum Asiani ...<br />
<strong>The</strong> development <strong>in</strong>dicated here by Trogus — i.e. <strong>the</strong> foreign Asiani becom<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> local Tochari —, f<strong>in</strong>ally proved to be fatal for <strong>the</strong> Sa(ca)raucae.<br />
Prolog 42 (Stage Three):<br />
... <strong>in</strong>teritusque Saraucarum.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ultimate destruction if <strong>the</strong> Sa(ca)raucae, we are by now <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to assume,<br />
must have happened <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> part <strong>of</strong> Bactria.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> first stage, Bactria became divided between <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sa-<br />
<strong>in</strong> about 145 BCE. In <strong>the</strong> second stage — which <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> witnessed <strong>in</strong><br />
caraucae,<br />
129–128 BCE <strong>and</strong> wrote about —, Bactria became divided between <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae/Saiang<br />
塞 王 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani/Ruzhi 月 氏 . <strong>The</strong> third <strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al stage, we are now tempted<br />
w<br />
t o th<strong>in</strong>k, witnessed <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al occupation <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong> former Greek Bactria by <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , a<br />
f ew years after <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese diplomat had returned to <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a. In this last stage, <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks played no active part any more. We envision this f<strong>in</strong>al stage as a fierce<br />
showdown between two decidedly aggressive nomadic peoples <strong>of</strong> two greatly different<br />
worlds — <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> lightly armed, very fast mounted archers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Far East prevail over<br />
<strong>the</strong> heavily armed <strong>and</strong> slower riders <strong>of</strong> Central Asia.<br />
BERNARD, 1987: 758–767, is <strong>the</strong> first to recognize this f<strong>in</strong>al showdown <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> wall friezes<br />
<strong>of</strong> a royal summer palace <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 at Khalchayan, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Surkhan Darya, a short distance north from Termez on <strong>the</strong> Oxus:<br />
C’est dans le troisième quart du II e siècle av. n.è. que le royaume gréco-bactrien, c’està-dire<br />
l’État grec qui contrôlait depuis l’expédition d’Alex<strong>and</strong>re la vallée du moyen Oxus,<br />
— 39 —
entre l’H<strong>in</strong>dukush au sud et les monts du Hissar au nord, disparaît, submergé par des <strong>in</strong>vasions<br />
nomades. Cette conquête, commencée par la rive droite et l’extrémité orientale de<br />
la rive gauche, où la ville grecque d’Aï Khanoum tombe vers 145 av. n.è., s’achève vers 130<br />
av. n.è. avec le règne d’Hélioclès, le dernier roi grec de la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e proprement dite ...<br />
Ces nomades nous ont d’abord été connus par quelques allusions des textes classiques,<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>cipalement une phrase de Strabon ... Les sources ch<strong>in</strong>oises, le Si-Ki, le <strong>Han</strong> Shou et le<br />
Hou <strong>Han</strong> Shou parlent, elles, du peuple des Yüeh-chih, à l’exclusion de toute autre ...<br />
En 129 l’ambassadeur ch<strong>in</strong>ois Chang K’ien les trouva <strong>in</strong>stallés sur la rive droite de<br />
l’Oxus, mais ayant déjà visiblement imposé leur autorité sur la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e méridionale ...<br />
Quelque temps après le passage de Chang K’ien ils avaient donc mis un po<strong>in</strong>t f<strong>in</strong>al à la<br />
conquête de la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e grecque ...<br />
Il est cependant possible d’y voir ma<strong>in</strong>tenant un peu plus clair grâce à deux découvertes<br />
faites, l’une à Xal¾ajan sur la rive droite de l’Oxus, dans la vallée du Surkhan-darya, il y<br />
aura bientôt trente ans ... Ces trouvailles nous <strong>of</strong>frent aujourd’hui, chacune à sa manière,<br />
une vision <strong>in</strong>comparablement plus riche et plus diversifiée de la culture des deux peuples<br />
que nous considérons avoir été les acteurs pr<strong>in</strong>cipaux de la conquête de la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e grecque,<br />
les Yüeh-chih au centre et à l’est, les Saces ou Sacarauques à l’ouest ...<br />
Nous partirons du décor figuré ornant un pavillon royal à Xal¾ajan ... dont la construction,<br />
aux alentours de notre ère, est attribuée à un chef nomade des tribus yüeh-chih. Cette<br />
attribution repose sur la ressemblance que présente le type physique très particulier, mongoloïde,<br />
des pr<strong>in</strong>cipaux acteurs des scènes représentées à Xal¾ajan avec l’effigie monétaire<br />
d’un certa<strong>in</strong> Héraos, qui régna à cette époque dans la région ...<br />
A partir d’une v<strong>in</strong>gta<strong>in</strong>e de fragments importants recueillis sur le sol, M me Puga¾enkova,<br />
qui a fouillé et publié ce monument, a restitué une troupe de cavaliers passant au galop<br />
ve rs la droite. Elle y voit le retour victorieux d’une troupe d’archers montés yüeh-chih accompagnés<br />
d’un escadron allié de cavaliers bactriens. L’identification des premiers ne fait<br />
aucun doute. Ils appartiennent bien à la même ethnie que la famille pr<strong>in</strong>cière; ils présentent<br />
les mêmes traits mongoloïdes avec les yeux étirés et obliques, les sourcils remontants<br />
vers les tempes, le front fuyant, le crâne aplati à l’arrière, les longs cheveux raides<br />
re jetés vers l’arrière et serrés dans un b<strong>and</strong>eau, la pilosité du visage limitée à de longs favoris<br />
et à des moustaches ... L’identification des seconds pose en revanche un problème.<br />
me<br />
M Puga¾enkova a proposé d’y voir des représentants de la noblesse bactrienne pour<br />
deux raisons: d’abord parce qu’ils sont d’un type physique tout à fait différent, de caractèr<br />
e nettement europoïde, avec, en plus des moustaches, une barbe très fournie; en second<br />
lieu parce qu’ils portent un lourd armement de cataphractaire ...<br />
Les études menées ces dernières années par un chercheur soviétique, M. V. Gorelik,<br />
tendent à montrer que l’armement cataphractaire aurait été mis au po<strong>in</strong>t chez des peuples<br />
nomades entre la mer d’Aral, les Tien-shan et le Pamir ... Diverses <strong>in</strong>dications ... <strong>in</strong>citent<br />
également à reconnaître dans les cataphractaires de Xal¾ajan d’autres nomades<br />
auxquels les Yüeh-chih se seraient heurtés dans leur conquête de la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e ... et qui se<br />
rattachent à cette nébuleuse de tribus nomades qui se jetèrent sur les prov<strong>in</strong>ces occidentales<br />
du royaume gréco-bactrien dès la deuxième moitié du II e siècle av. n.è. ... à cheval<br />
revêtus d’une armure de cataphractaire; celle-ci est identique à l’équipement des adversaires<br />
des Yüeh-chih à Xal¾ajan : cuirasse à longue jupe bardée de gr<strong>and</strong>s plaques métalliques<br />
quadrangulaires, haut protège-cou à bord évasé, casque moulant le crâne et couvrant<br />
la nuque et les oreilles ... Les peuples nomades qui jouèrent un rôle prépondérant,<br />
d’après ce que nous en disent les sources classiques, dans les événements qu’on voit se dérouler<br />
sur la frontière orientale de l’empire par<strong>the</strong> à partir de 130 av. n.è., à savoir les<br />
Saces et les Sacarauques ...<br />
BERNARD is speak<strong>in</strong>g here about <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> classical sources <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> Sakas-<br />
Sakaraukai are mentioned prom<strong>in</strong>ently amongst those conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomadic hordes<br />
who took Bactria from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks. <strong>The</strong> same nomads are mentioned <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese classical sources <strong>and</strong> are <strong>the</strong>re named Saiwang. We have seen (above, pp. 15–<br />
— 40 —
16), that <strong>the</strong>se easternmost Scythians were thus called <strong>the</strong> “Royal Sakas” — <strong>the</strong> exact<br />
translation <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Sak–wang 塞 王 .<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, however, seems to have heard absolutely noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> any Sakas or Sa-<br />
And so <strong>the</strong> Shiji does not mention this nomadic people at all. Only <strong>the</strong> later<br />
karaukai.<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu does: <strong>in</strong> chapter 96 we read <strong>the</strong> ethnic names Sai 塞 <strong>and</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 . In<br />
this we have <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> general name Saka <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> more speci-<br />
name Sakaraukai. Now, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu is partially an edition, <strong>and</strong> partially a cont<strong>in</strong>u-<br />
ation, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji: In some places <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu account parallels <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
fic<br />
places, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu conta<strong>in</strong>s additional materials. This is so because <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu was<br />
not completely rewritten. At first it was meant to be a simple cont<strong>in</strong>uation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji.<br />
T hen Ban Biao — or more likely his son Ban Gu — decided to <strong>in</strong>corporate all those<br />
par ts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji, which covered <strong>the</strong> first half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Han</strong> Dynasty, before he<br />
himself cont<strong>in</strong>ued with <strong>the</strong> second half — so that <strong>the</strong>ir f<strong>in</strong>al work would <strong>in</strong>clude <strong>the</strong><br />
full period <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Han</strong>. Hence, Ban Gu called his family’s gr<strong>and</strong>iose master-<br />
simply <strong>Han</strong>shu 漢 書 or “Book <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> (Former) <strong>Han</strong>.”<br />
piece<br />
Obviously out <strong>of</strong> respect for <strong>the</strong> admired work <strong>of</strong> Sima <strong>Qian</strong>, <strong>the</strong> parts <strong>in</strong>cluded<br />
f rom <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu were carefully edited <strong>and</strong> corrected, but o<strong>the</strong>rwise as<br />
litt le changed as possible. For this reason, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu is sometimes Sima <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
sometimes Ban Gu. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu comb<strong>in</strong>es, or is composed <strong>of</strong>, two he-<br />
parts — at times <strong>the</strong> two diverg<strong>in</strong>g parts may lead to contradictions or <strong>in</strong>-<br />
terogeneous<br />
c onsistencies. This is clearly so when we want to piece toge<strong>the</strong>r what <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu<br />
conta<strong>in</strong>s about <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greek k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> Bactria <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomadic<br />
peo ples <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> it. In <strong>Han</strong>shu 96 we read <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sections on <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 , <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jib<strong>in</strong> 罽 賓 :<br />
HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 119–121<br />
<strong>The</strong> state <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta Yüeh–chih.<br />
<strong>The</strong> seat <strong>of</strong> (<strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g’s) government is at <strong>the</strong><br />
town <strong>of</strong> Chien–chih.<br />
And it is distant by 11,600›li‹ from Ch’ang–an.<br />
It is not subject to <strong>the</strong> Protector General.<br />
...<br />
Orig<strong>in</strong>ally (<strong>the</strong> people) dwelt between Tun–<br />
huang <strong>and</strong> Ch’i–lien.<br />
<strong>The</strong>n <strong>the</strong> time came when <strong>the</strong> ›Shan–yü‹ Mao<br />
Tun [Moduk, 209–174] attacked <strong>and</strong> defeated<br />
<strong>the</strong> Yüeh–chih, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ›Shan–yü‹ Lao–shang<br />
[ Kiyuk, 174–161] killed (<strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong>) <strong>the</strong> Yüeh–<br />
chih, mak<strong>in</strong>g his skull <strong>in</strong>to a dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g vessel.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Yüeh–chih <strong>the</strong>reupon went far<br />
away, pass<strong>in</strong>g Ta Yüan <strong>and</strong> proceed<strong>in</strong>g<br />
west to attack <strong>and</strong> subjugate Ta Hsia.<br />
<strong>The</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>cipal city was established north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Kuei River (or Oxus) to form <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g’s court.<br />
<strong>The</strong> rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g small group (<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chih)<br />
who were unable to leave sought protection<br />
among <strong>the</strong> Ch’iang tribes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Moun-<br />
<strong>and</strong> were termed <strong>the</strong> Hsiao Yüeh-chih ta<strong>in</strong>s ...<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 96A. 3890–3891<br />
大 月 氏 國<br />
治 監 氏 城<br />
去 長 安 萬 一 千 六 百 里<br />
不 屬 都 護 …<br />
本 居 敦 煌 祁 連 間<br />
至 冒 頓 單 于 攻 破 月 氏<br />
而 老 上 單 于 殺 月 氏 以<br />
其 頭 為 飲 器<br />
月 氏 乃 遠 去 過 大 宛 西<br />
擊 大 夏 而 臣 之<br />
都 媯 水 北 為 王 庭<br />
其 餘 小 眾 不 能 去 者 保<br />
南 山 羌 號 小 月 氏 …<br />
To this passage we have a parallel text <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123. So what we read here is, <strong>in</strong> fact,<br />
Sima <strong>Qian</strong> quot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Report, later copied <strong>and</strong> edited by Ban Gu for his Xiyu<br />
zhuan 西 域 傳 , <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu chapter on <strong>the</strong> foreign peoples <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ›xiyu‹ 西 域 or<br />
“<strong>Western</strong> Regions.“ We are told here that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , beaten (a fourth time) by <strong>the</strong><br />
Xiongnu, <strong>in</strong> one great trek went from <strong>the</strong> Hexi Corridor to <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏<br />
on <strong>the</strong> upper Oxus River (modern Amu Darya), beyond <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Da Yuan 大<br />
— 41 —
宛 (Ferghana). For us to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> full mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> “<strong>The</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>cipal (= capital) city<br />
was established north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kuei River,” I have to quote XU SONG here, a Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
scholar <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century who wrote a commentary on <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96 (more<br />
will be said about him fur<strong>the</strong>r down, p. 44). His <strong>in</strong>terpretation — h<strong>in</strong>ted at, but rejected<br />
by HULSEWÉ/ LOEWE, 1979: 121 — <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new pr<strong>in</strong>cipal city, established by <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , is<br />
<strong>of</strong> prime importance <strong>in</strong> our context. It proves that <strong>the</strong> new Royal camp or ordos <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
still nomadic 月 氏 , north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus, Gui Shui 媯 水 <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, replaced <strong>the</strong> old capital<br />
<strong>of</strong> Daxia 大 夏 , located somewhere south <strong>of</strong> that river, <strong>in</strong> this way becom<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />
new capital. Hence, this new capital was <strong>of</strong> course located <strong>in</strong>side Daxia which — at<br />
least from now on — extended clearly from <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> south to <strong>the</strong> Hissar<br />
Mounta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> north. In <strong>the</strong> past, too many scholars have speculated that this new<br />
ordos <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had been outside <strong>the</strong> boundaries <strong>of</strong> Daxia, which <strong>in</strong>duced <strong>the</strong>m to<br />
greatly mistaken conclusions.<br />
(Xu Song’s) Supplementary comment:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Shiji says: “ Daxia is located over two<br />
thous<strong>and</strong> ›li‹ southwest <strong>of</strong> Da Yuan, south<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gui River ” — consequently <strong>the</strong> capital<br />
<strong>of</strong> (earlier) Daxia times (was located)<br />
south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river.<br />
(But) <strong>the</strong> Greater Ruzhi moved <strong>the</strong> seat <strong>of</strong><br />
government to <strong>the</strong> north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river.<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu Xiyuzhuan Buzhu, 27a<br />
補 曰<br />
史 記 云 大 夏 在 大 苑 西 南 二<br />
千 餘 里 媯 水 南 蓋 大 夏 時 都<br />
水 南<br />
大 月 氏 徙 治 水 北 也<br />
It becomes evident here that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , by <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s arrival at<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir court, 129 BCE, had decided to moved <strong>the</strong>ir pr<strong>in</strong>cipal seat <strong>of</strong> government from Sa-<br />
had been for about a generation (see below) —, not<br />
mark<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana — where it<br />
to <strong>the</strong> old capital <strong>of</strong> Daxia, but to a convenient place on <strong>the</strong> near, or nor<strong>the</strong>rn, bank <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Oxus River, possibly close to modern Termez (Termed, Tarmita, Dami 呾 蜜 ) — at<br />
all times <strong>the</strong> most strategic po<strong>in</strong>t for cross<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> river.<br />
HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 143–145<br />
<strong>The</strong> state <strong>of</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>–sun.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ›Greater K’un–mi‹’s seat <strong>of</strong> government is<br />
at <strong>the</strong> town <strong>of</strong> Ch’ih–ku.<br />
And it is distant by 8,900 ›li‹ from Ch’ang–an.<br />
...<br />
Orig<strong>in</strong>ally it was <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sai.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> Ta Yüeh–chih turned west, defeated<br />
<strong>and</strong> expelled <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sai [recte: <strong>the</strong> Sai-<br />
Yüeh–chih, <strong>the</strong> Ta Yüeh–chih migrated<br />
wang], <strong>the</strong> latter moved south <strong>and</strong> crossed over<br />
<strong>the</strong> Suspended Cross<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta Yüeh–chih<br />
took up residence <strong>in</strong> his [<strong>the</strong>ir] l<strong>and</strong>s.<br />
Later, when <strong>the</strong> ›K’un–mo‹ [or k<strong>in</strong>g] <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong>–sun attacked <strong>and</strong> defeated <strong>the</strong> Ta<br />
to <strong>the</strong> west <strong>and</strong> subjugated <strong>the</strong> Ta<br />
Hsia, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ›K’un–mo‹ <strong>of</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>–sun took<br />
up his residence here.<br />
It is said: » For this reason, among <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>–sun <strong>the</strong>re are (elements <strong>of</strong>) <strong>the</strong> Sai race<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta Yüeh–chih race« ...<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 96B. 3901<br />
烏 孫 國<br />
大 昆 彌 治 赤 谷 城<br />
去 長 安 八 千 九 百 里 …<br />
本 塞 地 也<br />
大 月 氏 西 破 走 塞 王 塞<br />
王 南 越 縣 度 大 月 氏 居<br />
其 地<br />
後 烏 孫 昆 莫 擊 破 大 月<br />
氏 大 月 氏 徙 西 臣 大 夏<br />
而 烏 孫 昆 莫 居 之<br />
故 烏 孫 民 有 塞 種 大 月<br />
氏 種 云 …<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Report conta<strong>in</strong>ed a description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun k<strong>in</strong>gdom, which we<br />
know was located between <strong>the</strong> Ili <strong>and</strong> Chu Rivers <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> region around Lake Issyk<br />
— 42 —
Köl (Ïssïγ Köl = “Hot Lake” — so named because it does not freeze over <strong>in</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter), after<br />
at <strong>the</strong> latest 161 BCE. We f<strong>in</strong>d it <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123. But Ban Gu has not copied <strong>the</strong> above text<br />
from Sima <strong>Qian</strong>. He has written his own, much longer <strong>and</strong> greatly improved, i.e.<br />
updated, account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun — <strong>the</strong> small nomadic nation which had once been <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Western</strong> neighbor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> half-dessert between Dunhuang <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Salt Lake 鹽 澤 or Lop Nor. We are told here that <strong>the</strong> new l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun were <strong>the</strong><br />
old l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sai 塞 , more specific: <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 or “Royal Sakas.” In this text<br />
we hear about <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai from <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese side for <strong>the</strong> first time.<br />
At least a century <strong>and</strong> a half after Sima <strong>Qian</strong>, Ban Gu has been able to collect plenty<br />
<strong>of</strong> new <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>and</strong> at long last provides us with one new <strong>and</strong> very valuable<br />
detail on <strong>the</strong> trek <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 : on <strong>the</strong> lush grassl<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> upper Ili River valley,<br />
parts <strong>of</strong> modern Kazakhstan <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese X<strong>in</strong>jiang, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had clashed with <strong>the</strong><br />
Saiwang, had driven <strong>the</strong>m away from <strong>the</strong>ir excellent pasture grounds <strong>and</strong> had settled<br />
<strong>the</strong>re <strong>the</strong>mselves. With this, <strong>the</strong> first trek o f <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had come to an end on <strong>the</strong> upper<br />
Ili <strong>and</strong> around Lake Issyk Köl — so we realize from this text.<br />
Shortly after this, however, <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 were <strong>in</strong> turn attacked by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y <strong>the</strong>mselves were now beaten <strong>and</strong> driven away. Thus, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 started a second<br />
trek, this time seem<strong>in</strong>gly all <strong>the</strong> way to <strong>the</strong> Oxus River <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大<br />
夏 , or Tochari, whom <strong>the</strong>y were able to subjugate.<br />
And <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun settled <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> old l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang — without penetrat<strong>in</strong>g any<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r west. <strong>The</strong> Saiwang, we learn from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, had <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> meantime<br />
escaped south, cross<strong>in</strong>g a strange <strong>and</strong> very difficult mounta<strong>in</strong> passage, i.e. a narrow<br />
gorge <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Himalayas (not <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush, as WYLIE had thought).<br />
HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 104<br />
<strong>The</strong> state <strong>of</strong> Chi–p<strong>in</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g’s seat <strong>of</strong> government is at <strong>the</strong> town<br />
<strong>of</strong> Hsün–hsien.<br />
And it is distant by 12,200 ›li‹ from Ch’ang–an.<br />
It is not subject to <strong>the</strong> Protector General ...<br />
When, formerly, <strong>the</strong> Hsiung–nu con-<br />
<strong>the</strong> latter<br />
qu ered <strong>the</strong><br />
Ta Yüeh–chih,<br />
moved west <strong>and</strong> established <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
as master <strong>of</strong> Ta Hsia.<br />
(It was <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se circumstances that)<br />
<strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sai [recte: <strong>the</strong> Saiwang]<br />
moved south <strong>and</strong> established himself<br />
[<strong>the</strong>mselves] as master <strong>of</strong> Chi–p<strong>in</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sai tribes split <strong>and</strong> separated <strong>and</strong> repeatedly<br />
formed several states ...<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 96A. 3884<br />
罽 賓 國<br />
王 治 循 鮮 城<br />
去 長 安 萬 二 千 二 百 里<br />
不 屬 都 護 …<br />
昔 匈 奴 破 大 月 氏 大 月 氏<br />
西 君 大 夏<br />
而 塞 王 南 君 罽 賓<br />
塞 種 分 散 往 往 為 數 國 …<br />
Jib<strong>in</strong> (Chi–p<strong>in</strong>) 罽 賓 is also a name not mentioned <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji. From <strong>the</strong> lay <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
l<strong>and</strong>, sou<strong>the</strong>ast <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>in</strong> Daxia, it could be close to a l<strong>and</strong> called Shendu<br />
身 毒 <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123 which is also described as be<strong>in</strong>g situated sou<strong>the</strong>ast <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia.<br />
Hence, we have to look for <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> Jib<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> Northwestern India. <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji know noth<strong>in</strong>g about Jib<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> ve<br />
ry little about Shendu: not much more<br />
than just <strong>the</strong> name — <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact that trade is go<strong>in</strong>g on between Daxia <strong>and</strong> Shendu.<br />
Ban Gu, however, has a long story to tell about Jib<strong>in</strong>. For <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> our context, I<br />
have quoted <strong>the</strong> above few sentences from <strong>the</strong> section on Jib<strong>in</strong> because <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>of</strong> im-<br />
bit <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation for us here: <strong>the</strong><br />
Saiwang went south to establish <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>in</strong> Jib<strong>in</strong>, i.e. somewhere <strong>in</strong> Northwestern<br />
India. And one wonders why <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 are mentioned here. <strong>The</strong>ir east-west<br />
portance here. Seem<strong>in</strong>gly, <strong>the</strong>re is just one new<br />
trek has noth<strong>in</strong>g to do with <strong>the</strong> north-south trek <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang — so we th<strong>in</strong>k. Yet, <strong>the</strong><br />
two sentences about <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 on <strong>the</strong> one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> Saiwang on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r are<br />
clearly coupled with <strong>the</strong> simple connector “<strong>and</strong>” 而 . As this connection made no sense<br />
to <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong> Translators were at a loss <strong>and</strong> eloquently tried to evade <strong>the</strong> problem by<br />
— 43 —
stat<strong>in</strong>g: “It was under <strong>the</strong>se circumstances that...” But that is not what <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
text says — <strong>and</strong> it makes still no more sense than a simple “<strong>and</strong> ...”.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> previous paragraph on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun, <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王<br />
were also brought toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong> two cause-<strong>and</strong>-effect sentences. Here, however, <strong>the</strong> logical<br />
connection is clear: <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 arrive <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang are driven away. <strong>The</strong> 月 氏 <strong>the</strong>n<br />
occupy <strong>the</strong> evacuated l<strong>and</strong>. Concern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> two similar sentences <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> paragraph on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Jib<strong>in</strong>, is <strong>the</strong>re a way to br<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong> a<br />
way which is logical <strong>and</strong> makes sense? <strong>The</strong>re is a very clear one when we take <strong>the</strong><br />
crucial sentences <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> paragraph on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun as a model.<br />
This <strong>in</strong>genious answer to <strong>the</strong> question has been provided by a n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese scholar, quoted briefly above: XU SONG 徐 松 (1781–1848). A man <strong>of</strong> letters, he<br />
was exiled for some <strong>of</strong>fence <strong>and</strong> spent six years <strong>in</strong> X<strong>in</strong>jiang (S<strong>in</strong>kiang) 新 疆 <strong>and</strong> used<br />
his time <strong>the</strong>re for <strong>in</strong>tensive studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>and</strong> topography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region. One<br />
outcome was a new edition <strong>of</strong> Ban Gu’s <strong>Han</strong>shu 96 to which XU SONG added his own<br />
<strong>and</strong> new comments. <strong>The</strong>se proved to be <strong>of</strong> great value. We must be grateful that his<br />
work was published, if only posthumously, <strong>in</strong> 光 緒 癸 巳 , or 1893. <strong>The</strong> title <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
booklet <strong>in</strong> two parts is <strong>Han</strong>shu Xiyuzhuan Buzhu 漢 書 西 域 傳 補 注 . Some eight<br />
years ago, I looked it up <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Berl<strong>in</strong> State Library <strong>and</strong> had copies made <strong>of</strong> some<br />
pages. I noticed that XU SONG’s comments to <strong>Han</strong>shu 96 were later <strong>in</strong>corporated <strong>in</strong>to<br />
<strong>the</strong> famous edition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu by WANG XIANQIAN 王 先 謙 (1842–1918), <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu<br />
with Supplementary Notes 漢 書 補 注 , published 1900 (repr<strong>in</strong>t 1983).<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 96A.3884<br />
Previously, when <strong>the</strong><br />
Xiongnu had demol-<br />
ished <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi, <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi (go<strong>in</strong>g) west<br />
(established <strong>the</strong>m-<br />
selves as) <strong>the</strong> rulers<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia.<br />
In consequence<br />
to<br />
this <strong>the</strong> Saiwang<br />
(go<strong>in</strong>g) south (estab-<br />
lished <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
as) <strong>the</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Jib<strong>in</strong>.<br />
Supplementary note:<br />
(by Xu Song [1781–1848],<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu Xiyuzhuan Buzhu,<br />
1893: 20 b; repr<strong>in</strong>ted <strong>in</strong><br />
Wang Xianqian [1842–1918],<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu Buzhu, 1900: 96A.<br />
23 b)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Saiwang had<br />
been <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Daxia.<br />
昔 匈 奴<br />
破 大 月<br />
氏 大 月<br />
氏 西 君<br />
大 夏<br />
而 塞 王<br />
南 君 罽<br />
賓<br />
補 曰<br />
塞 王 大<br />
夏 之 王<br />
也<br />
— 44 —
HULSEWÉ/LOEWE, whose English translation I have quoted a few pages fur<strong>the</strong>r up,<br />
do not list <strong>the</strong> monograph <strong>of</strong> Xu Song <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir extensive bibliography, 1979: 240–256,<br />
but <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>numerous notes to <strong>the</strong>ir translation, Xu Song figures prom<strong>in</strong>ently. XU’s<br />
brilliant <strong>and</strong> simple remark, which he <strong>in</strong>serted after <strong>the</strong> two sentences connected by<br />
“<strong>and</strong>” 而 , escaped HULSEWÉ <strong>and</strong> LOEWE. Or ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> em<strong>in</strong>ent S<strong>in</strong>ologists must have<br />
read it, but did not grasp <strong>the</strong> paramount importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> small note which can be<br />
found 1893: 20b <strong>in</strong> XU SONG’s, <strong>and</strong> 1900: 23b <strong>in</strong> WANG XIANQIAN’s edition <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu<br />
chapter 96.<br />
KONOW, 1934: 9–10, published a short discussion <strong>of</strong> this at first sight so difficult Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
text <strong>and</strong> its <strong>in</strong>telligent <strong>in</strong>terpretation by XU SONG. It was unfortunate, however,<br />
that his paper saw <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> day, not <strong>in</strong> Europe, but <strong>in</strong> India. KONOW expla<strong>in</strong>ed that<br />
he had asked his friend KARLGREN for a translation <strong>of</strong> some important Ch<strong>in</strong>ese texts,<br />
<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> one on Jib<strong>in</strong> (Ki-p<strong>in</strong>). I quote it here with KONOW’s remarks:<br />
»<strong>The</strong> Ki-p<strong>in</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom, its k<strong>in</strong>g rules <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> city <strong>of</strong> Sün-sien. It is distant from Ch’ang-an<br />
12,200 li ... Anciently, when <strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu beat <strong>the</strong> Ta Yüe-chi, <strong>the</strong> Ta Yüe-chi went west <strong>and</strong><br />
›chiefed‹ (became rulers <strong>of</strong>) <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sai-wang went south <strong>and</strong> ›chiefed‹ Ki-p<strong>in</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sai tribes were scattered <strong>and</strong> constituted several k<strong>in</strong>gdoms <strong>in</strong> various directions ...«<br />
Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Karlgren here adds an important explanatory note:<br />
“Two <strong>in</strong>terpretations <strong>of</strong> this passage are possible. <strong>The</strong> first is that at <strong>the</strong> time when <strong>the</strong><br />
Yüe-chi went to capture Ta-hia, <strong>the</strong> Sai, from a more easterly region, went south to capture<br />
Ki-p<strong>in</strong>. But <strong>the</strong>n we fail to see <strong>the</strong> logical connection. Why should <strong>the</strong> Ts’ien <strong>Han</strong>-shu here,<br />
under Ki-p<strong>in</strong>, mention <strong>the</strong> Yüe-chi movement? A movement from <strong>the</strong> north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ta-hia south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river could not have caused a movement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang from some<br />
more easterly country to Ki-p<strong>in</strong>. It would only be a co<strong>in</strong>cidence <strong>in</strong> time which would<br />
expla<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> entry about <strong>the</strong> Yüe-chi movement <strong>in</strong> this place.<br />
<strong>The</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r explanation is more reasonable. <strong>The</strong> Sai had already spread <strong>in</strong> various<br />
directions, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sai-wang were chiefta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> Ta-hia, when <strong>the</strong> Yüe-chi movement<br />
<strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia country came on. Hence <strong>the</strong> logical exposé: »When <strong>the</strong> Hiung-nu beat <strong>the</strong><br />
Ta Yüe-chi, <strong>the</strong> Ta Yüe-chi went west <strong>and</strong> became rulers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia, <strong>and</strong> (<strong>the</strong> former<br />
rulers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia, who were now expelled, i.e) <strong>the</strong> Sai-Wang, <strong>the</strong> Sai k<strong>in</strong>gs, went<br />
south <strong>and</strong> became rulers over Ki-p<strong>in</strong>.« It is <strong>the</strong>n but logical that <strong>the</strong> narrator adds: »<strong>The</strong><br />
Sai tribes were already m uch scattered. « This expla<strong>in</strong>s why <strong>the</strong> Sai-wang sat as<br />
chiefta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> Ta-hia. This latter explanation has been proposed by <strong>the</strong> learned Sü Song<br />
(about A.D. 1800), who <strong>in</strong> his commentary says: »<strong>The</strong> Sai-wang were <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> Ta-hia.«”<br />
This was a very important revelation by KARLGREN <strong>and</strong> KONOW which went almost<br />
unnoticed. With <strong>the</strong> emendation by XU SONG, <strong>the</strong> two seem<strong>in</strong>gly unrelated sentences<br />
suddenly make sense <strong>in</strong> a very unexpected, though<br />
def<strong>in</strong>itely conv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g way. With this<br />
emendation, <strong>the</strong> translati on <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese text can be corrected accord<strong>in</strong>gly:<br />
(HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 104)<br />
<strong>The</strong> state <strong>of</strong> Chi–p<strong>in</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g’s seat <strong>of</strong> government is at <strong>the</strong> town<br />
<strong>of</strong> Hsün–hsien.<br />
And it is distant by 12.200 › li‹ from Ch’ang–an.<br />
It is not subject to <strong>the</strong> Protector<br />
General ...<br />
When, formerly, <strong>the</strong> Hsiung–nu conquered <strong>the</strong><br />
Ta Yüeh–chih, <strong>the</strong> latter moved west <strong>and</strong> es-<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ta Hsia.<br />
And consequently <strong>the</strong> Saiwang (who had<br />
tablished <strong>the</strong>mselves as masters<br />
been <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia <strong>and</strong> were now expelled)<br />
moved south <strong>and</strong> established<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves as masters <strong>of</strong> Chi–p<strong>in</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sai tribes split <strong>and</strong> separated <strong>and</strong> re-<br />
peatedly formed several states ...<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 96A. 3884<br />
罽 賓 國<br />
王 治 循 鮮 城<br />
去 長 安 萬 二 千 二 百 里<br />
不 屬 都 護 …<br />
昔 匈 奴 破 大 月 氏 大 月 氏<br />
西 君 大 夏<br />
而 塞 王 南 君 罽 賓<br />
塞 種 分 散 往 往 為 數 國 …<br />
— 45 —
<strong>The</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 , evicted by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 from <strong>the</strong>ir traditional pasture<br />
grounds <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> upper Ili Valley some time after 165 BCE, established <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
west <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana — briefly h<strong>in</strong>ted at by Strabo who calls <strong>the</strong>m simply<br />
Sakai <strong>the</strong>re (see fur<strong>the</strong>r down, p. 79). Until that time, Sogdiana may still have been <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks. But soon afterwards, i.e. some time after 163 BCE,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , evicted from <strong>the</strong> Ili River regions by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 , now subjugated<br />
<strong>the</strong> Kangju 康 居 fur<strong>the</strong>r west <strong>and</strong> soon spilled across <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes <strong>the</strong>mselves. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
<strong>the</strong>y ran <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 once aga<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> drove <strong>the</strong>m south <strong>and</strong> out<br />
<strong>of</strong> Sogdiana. <strong>The</strong> Saiwang, forced to cross <strong>the</strong> Hissar Mounta<strong>in</strong>s, conquered <strong>the</strong> Daxia<br />
(Tochari) on <strong>the</strong> upper Oxus River <strong>and</strong> became <strong>the</strong>ir rulers for half a generation. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
were <strong>the</strong> elusive nomads who stormed <strong>and</strong> burnt down Ai Khanum which at that time<br />
was called Eucratidia. With <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> this major Greek citadel, <strong>the</strong> road was open for<br />
<strong>the</strong>m to occupy <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Tochara, <strong>the</strong> eastern part <strong>of</strong> Bactria. Archaeological evidence<br />
from <strong>the</strong> careful excavations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> old city <strong>of</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>ria / Eucratidia / Ai Khanum<br />
tells us that this stronghold fell <strong>in</strong> about <strong>the</strong> year 145 BCE.<br />
1985: 97–102, BERNARD writes :<br />
Le dernier règne attesté dans le monnayage d’argent et de bronze recueilli dans la fou-<br />
ille d’Aï Khanoum est celui d’Eucratide I ... On peut supposer que l’assass<strong>in</strong>at d’Eucratide<br />
par l’un de ses fils (Hélioclès ou Platon) aurait été suivi d’une période d’<strong>in</strong>certitudes et de<br />
troubles dont auraient pr<strong>of</strong>ité les envahisseurs nomades à qui nous attribuons l’<strong>in</strong>cendie<br />
qui détruisit le palais et qui marque l’ab<strong>and</strong>on de la ville par sa population grecque. Par<br />
une chance rare un document épigraphique découvert dans la fouille nous permet de dater<br />
assez exactement cet événement ... Dans la couche de destruction de la trésorerie du palais<br />
ont été découverts plusieurs fragments d’un gobelet en céramique à fond po<strong>in</strong>tu qui,<br />
comme nous l’apprennent les deux <strong>in</strong>scriptions à l’encre qu’il porte, avait servi de bouchons<br />
à un vase contenant de l’huile d’olive. L’une d’entre elles était a<strong>in</strong>si rédigée:<br />
”Etouj kd'. [- - -] ...<br />
L’opération est datée à la première ligne: œtouj kd' = année 24. L’ordre des chiffres, diza<strong>in</strong>es<br />
d’abord, unités ensuite, exclut qu’il manque à droite un chiffre de centa<strong>in</strong>es ... La<br />
date est a<strong>in</strong>si bien assurée: 24 et non 124.<br />
A quel roi rapporter cette année régnale ou cette ère ? ... Étant donné le contexte archéologique<br />
du bol <strong>in</strong>scrit, tout proche de la chute de la ville grecque, nous ne pouvons rapporter<br />
la date de 24 ni à l’ère séleucide (312 av. J.-C.), ni même à une ère supposée de Diodote<br />
(vers 250–240 av. J.-C.), laquelle serait encore trop haute. L’absence de monnaies d’Hélio-<br />
dans la fouille nous assure, d’autre part, que l’ab<strong>and</strong>on de la ville par ces colons grecs<br />
clès<br />
se produisit sous le règne d’Eucratide ou immédiatement après ... L’année régnale ou l’ère<br />
à laquelle se rapporte la date de 24 ne peut donc être que celle d’Eucratide I qui avait, lui,<br />
les meilleures raisons du monde de marquer par un nouveau comput le caractère exceptionnel<br />
de son règne. Sa réputation de gr<strong>and</strong> souvera<strong>in</strong> et de gr<strong>and</strong> capita<strong>in</strong>e était suffisam-<br />
ment connue des anciens pour que Trogue Pompée traçât un parallèle entre sa carrière et<br />
celle de Mithridate I. Apollodore d’Artémita le fait régner sur mille villes et, au dire de Strabon<br />
(XI, 11, 2), il avait donné son nom à l’une d’elles ...<br />
La date communément admise pour le début du règne d’Eucratide est 170 environ, d’al’<br />
accession au trône de Mithridate I. La date<br />
de 24 sur le tesson <strong>in</strong>scrit de la trésorerie d’Aï Khanoum se place a<strong>in</strong>si en 146 au plus tôt,<br />
en 142 au plus tard, si nous acceptons une marge maximale de 5 ans. On peut adopter une<br />
près la concomitance attestée par Just<strong>in</strong> avec<br />
date moyenne de 145 av. J.-C. Le règne d’Eucratide auquel on attribuait généralement jussensiblement<br />
plus long qu’on ne l’avait pen-<br />
qu’ici une qu<strong>in</strong>za<strong>in</strong>e d’années aurait donc été<br />
sé, puisqu’il aurait duré quelque 25 ans.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> time, <strong>the</strong> French scholars based <strong>the</strong>ir reconstruction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<br />
1961: 264–289) — where Sima <strong>Qian</strong>, excerpt<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Report, knows noth<strong>in</strong>g as<br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom ma<strong>in</strong>ly on BURTON WATSON’s translation <strong>of</strong> Shiji 123 (first published<br />
yet <strong>of</strong> any Saka <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> nomadic <strong>in</strong>cursions <strong>in</strong>to Bactria.<br />
— 46 —
1990: 96–97, BOPEARACHCHI writes:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese imperial annals (<strong>the</strong> ›Shih-chi‹ <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ›<strong>Han</strong> Shu‹) provide us with texts<br />
based on a report allegedly made by a certa<strong>in</strong> Chang K’ien, an envoy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> emperor<br />
<strong>Wu</strong> Ti, to <strong>the</strong> western prov<strong>in</strong>ces between 138 <strong>and</strong> 126 BC. He tells us about <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>in</strong><br />
Central Asia <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chi <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century BC. One could derive<br />
from this Ch<strong>in</strong>ese source a picture <strong>of</strong> a thrust which took place progressively <strong>in</strong> two stages.<br />
<strong>The</strong> numismatic data provided by <strong>the</strong> Qunduz <strong>and</strong> Ai Khanum hoards would thus corroborate<br />
this picture.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> first stage <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chi nomads must have taken <strong>the</strong> territories situated north <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Oxus, i.e. Sogdiana, [toge<strong>the</strong>r with] <strong>the</strong> region <strong>of</strong> Ai Khanum at <strong>the</strong> eastern extremity <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> pla<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> Bactria, on <strong>the</strong> left bank <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> second stage <strong>of</strong> this move must<br />
have already been completed at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> visit by <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ambassador Chang<br />
K’ien <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se regions <strong>in</strong> 129–128 BC. P. Bernard was able to date exactly <strong>the</strong> catastrophe<br />
which brought <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greek city <strong>of</strong> Ai Khanum to an end (or <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r words<br />
<strong>the</strong> first <strong>in</strong>vasion <strong>of</strong> Sogdiana by <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chi), thanks to an <strong>in</strong>scription, found <strong>in</strong> a destruction<br />
stratum, giv<strong>in</strong>g a clear ›term<strong>in</strong>us post quem‹, <strong>the</strong> twenty-forth year <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> reign <strong>of</strong> Eucratides<br />
(= 148–7 BC). It is likely that <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greek city <strong>of</strong> Ai Khanum <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> first stage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chi <strong>in</strong>vasion <strong>and</strong> also <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> Eucratides I took place more<br />
or less at <strong>the</strong> same time, that is around 145 BC.<br />
<strong>The</strong> assured dat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> c. 145 BCE for <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> Eucratidia (Ai Khanum) by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 is a most fortunate outcome <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French excavations<br />
i n Afghanistan (at that time <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> Zahir Shah where I myself participated <strong>in</strong> a<br />
study <strong>and</strong> work program <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 1965). After this date, <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs<br />
still ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>in</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Bactria, i.e. <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital Bactra <strong>and</strong> environs.<br />
This was Stage One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Fall</strong> <strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , or Asiani, now consolidated <strong>the</strong>ir position <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana — as Trogus<br />
<strong>in</strong>dicates <strong>in</strong> his Prolog to chapter 41. This done, <strong>the</strong>y, too, crossed <strong>the</strong> Hissar<br />
M ounta<strong>in</strong>s to <strong>the</strong> south <strong>and</strong> conquered <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus River. After this, <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 attacked, not <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks <strong>in</strong> <strong>Western</strong>, but <strong>the</strong>ir arch enemy, <strong>the</strong><br />
S aiwang, <strong>in</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria, i.e. <strong>in</strong> Daxia/Tochara. As <strong>the</strong>re was simply no o<strong>the</strong>r route<br />
o f escape left open for <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 <strong>the</strong>n fell upon <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong><br />
Greeks <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g part <strong>of</strong> Bactria, around <strong>the</strong> capital Bactra. <strong>The</strong> last <strong>Græco</strong>actrian<br />
k<strong>in</strong>g was unable to withst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saka onslaught: he ei<strong>the</strong>r was killed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
B<br />
d esperate fights to save Bactra, or <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> end resolved to evacuate all <strong>of</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>a <strong>and</strong><br />
w ith his armies withdrew beyond <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush barrier <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> Kabul Valley. He was<br />
H eliocles, <strong>the</strong> eldest son <strong>of</strong> Eucratides. He killed his fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong> such a cruel, abom<strong>in</strong>able<br />
way that we cannot underst<strong>and</strong> his motives unless it all happened, not before, but imediately<br />
after <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> Eucratidia <strong>and</strong> all <strong>of</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria — which Eucratides<br />
m<br />
had failed to save by return<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> time from his ambitious Indian campaigns.<br />
When <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> west <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 stormed Bactra, <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>in</strong><br />
t he east occupied <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s, which <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai had possessed for a ra<strong>the</strong>r short<br />
t ime: Tochara, or Daxia 大 夏 . <strong>The</strong> Asiani, or Ruzhi 月 氏 , became <strong>the</strong> new k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong><br />
t he Tochari <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir make-shift royal camp on <strong>the</strong> near, or north, side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus —<br />
p ossibly not far from modern Termez — became <strong>the</strong>ir new political center <strong>and</strong> for<br />
some time replaced <strong>the</strong> old capital <strong>of</strong> Tochara, where <strong>the</strong> evicted Saka k<strong>in</strong>gs had<br />
r esided. In his superb Catalogue Raisonné, 1991: 74, BOPEARACHCHI gives <strong>the</strong> reign <strong>of</strong><br />
H eliocles I as c. 145–130 BCE. He lost Bactra to <strong>the</strong> Sakas. This was Stage Two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Fall</strong> <strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria.<br />
When <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, with only his faithful Xiongnu servant left <strong>of</strong> his once large party,<br />
f<strong>in</strong>ally reached Central Asia, <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Ferghana sent him to Samark<strong>and</strong>. That was<br />
where he knew <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 to reside. But <strong>the</strong> war aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang<br />
塞 王 <strong>in</strong> Daxia 大 夏 just over, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>g’s court had been moved from<br />
Samark<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana to <strong>the</strong> newly conquered l<strong>and</strong>s south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> famous “Iron<br />
— 47 —
tes” 鐵 門 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hissar Mounta<strong>in</strong>s.<br />
Ga<br />
<strong>The</strong> court was established provisionally on <strong>the</strong><br />
near side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re became <strong>the</strong> new capital <strong>of</strong> Daxia — as Xu Song has<br />
h<br />
elped us to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> crucial sentence <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> chapter on <strong>the</strong> Greater Ruzhi 大 月<br />
氏 , <strong>Han</strong>shu 96 A. 3891. Here, <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> was received by <strong>the</strong> new k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 —<br />
h is name is not mentioned <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, but he was <strong>the</strong> son <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g sla<strong>in</strong><br />
b y <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu <strong>in</strong> about 165 BCE — <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese envoy was later shown around<br />
t he old capital <strong>of</strong> Tochara <strong>and</strong> its flourish<strong>in</strong>g markets. In this context it is <strong>of</strong> particular<br />
i mportance to know that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> arrived on <strong>the</strong> shores <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus River <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
summer <strong>of</strong> 129 BCE — <strong>and</strong> not one to three full years later.<br />
<strong>The</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al destruction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai <strong>in</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Bactria by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 — we<br />
are <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to believe — could now only be a matter <strong>of</strong> years. It should have happened<br />
some time after <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> had returned to <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a. <strong>The</strong> Shiji knows noth<strong>in</strong>g<br />
about it. But it seems only too logic that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 were now <strong>in</strong> a position to take <strong>the</strong><br />
whole <strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> that way ext<strong>in</strong>guish <strong>the</strong> Sakas who would <strong>the</strong>n vanish<br />
f rom view, i.e. become 月 氏 subjects like shortly before <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> Tochari fur<strong>the</strong>r to<br />
t he east. Pompeius Trogus had <strong>the</strong> story <strong>in</strong> his Historiae Philippicae, for <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Prolog<br />
to chapter 42 he promises to tell us <strong>the</strong> full story. Junianus Just<strong>in</strong>us’ Epitome <strong>of</strong> Trous,<br />
however, left us not a s<strong>in</strong>gle syllable <strong>of</strong> it. This, I imag<strong>in</strong>ed, was Stage Three <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
g<br />
<strong>Fall</strong> <strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong>re are strong <strong>in</strong>dications that <strong>the</strong> actual historical developments <strong>in</strong><br />
this f<strong>in</strong>al stage were more complicated than <strong>the</strong> straight-forward scenario sketched<br />
above. <strong>The</strong> first objections come from <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> himself. <strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese envoy <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong><br />
<strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong> spent more than one full year <strong>in</strong> Daxia — summer 129 to late summer or<br />
early fall 128. However, he knows noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> a recently-established k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Saiwang <strong>in</strong> neighbor<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Western</strong> Bactria. In his Report, <strong>and</strong> consequently <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123,<br />
<strong>the</strong> very name Saiwang 塞 王 is not mentioned at all. For <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>the</strong> western<br />
neighbors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 are <strong>the</strong> Parthians: <strong>the</strong>ir mighty k<strong>in</strong>gdom is <strong>the</strong> largest far<br />
<strong>and</strong> wide. He calls it Anxi 安 息 — <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> name Ar(sa)cids.<br />
(WATSON 1993: 233–235)<br />
(27) (<strong>Zhang</strong>) <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>in</strong> person visited <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Da Yuan, <strong>the</strong> Great Yue–zhi, <strong>the</strong> Da–xia, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Kang–ju, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> addition he ga<strong>the</strong>red reports on five<br />
or six (o<strong>the</strong>r) large states <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir neighborhood.<br />
All <strong>of</strong> this <strong>in</strong>formation he related to <strong>the</strong> Son <strong>of</strong> Heaven<br />
(on his return). (<strong>The</strong> substance <strong>of</strong>) his report<br />
was (as follows): ...<br />
(59) (<strong>The</strong> capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>) An–xi (Parthians) is located<br />
some several thous<strong>and</strong> ›li‹ west <strong>of</strong> (<strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong>)<br />
<strong>the</strong> Great Yue–zhi.<br />
(60) <strong>The</strong>ir people is settled on <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>, cultivat<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> fields <strong>and</strong> plant<strong>in</strong>g rice <strong>and</strong> wheat.<br />
(<strong>The</strong>y also make) w<strong>in</strong>e out <strong>of</strong> grapes.<br />
(61) (<strong>The</strong>y have) walled cities like <strong>the</strong> Da Yuan.<br />
(62) To <strong>the</strong>m belong several hundred cities, small<br />
<strong>and</strong> big.<br />
In area (this country measures) several thous<strong>and</strong> ›li‹<br />
square which makes it an extremely large k<strong>in</strong>gdom.<br />
(63) It borders <strong>the</strong> Gui (Oxus) River.<br />
It has bazars <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>habitants (who are) merchants<br />
use carts <strong>and</strong> boats to travel to neighbor<strong>in</strong>g<br />
countries, sometimes (journey<strong>in</strong>g) several thous<strong>and</strong><br />
›li‹.<br />
(64) With silver <strong>the</strong>y make co<strong>in</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> co<strong>in</strong>s bear<br />
Shiji 123. 3160–3163<br />
騫 身 所 至 者 大 宛 大 月<br />
氏 大 夏 康 居 而 傳 聞 其<br />
旁 大 國 五 六<br />
具 為 天 子 言 之 曰 …<br />
安 息 在 大 月 氏 西 可 數<br />
千 里<br />
其 俗 土 著 耕 田 田 稻 麥<br />
蒲 陶 酒<br />
城 邑 如 大 宛<br />
其 屬 小 大 數 百 城 地 方<br />
數 千 里 最 為 大 國<br />
臨 媯 水<br />
有 市 民 商 賈 用 車 及 船<br />
行 旁 國 或 數 千 里<br />
— 48 —
<strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
(When) <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g dies, (<strong>the</strong> co<strong>in</strong>s are) <strong>in</strong>variably<br />
changed <strong>and</strong> (new) co<strong>in</strong>s (issued) with <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong><br />
his successor.<br />
(65) (<strong>The</strong> people) write horizontally on (strips <strong>of</strong>)<br />
lea<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> this way keep records.<br />
以 銀 為 錢 錢 如 其 王 面<br />
王 死 輒 更 錢 效 王 面 焉<br />
畫 革 旁 行 以 為 書 記<br />
What a surpris<strong>in</strong>g wealth <strong>of</strong> detailed <strong>in</strong>formation on a country which <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong><br />
did not see <strong>in</strong> person. One likely explanation should be that <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese explorer met,<br />
not only Indo-Greek merchants <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> marketplace <strong>of</strong> Lanshi 藍 市 , <strong>the</strong> old capital <strong>of</strong><br />
Daxia 大 夏 (Tochara), but also those from Parthia whom he <strong>in</strong>terviewed at length. And<br />
it is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g to note that directly after Anxi 安 息 (Parthia), <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Report <strong>in</strong><br />
Shiji 123 goes on to speak <strong>of</strong> Daxia/Tochara <strong>in</strong> a chapter which I shall quote fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
down (pp. 72–73). <strong>The</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> any <strong>in</strong>formation on a Saiwang state 塞 王 國 , now expected<br />
to be found between Parthia <strong>and</strong> Tochara, is tell<strong>in</strong>g. In all probability, no such<br />
<strong>in</strong>dependent Saka k<strong>in</strong>gdom existed <strong>in</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s time, 129–128 BCE.<br />
In addition to <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, we have two classical <strong>Western</strong> texts which help<br />
us to underst<strong>and</strong> what happened to <strong>the</strong> remnants <strong>of</strong> Bactria just before it was evacuated<br />
by <strong>the</strong> last Greek k<strong>in</strong>gs. One is found <strong>in</strong> Just<strong>in</strong>us’ Epitome <strong>of</strong> Trogus’ History, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong> Strabo’s Geography.<br />
(WATSON 1886: 276)<br />
Almost at <strong>the</strong> same time that<br />
Mithridates ascended <strong>the</strong><br />
throne among <strong>the</strong> Parthians,<br />
Eucratides began to reign<br />
among <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>s; both <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m be<strong>in</strong>g great men.<br />
But <strong>the</strong> fortune <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parthians,<br />
be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> more successful,<br />
raised <strong>the</strong>m, under this<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>ce, to <strong>the</strong> highest degree<br />
<strong>of</strong> power;<br />
while <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>s, harassed<br />
with various wars, lost not<br />
only <strong>the</strong>ir dom<strong>in</strong>ions, but<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir liberty; for hav<strong>in</strong>g suffered<br />
from contentions with<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sogdians, <strong>the</strong> Drangians,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indians, <strong>the</strong>y were at<br />
last overcome, as if exhausted,<br />
by <strong>the</strong> weaker Parthians.<br />
(SEEL 1972: 443–444)<br />
Ungefähr zur gleichen Zeit wie<br />
im Par<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong> Mithridates<br />
kommt <strong>in</strong> Baktrien Eukratides<br />
zur Regierung – beides bedeutende<br />
Männer.<br />
Aber das Glück, das den Par<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
mehr gewogen war, brachte<br />
sie unter diesem<br />
auf den Gipfel ihrer Macht.<br />
Die Baktrianer dagegen, <strong>in</strong> manund<br />
herge-<br />
cherlei Kriegen h<strong>in</strong>worfen,<br />
verloren nicht alle<strong>in</strong> ihre<br />
Herrschaft, sondern auch ihre<br />
Freiheit, denn sie erschöpften<br />
sich durch Kriege mit den Sogdi-<br />
mit Dran-<br />
anern und Arachosiern,<br />
gern, Areern und Indern und wur-<br />
den zuletzt, gleichsam ausgeblu-<br />
Par<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
tet, von den an sich schwächeren<br />
überwältigt.<br />
Herrscher duce i<br />
Hist. Phil. Epit. 41.6.1–3<br />
Eodem ferme tempore,<br />
sicut <strong>in</strong> Parthis Mithridates,<br />
ita <strong>in</strong> Bactris Eucratides,<br />
magni uterque viri,<br />
regna <strong>in</strong>eunt.<br />
Sed Parthorum fortuna<br />
felicior ad summum hoc<br />
mperii fastigium<br />
eos perduxit.<br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>i autem per varia<br />
bella iactati non regnum<br />
tantum, verum etiam<br />
libertatem amiserunt,<br />
siquidem Sogdianorum<br />
et Arachotorum et Dran-<br />
garum et Areorum Indorumque<br />
bellis fatigati ad<br />
postremum ab <strong>in</strong>validioribus<br />
Parthis velut exsan-<br />
gues oppressi sunt.<br />
Here we are told that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks had fought too many wars <strong>in</strong> too many<br />
directions. F<strong>in</strong>ally bled out, <strong>the</strong>y became victims <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> actually <strong>in</strong>ferior Parthians.<br />
After <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria (Tochara) had been lost to <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 — who<br />
are obvio usly called Sogdiani <strong>in</strong> Just<strong>in</strong>us’ text — what exactly happened <strong>in</strong> <strong>Western</strong><br />
Bactria <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> crucial years 145–130 BCE ? If, <strong>in</strong>deed, <strong>the</strong> Parthians won <strong>the</strong> ultimate<br />
victory over <strong>the</strong> last Greek k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Bactria, what was <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakas after <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were expelled for good from Daxia 大 夏 (Tochara) by th e Ruzhi 月 氏 — around <strong>the</strong> year<br />
130 BCE ? Have we been mistaken to believe that <strong>the</strong>y went west <strong>and</strong> made an end to<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir last stronghold, Bactra ? <strong>The</strong> next text, by Strabo,<br />
may <strong>in</strong>dicate an answer to <strong>the</strong>se questions.<br />
— 49 —
(JONES 1928: 275)<br />
Now at <strong>the</strong> outset Arsaces was<br />
weak, be<strong>in</strong>g cont<strong>in</strong>ually at<br />
war with those who had been<br />
deprived by him <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir territory,<br />
both he himself <strong>and</strong> his<br />
successors.<br />
But later <strong>the</strong>y grew so strong,<br />
always tak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> neighbour<strong>in</strong>g<br />
territory, through successes<br />
<strong>in</strong> warfare, that f<strong>in</strong>ally<br />
<strong>the</strong>y established <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
as lords <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
country <strong>in</strong>side <strong>the</strong> Euphrates.<br />
And <strong>the</strong>y also took a part <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>a, hav<strong>in</strong>g forced <strong>the</strong><br />
Scythians, <strong>and</strong> still earlier<br />
Eucratides <strong>and</strong> his followers,<br />
to yield to <strong>the</strong>m; <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong><br />
present time <strong>the</strong>y rule over so<br />
much l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> so many<br />
tribes that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
empire <strong>the</strong>y have become, <strong>in</strong> a<br />
way, rivals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romans ...<br />
Geographika, 11.9.2<br />
Kat' ¢rc¦j mn oân ¢sqen¾j<br />
Ãn diapolemîn prÕj<br />
toÝj ¢faireqšntaj t¾n cè-<br />
ran kaˆ ¢utÕj kaˆ oƒ diade-<br />
x£menoi ke‹non:<br />
œpeiq' oÛtwj ‡scusan ¢fairoÚmenoi<br />
t¾n plhs…on ¢eˆ<br />
di¦ t¦j n to‹j polšmoij<br />
katorqèseij, éste teleutîntej<br />
¡p£shj tÁj ntÕj<br />
EÙfr£tou kÚrioi katšsthsan.<br />
'Afe…lonto d kaˆ tÁj<br />
BaktrianÁj mšroj bias£-<br />
menoi toÝj SkÚqaj kaˆ œti<br />
prÒteron toÝj perˆ EÙkrat…dan,<br />
kaˆ nàn p£rcousi<br />
tosaÚthj tÁj gÁj<br />
kaˆ tosoÚtwn qnîn, éste<br />
¢ nt…paloi to‹j `Rwma…oij<br />
trÒpon t<strong>in</strong>¦ gegÒnasi katÕ<br />
mšgeqoj tÁj ¢r-<br />
t¦<br />
cÁj ...<br />
(RADT 2004: 353)<br />
Anfänglich waren er (Arsakes)<br />
selber sowohl als se<strong>in</strong>e Nachfolger<br />
schwach wegen der Krie-<br />
die<br />
ge, die sie ständig gegen<br />
ihres L<strong>and</strong>es Beraubten zu füh-<br />
über soviel L<strong>and</strong><br />
ren hatten.<br />
Dann aber wurden sie dadurch,<br />
dass sie dank ihrer Erfolge <strong>in</strong><br />
den Kriegen sich das jeweils<br />
benachbarte L<strong>and</strong> nahmen, so<br />
stark, dass sie schließlich Herr<br />
über das ganze Gebiet diesseits<br />
des Euphrates wurden.<br />
Sie nahmen sich auch e<strong>in</strong>en<br />
Teil der Baktriane, <strong>in</strong>dem sie<br />
die Sky<strong>the</strong>n – und vorher schon<br />
Eukratides und die Se<strong>in</strong>en –<br />
überwältigten; und haben jetzt<br />
die Herrschaft<br />
und soviele Völker, dass sie es,<br />
was die Größe ihres Reiches betrifft,<br />
<strong>in</strong> gewissem S<strong>in</strong>ne mit den<br />
Römern aufnehmen können ...<br />
From <strong>the</strong>se statements, we are <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to assume that <strong>the</strong> Sakas or Scythians have<br />
not been as successful <strong>in</strong> Wes tern Bactria as <strong>the</strong>y had, before, <strong>in</strong> Tochara/Dax<br />
ia. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
may have been able to take Bactra <strong>and</strong> oust <strong>the</strong> last Greek sovereigns from <strong>the</strong>re, only<br />
to be soon overcome by <strong>the</strong> powerful Parthians who took a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>a, hav<strong>in</strong>g<br />
forced <strong>the</strong> Scythians. Or, I thought for a while, <strong>the</strong>y voluntarily enlisted Parthian help<br />
to withst<strong>and</strong> yet ano<strong>the</strong>r attack by <strong>the</strong> dreadful Ruzhi 月 氏 . Bu<br />
t Strabo’s text is ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
clear here: <strong>the</strong> Sakas are crushed between two great powers.<br />
VON GUTSCHMID, cited abo<br />
ve a first time, comes very close to <strong>the</strong> truth when, 1888:<br />
70–71, he writes:<br />
Die Identität der Tocharer und der Grossen Yue–tshi unterliegt ke<strong>in</strong>em Zweifel ... Wäh-<br />
östlich die Tocharer,<br />
rend aber die classischen Berichte zwei Hauptvölker kennen, mehr mehr westlich die Sakarauken, kennen die ch<strong>in</strong>esischen auf dem<br />
Boden des ehemaligen<br />
Hellenenreiches nur e<strong>in</strong> e<strong>in</strong>ziges, die Tocharer, und neben ihnen <strong>in</strong> Margiana die Par<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
Sollen also die Ersteren nicht Lügen gestraft werden, so bleibt nichts übrig als anzuneh-<br />
fällt, die Occu-<br />
men, dass vor dem Jahre 128, <strong>in</strong> welches die Anwesenheit des Tshang–kien<br />
pation e<strong>in</strong>es <strong>The</strong>iles des Hellenenreiches durch die Sakarauken und jene Thatsache liegt,<br />
für die wir e<strong>in</strong> Zeugniss des Strabo (XI, p.515) besitzen, nämlich die Wegnahme e<strong>in</strong>es<br />
<strong>The</strong>ils Baktriens durch die Par<strong>the</strong>r nach Bewältigung der Scy<strong>the</strong>n. Wir wissen nunmehr,<br />
dass dieses Volk die Sakarauken, das ihnen entrissene L<strong>and</strong> Margiana war; e<strong>in</strong>e Drachme<br />
des Phraates II. mit der Aufschrift Margian» (GARDNER, 1877: 33) gibt für das Letztere e<strong>in</strong>e<br />
urkundliche Bestätigung. Dass den sorgfältigen ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Berichterstattern e<strong>in</strong> so namhaftes<br />
Volk wie die Sakarauken unbekannt geblieben se<strong>in</strong> sollte, ist undenkbar.<br />
VON GUTSCHMID believes <strong>in</strong> an ethnic identity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari<br />
which is untenable as this study strives to show. Also, he does not know XU SONG’s<br />
crucial comment which was published five years after his own book. But his reason<strong>in</strong>g,<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese writers — <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> himself <strong>and</strong> his epitomator Sima <strong>Qian</strong> —<br />
would have mentioned <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai, if <strong>the</strong>y had been <strong>the</strong> sovereign rulers <strong>of</strong> <strong>Western</strong><br />
Bactria <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s visit as <strong>the</strong>y had reigned <strong>in</strong> Daxia/Tochara<br />
shortly before for some time, is <strong>of</strong> importance <strong>and</strong> very valid: with <strong>the</strong> exception that<br />
— 50 —
(JONES 1928: 281)<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir cities were Bactra (al-<br />
so called Zariaspa, through<br />
which flows a river bear<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> same name <strong>and</strong> empty<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> Oxus), <strong>and</strong> Darapsa,<br />
<strong>and</strong> several o<strong>the</strong>rs;<br />
among <strong>the</strong>se was Eucratidia,<br />
which was named after<br />
its ruler.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Greeks took possession<br />
<strong>of</strong> it <strong>and</strong> divided it <strong>in</strong>to satrapies,<br />
<strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong> satrapy<br />
<strong>of</strong> Turiva <strong>and</strong> that <strong>of</strong> Aspionus<br />
were taken away from<br />
Eucratides by <strong>the</strong> Parthians.<br />
And <strong>the</strong>y also held Sogdiana,<br />
situated above <strong>Bactrian</strong>a<br />
towards <strong>the</strong> east between<br />
<strong>the</strong> Oxus River, which forms<br />
<strong>the</strong> boundary between <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sogdians,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Iaxartes River;<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Iaxartes forms also<br />
<strong>the</strong> boundary between <strong>the</strong><br />
Sogdians <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> nomads.<br />
<strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> Bactria, which <strong>the</strong> Parthians took over from <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai before <strong>Zhang</strong><br />
<strong>Qian</strong>’s arrival on <strong>the</strong> Oxus, was not Margiana. This region had been lost to <strong>the</strong><br />
Parthians earlier, i.e. <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Eucratides, as <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g passage <strong>in</strong> Strabo’s account<br />
<strong>of</strong> Bactria shows.<br />
(RADT 2004: 357) Geographika, 11.11.2<br />
An Städten hatten sie Baktra, PÒleij d' econ t£ te B£ktra,<br />
das auch Zariaspa genannt wird<br />
¼nper kaˆ Zari£span<br />
( h<strong>in</strong>durch strömt e<strong>in</strong> gleichnami-<br />
kaloàs<strong>in</strong>, ¿n diarre‹ Ðm-<br />
Fluss, der <strong>in</strong> den Oxos münènumoj<br />
ger<br />
potamÕj mb£l-<br />
det), Darapsa und mehrere anraya<br />
lwn e„j tÕn ’Wxon, kaˆ D£-<br />
dere;<br />
kaˆ ¥llaj ple…ouj :<br />
dazu gehört auch das nach dem toÚtwn d' Ãn kaˆ ¹ EÙkrat…deia,<br />
e<strong>in</strong>stigen Herrscher benannte Eu-<br />
toà ¥rxantoj<br />
kratideia.<br />
pènumoj.<br />
Die Griechen, die das L<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> Oƒ d' katascÒntej aÙt¾n<br />
Besitz nahmen, haben es auch “Ellhnej kaˆ e„j satrape…aj<br />
<strong>in</strong> Satrapien e<strong>in</strong>geteilt (von de-<br />
diVr»kas<strong>in</strong>, ïn t»n<br />
die des Aspiones und Turi-<br />
nen<br />
te 'Aspiènou kaˆ t¾n Tou-<br />
ua dem Eukratides von den Par-<br />
rioÚan ¢fÇrhnto EÙkra-<br />
entrissen wurde).<br />
<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
t…dhn oƒ Parqua‹oi.<br />
Sie setzten sich auch <strong>in</strong> den Be-<br />
”Escon d kaˆ t¾n Sog-<br />
von Sogdiane, das nach Osdian¾n<br />
sitz<br />
Øperkeimšnhn prÕj<br />
ten über Baktriane h<strong>in</strong>aus liegt, ›w tÁj BaktrianÁj metaxÝ<br />
zwischen dem Oxos-Fluss – der toà te ”Wxou potamoà, Öj<br />
das L<strong>and</strong> der Baktrier und das Ðr…zei t»n te tîn Baktr…-<br />
der Sogdier vone<strong>in</strong><strong>and</strong>er trennt – wn kaˆ t¾n tîn Sogd…wn,<br />
und dem Iaxartes;<br />
kaˆ toà 'Iax£rtou:<br />
dieser bildet die Grenze zwischen<br />
oátoj d kaˆ toÝj Sogmadenm£daj.<br />
den Sogdiern und den Nod…ouj<br />
Ðr…zei kaˆ toÝj no-<br />
<strong>The</strong> Satrapies <strong>of</strong> Aspiones <strong>and</strong> Turiva are o<strong>the</strong>rwise completely unknown. GROS-<br />
KURD, 1831: 410, follow<strong>in</strong>g DU THEIL, suggests amend<strong>in</strong>g Turiua or Turiva <strong>in</strong>to Tapuria.<br />
This is a region, ment ioned by Polybios (10. 46: ...Tapour…an...), which had been fought<br />
ove r by Antiochos <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g Euthydemos near <strong>the</strong> Areios River, i.e. <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
area between Parthia, Bactria <strong>and</strong> Aria — <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r words: <strong>in</strong> Margiana. Bactria <strong>in</strong><br />
those times extended as far west as <strong>the</strong> Areios or Ochos River (Herî Rûd), a short dis-<br />
west <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Margos (Murghâb) River which flows through Margianê (Merv). <strong>The</strong><br />
tance<br />
Ochos had been <strong>the</strong> border to Parthia. With this geographic situation <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d, VON GUT-<br />
S CHMID suggests that <strong>the</strong> Sakas, when evicted a second time by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , now<br />
from Sogdiana, cont<strong>in</strong>ue <strong>the</strong>ir exodus straight on <strong>in</strong> a westerly direction, i.e. by cross<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> Oxus. But <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123, says that Parthia <strong>in</strong> his time <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> east borders<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Oxus River 臨 媯 水 (see above, p. 48). This must have been so after <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong><br />
G reeks had lost <strong>the</strong> two satrapies mentioned by Strabo. And this, <strong>the</strong>n, is <strong>the</strong> reason<br />
why <strong>the</strong> Sakas/Sakaraukai/Saiwang turn south when chased out <strong>of</strong> Sogdiana by <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 . Hence, <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> Bactria, which <strong>the</strong> Parthians take over from <strong>the</strong> Saka-<br />
is def<strong>in</strong>itely not Margiana. Instead, it is <strong>the</strong> very heart <strong>of</strong> Bactria: <strong>the</strong> capital<br />
raukai,<br />
Ba<br />
ctra itself. In an preemptive strike <strong>the</strong> Parthians effectively prevent <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
from subjugat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Sakas <strong>in</strong> Bactra — <strong>and</strong> thus <strong>the</strong> two greatest powers <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> area<br />
now become <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> contenders for hegemony <strong>in</strong> Central Asia.<br />
And this is how <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Sacaraucae meet <strong>the</strong>ir destruction — <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>teritus<br />
Sa(ca)raucarum <strong>of</strong> Trogus’ Prolog 42. Hence, it are <strong>the</strong> awe-<strong>in</strong>spir<strong>in</strong>g Parthians who<br />
prevent <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 from conquer<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> former Greek Bactria. It goes<br />
— 51 —
without say<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> Parthians <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 become bitter foes — as many<br />
centuries later <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-Roman historian Ammianus will tell us (below, p. 65).<br />
That <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital Bactra<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Bactria for some time as Parthian vassals, is amply proved by a recent<br />
f<strong>in</strong>d, also not yet known to VON G UTSCHMID : <strong>the</strong> small, but rich Saka necropolis on<br />
Tillya-tepe, about 100 km west <strong>of</strong> Bactra. <strong>The</strong> tombs conta<strong>in</strong>ed ma<strong>in</strong>ly Part<br />
hian<br />
co<strong>in</strong>s — <strong>and</strong> one gold co<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Roman <strong>Emperor</strong> Tiberius, m<strong>in</strong>ted <strong>in</strong> Lugdunum (modern<br />
Lyon) 16–21 CE. This late date shows that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 were unable to con-<br />
date, or for more than<br />
quer <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Bactria before 30 CE as <strong>the</strong> earliest possible a century <strong>and</strong> a half after <strong>the</strong>y had subjugated Daxia 大 夏 (Tochara). <strong>The</strong> tombs <strong>of</strong> Sa-<br />
<strong>of</strong> NARAIN who, <strong>in</strong><br />
ka nobles near Bactra disprove <strong>the</strong> seem<strong>in</strong>gly conv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g assertions 1957: 140, writes:<br />
<strong>The</strong> prom<strong>in</strong>ence which is given to <strong>the</strong> Ta–hsia <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shih–chi<br />
is not found <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch’ien<br />
<strong>Han</strong> Shu. It <strong>the</strong>refore seems evident that Bactria proper south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus river must have<br />
come under <strong>the</strong> complete political subjugation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yüeh–chih ei<strong>the</strong>r after <strong>the</strong> Shih–chi<br />
was written or at a time quite near its completion, when <strong>the</strong> news had not reached Ssu–<br />
ma–ch’ien, but def<strong>in</strong>itely long before <strong>the</strong> composition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch’ ien <strong>Han</strong> Shu. Shih–chi was<br />
completed <strong>in</strong> 99 B.C., <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>in</strong> round numbers, we may<br />
say that <strong>the</strong> occupation<br />
took place about 100 B.C.<br />
NARAIN’s is <strong>the</strong> same old mistake we had to deal with above <strong>and</strong> which dies hard.<br />
Implicitly, he believes that Ta–hsia (Daxia) st<strong>and</strong>s for Bactria<br />
proper — which it does<br />
not. Instead, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription st<strong>and</strong>s, not for Bactria, but for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong><br />
name Tochara = <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria, later known under <strong>the</strong> name Tocharistan. A comparison<br />
<strong>of</strong> Shiji 123 with <strong>Han</strong>shu 96 simply proves that Daxia 大 夏 was <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 about 100 BCE. Above, we have seen that a correct <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong><br />
Shiji 123 shows that this wa<br />
s already <strong>the</strong> case at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s visit to<br />
Daxia/Tochara, i.e. a full gen eration before 100 BCE. We do not have to wait for <strong>the</strong><br />
much later <strong>Han</strong>shu — for it h as noth<strong>in</strong>g new to tell us <strong>in</strong> this respect. Saka Tillya-tepe,<br />
however, proves that <strong>Western</strong> Bactria cannot have been subjugated by <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 before<br />
<strong>the</strong> times <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Later <strong>Han</strong> (26–220 CE), <strong>and</strong> so we have to turn to <strong>the</strong> Later <strong>Han</strong>shu to<br />
check, i.e. to <strong>the</strong> Hou <strong>Han</strong>shu 後 漢 書 . <strong>The</strong>re, we are told that Bactra had been f<strong>in</strong>ally<br />
conquered . <strong>The</strong> feat was accomplished by one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> five well-known Ruzhi viceroys or<br />
xihou 翎 侯 . In Weishu 102 <strong>the</strong>y are said to have all belonged to <strong>the</strong> Zhaowu 昭 武 family<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reign<strong>in</strong>g monarch (see above, p. 28). He overthrew <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r four viceroys, proclaimed<br />
himself k<strong>in</strong>g — <strong>in</strong> clear rebellion aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> legitimate Ruzhi 月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>g —<br />
<strong>and</strong> went on to oust <strong>the</strong> latter, we may assume.<br />
(DE GROOT 1926: 101)<br />
...<br />
Als ›Goat–si‹ von ›Hung–nª‹<br />
vernichtet war, w<strong>and</strong>erte es<br />
nach ›Ta–ha‹ (Tochara) aus<br />
(PULLEYBLANK 1968: 247-248)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Great Yüeh–chih country<br />
has its capital at <strong>the</strong><br />
city <strong>of</strong> Lan–shih (Khulm).<br />
To <strong>the</strong> west it is 49 days’<br />
march to An–hsi (Arsak<br />
Parthia).<br />
To <strong>the</strong> east it is 6,537 ›li‹<br />
to <strong>the</strong> seat <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Senior<br />
Adm<strong>in</strong>istrator (Chang–<br />
shih) <strong>and</strong> 16,370 ›li‹ to Lo–<br />
yang.<br />
It has 100,000 households,<br />
400,000 mouths <strong>and</strong> over<br />
100,000 tra<strong>in</strong>ed soldiers.<br />
Formerly <strong>the</strong> (Great)<br />
Yüeh–chih, on be<strong>in</strong>g over-<br />
thrown by <strong>the</strong> Hsiung–nu,<br />
Hou <strong>Han</strong>shu 88. 2920–2921<br />
大 月 氏 國 居 藍 氏 城<br />
西 接 安 息 四 十 九 日<br />
行<br />
東 去 長 史 所 居 六 千<br />
五 百 三 十 七 里 去 洛<br />
陽 萬 六 千 三 百 七 十<br />
里<br />
戶 十 萬 口 四 十 萬 勝<br />
兵 十 餘 萬 人<br />
— 52 —
und teilte dort se<strong>in</strong> Reich <strong>in</strong><br />
fünf Jabgu, nämlich<br />
›Hiu–bit‹, ›Šang–bi‹,<br />
›Kui–song‹, ›It–tok‹<br />
und 都 密 ›Tª–bit‹.<br />
Mehr als e<strong>in</strong> Jahrhundert<br />
später bekriegte und vernichtete<br />
丘 就 卻 ›K'u–tsiu–<br />
k'iok‹ (Kud{øla Kadphises),<br />
der Jabgu von ›Kui–song‹,<br />
die vier <strong>and</strong>eren Jabgu und<br />
erhob sich selbst zum König.<br />
Se<strong>in</strong> Reich nannte ihn Kö-<br />
von ›Kui–song‹.<br />
nig<br />
Er griff ›An–sik‹ an, nahm<br />
vom L<strong>and</strong>e ›Ko–hu‹ Besitz,<br />
vernichtete 濮 達 ›P 'ak–tat‹<br />
( Baktar, Baktra, Baktria)<br />
und ›Ke–p<strong>in</strong>‹ und setzte sich<br />
<strong>in</strong> den vollständigen Besitz<br />
aller dieser Reiche.<br />
Als ›K'u–tsiu–k'iok‹ über<br />
achtzig Jahre alt war und<br />
starb, trat se<strong>in</strong> Sohn 閻 膏<br />
珍 ›J¥m–ko–t<strong>in</strong>‹ (Wima Kadphises)<br />
an se<strong>in</strong>er Stelle als<br />
König auf; dieser vernichtete<br />
auch noch 天 竺 ›T'i¥n–<br />
tok‹ (Indien) und setzte dort<br />
als Verwalter und Befehlshaber<br />
e<strong>in</strong>en Heerführer e<strong>in</strong>.<br />
Sei<strong>the</strong>r bef<strong>and</strong> sich Groß-<br />
Goat–si im allerhöchsten<br />
Stadium von Reichtum und<br />
Blüte. Die Reiche nannten<br />
es allgeme<strong>in</strong> das Königreich<br />
›Kui–song‹.<br />
Aber ›<strong>Han</strong>‹ nannte es bei<br />
se<strong>in</strong>em ursprünglichen alten<br />
Namen Groß-Goat–si.<br />
migrated to Ta–hsia (Bactria).<br />
<strong>The</strong>y divided <strong>the</strong><br />
country among five ›hsi–<br />
hou‹ (›yabgu‹) —<br />
Hsiu–mi, Shuang–mi,<br />
Kuei–shuang (Kushan),<br />
Hsi–tun <strong>and</strong> Tu–mi<br />
(Tarmita).<br />
Over one hundred years<br />
later <strong>the</strong> Kuei–shuang<br />
›hsi–hou‹, Ch’iu–chiu–chü<br />
(Kujøla Kadphises), attacked<br />
<strong>and</strong> overthrew <strong>the</strong><br />
(o<strong>the</strong>r) four ›hsi–hou‹ <strong>and</strong><br />
set himself up as k<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
<strong>The</strong> country was named<br />
Kuei–shuang.<br />
<strong>The</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g attacked An–hsi<br />
(Parthia) <strong>and</strong> took <strong>the</strong> territory<br />
<strong>of</strong> Kao–fu (Kabul).<br />
He also overthrew P ’u–ta<br />
(Pu•kalåvatð) <strong>and</strong> Chi–p<strong>in</strong><br />
(Kashmir) <strong>and</strong> completely<br />
annexed <strong>the</strong>se countries.<br />
Ch’iu–chiu–chü died when<br />
over eighty years <strong>of</strong> age.<br />
His son Yen–kao–chen (Vima<br />
Kadphises) succeeded<br />
him as k<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
He went on to overthrow<br />
T’ien–chu (India) <strong>and</strong> sent<br />
a general to rule over it.<br />
From this time on <strong>the</strong><br />
Yüeh–chih were extremely<br />
wealthy <strong>and</strong> prosperous.<br />
All <strong>the</strong> nations call <strong>the</strong>m<br />
<strong>the</strong> Kuei–shuang (Kushan)<br />
k<strong>in</strong>gs.<br />
But <strong>Han</strong>, keep<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong><br />
orig<strong>in</strong>al name, calls th<br />
<strong>the</strong> Great Yüeh–chih.<br />
初 月 氏 為 匈 奴 所 滅<br />
遂 遷 於 大 夏 分 其 國<br />
為<br />
休 密 雙 靡 貴 霜 漈 盻<br />
頓 都 密<br />
凡 五 部 漈 翎 侯<br />
後 百 餘 歲 貴 霜 翎 侯<br />
丘 就 卻 攻 滅 四 翎 侯<br />
自 立 為 王<br />
國 號 貴 霜 ( 王 )<br />
侵 安 息 取 高 附 地<br />
又 滅 濮 達 罽 賓 悉 有<br />
其 國<br />
丘 就 卻 年 八 十 餘 死<br />
子 閻 膏 珍 代 為 王<br />
復 滅 天 竺 置 將 一 人<br />
監 領 之<br />
月 氏 自 此 之 後 最 為<br />
富 盛<br />
諸 國 稱 之 皆 曰 貴 霜<br />
王<br />
em 漢 本 其 故 號 言 大 月<br />
氏 云<br />
This text has extraord<strong>in</strong> arily important facts to teach us. At <strong>the</strong> outset <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Later<br />
<strong>Han</strong>, i.e. after <strong>the</strong> year 26 C E, <strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi is still <strong>in</strong> Tochara: <strong>the</strong> “Lan–shi<br />
city” 藍 氏 城 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hou H anshu is obviously identical with<br />
<strong>the</strong> “Lan–shi city” 藍 市 城<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji, <strong>the</strong>re called <strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong> Daxia (see bel ow, p. 72) — whe<strong>the</strong>r it is to be<br />
identified with modern Khulm (Tashqurghan), as PULLEYBLANK th<strong>in</strong>ks, or modern Kunthree<br />
prom<strong>in</strong>ent <strong>Bactrian</strong> cities),<br />
duz (i.e. Darapsa, mention ed by Strabo as one <strong>of</strong> only<br />
as I believe, is <strong>of</strong> secondary importance. Of prime imp<br />
ortance is, that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
<strong>of</strong> this time <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> west border on Parthia, (<strong>the</strong> capi<br />
tal <strong>of</strong> which is) 49 days journey<br />
from Lanshi. <strong>The</strong>re is no mention<br />
<strong>of</strong> any <strong>in</strong>dependent Saka k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>in</strong> that direction.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Hou <strong>Han</strong>shu goes on to report <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> five ›xihou‹ (still read<br />
yap–hau <strong>in</strong> modern Cantonese, this is <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> title ›yabgu‹) —<br />
a historic event which happened, no t <strong>in</strong> La ter <strong>Han</strong>, bu<br />
t <strong>in</strong> Former <strong>Han</strong> times. Strictly<br />
speak<strong>in</strong>g, this report does not belong <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> Hou <strong>Han</strong>shu. But it is obvious here that<br />
Fan Ye 范 嘩 (398–446), <strong>the</strong> compiler <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard History, <strong>the</strong> Hou<br />
— 53 —
usurper Kadphises I orig<strong>in</strong><br />
ally started his conquests south<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush Mounta<strong>in</strong>s, as BOPEARACHCHI has shown from strictly numismatic<br />
evidence (1997: 208), or else from north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush — even north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus Ri-<br />
ver —, as GRENET has shown <strong>in</strong> a very recent article on <strong>the</strong> grounds <strong>of</strong> much new evi-<br />
topic just mentioned. It is <strong>in</strong><br />
dence (2007: passim), is part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same hot <strong>and</strong> complex any case too big for <strong>the</strong> modest scope <strong>of</strong> this paper <strong>and</strong> calls for a lengthy discussion<br />
<strong>in</strong> a separate study.<br />
But why did <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> not describe <strong>the</strong> Sakarau<br />
kai or Saiwang 塞 王 as reign<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>in</strong> Bactra ? This city was just a few dozen miles away<br />
from <strong>the</strong> provisional Daxia/To-<br />
chara capital on <strong>the</strong> banks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus where he discussed politics with <strong>the</strong> new Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter’s royal tent. As VON<br />
G UTSCHMID has po<strong>in</strong>ted out correctly: it is<br />
impossible that <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> overlooked <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 . Hence, I th<strong>in</strong>k<br />
he did, <strong>in</strong> fact, mention <strong>the</strong> Saiwang — but <strong>in</strong> a more <strong>in</strong>direct way. <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s de-<br />
tailed Report on <strong>the</strong> Parthians, <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123, also conta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g paragraph —<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu, wants to correct Ban Gu’s <strong>Han</strong>shu where <strong>the</strong><br />
story is told <strong>in</strong> a different way.<br />
He <strong>the</strong>n cont<strong>in</strong>ues <strong>the</strong> story to its climax. This, <strong>in</strong> fact, is a highly controversial topic.<br />
What <strong>in</strong>terests us here, is <strong>the</strong> fact that more than a hundred years later — we are<br />
back <strong>in</strong> Later <strong>Han</strong> times now — k<strong>in</strong>g Kujula Kadphises f<strong>in</strong>ally dares to attack Parthia,<br />
i.e. he conquers three Parthian possessions: Ga<strong>of</strong>u 高 附 , Puta 濮 達 , <strong>and</strong> Jib<strong>in</strong> 罽 賓 .<br />
We may assume, <strong>in</strong> this order.<br />
Puta is Bactra, as only DE GROOT correctly states <strong>in</strong> his translation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> passage.<br />
He reads <strong>the</strong> two Ch<strong>in</strong>ese characters 濮 達 as ›P ’ak–tat‹ = Baktar. As far as I can tell,<br />
this is <strong>the</strong> first time <strong>the</strong> name Bac tra is mentioned <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories.<br />
This is a strong argument <strong>in</strong> favor <strong>of</strong> a very late conquest <strong>of</strong> Saka / Parthian-occupied<br />
Bactra by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 — which conquest, <strong>in</strong> fa ct, we f<strong>in</strong>d depicted <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> wall<br />
friezes <strong>of</strong> Khalchayan, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 summer palace, up t he Surkhan River valley a short<br />
distance from modern Termez (see above, p. 39–40). One large figure <strong>the</strong>re, with <strong>the</strong><br />
well-known face <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Heraios co<strong>in</strong>s, represents <strong>the</strong> founder <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kushan Dynasty —<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> trophy <strong>of</strong> a dead Saka warrior’s heavy plated armor at his feet is tell<strong>in</strong>g (see<br />
Puga¾enkova 1971: fig. 61).<br />
Whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
(WATSON 1993: 235)<br />
(71) <strong>The</strong> people are very numerous <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>-<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> (ruler <strong>of</strong>) An–xi gives orders to<br />
ten have (are ruled by) petty pr<strong>in</strong>ces.<br />
<strong>the</strong>se dependent states, he regards <strong>the</strong>m as<br />
foreign countries.<br />
Shiji 123. 3163<br />
人 眾 甚 多 往 往 有 小 君 長<br />
而 安 息 役 屬 之 以 為 外 國<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> could have<br />
heard <strong>of</strong> such Parthian vassal states as Characene, Elymais,<br />
or Persis. But more likely it is that he is speak<strong>in</strong>g here <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong> affairs <strong>in</strong> close-by<br />
Bactra, ruled by petty Saka pr<strong>in</strong>ces — whose descendents, five or six generations later,<br />
were burried on Tillya-tepe. For <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Saiwang thus were local pr<strong>in</strong>ces with<strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> mighty Parthian k<strong>in</strong>gdom 最 大 ( 安 息 ) 國 — which could rival <strong>the</strong> Roman Empire<br />
— <strong>and</strong> thus <strong>the</strong> Saiwang were just not worth mention<strong>in</strong>g by name.<br />
In this context, VON GUTSCHMID writes, 1888: 56–57:<br />
Diesen kle<strong>in</strong>en Königreichen gegenüber begnügten sich die Par<strong>the</strong>r mit der Anerkennung<br />
ihrer Suprematie ... Waren die Par<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong> guter Verfassung, so zogen sie die Zügel<br />
straffer an, waren sie aber durch <strong>in</strong>nere Unruhen geschwächt, so war ihre Suprematie e<strong>in</strong><br />
leerer Name, und Alles gieng darunter und darüber; das Verhältnis blieb immer e<strong>in</strong> sehr<br />
prekäres, und die auf e<strong>in</strong>er derartigen Basis beruhende Machtstellung der Par<strong>the</strong>r war<br />
entfernt nicht die gleiche wie später die des Sassanidenreiches.<br />
When <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first century BCE, or <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> later time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Han</strong>, <strong>the</strong> one-time<br />
petty pr<strong>in</strong>ces <strong>of</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Bactria had become great rulers <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own right <strong>in</strong> Northwestern<br />
India or Jib<strong>in</strong> 罽 賓 , <strong>the</strong>ir historic status had changed dramatically. And so <strong>the</strong><br />
— 54 —
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, politically deeply <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> India, reported on <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 for <strong>the</strong> first<br />
time <strong>and</strong> recapitulated <strong>the</strong>ir earlier history <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96 — to all historians’ delight.<br />
Without this historical source, we would not know <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> short spell <strong>of</strong> Saka rule over<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tochari. However, on <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakas <strong>in</strong> Bactra — <strong>and</strong> Sakastana — <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
historians <strong>of</strong> later times rema<strong>in</strong> practically silent. I presume that it escaped <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
attention because it was outside <strong>the</strong>ir geographic horizon. We f<strong>in</strong>d only very vague<br />
h<strong>in</strong>ts on <strong>the</strong> Saiwang <strong>of</strong> Sakastana <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu.<br />
One more quote from Trogus <strong>in</strong> Just<strong>in</strong>us’ Epitome, less puzzl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
present f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>and</strong> thus open for new <strong>in</strong>terpretations, I like to reproduce here.<br />
(WATSON 1886: 277–278)<br />
After <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> Mithridates,<br />
k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parthians, Phraates<br />
his son was made k<strong>in</strong>g,<br />
who, hav<strong>in</strong>g proceeded to make<br />
war upon Syria, <strong>in</strong> revenge for<br />
<strong>the</strong> attempts <strong>of</strong> Antiochus on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Parthian dom<strong>in</strong>ions, was<br />
recalled, by hostilities on <strong>the</strong><br />
part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Scythians, to defend<br />
his own country.<br />
For <strong>the</strong> Scythians, hav<strong>in</strong>g been<br />
<strong>in</strong>duced, by <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fer <strong>of</strong> pay, to<br />
assist <strong>the</strong> Parthians aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
Antiochus, k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Syria, <strong>and</strong><br />
not hav<strong>in</strong>g arrived till <strong>the</strong> war<br />
was ended, were disappo<strong>in</strong>ted<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expected remuneration,<br />
<strong>and</strong> reproached with hav<strong>in</strong>g<br />
brought <strong>the</strong>ir aid too late ...<br />
be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong>fended at <strong>the</strong> haughty<br />
reply which <strong>the</strong>y received,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y began to ravage <strong>the</strong><br />
country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parthians.<br />
Phraates, <strong>in</strong> consequence,<br />
march<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong>m ...<br />
took with him to <strong>the</strong> war a body<br />
<strong>of</strong> Greeks, who had been<br />
made prisoners <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> war<br />
aga<strong>in</strong>st Antiochus, <strong>and</strong> whom<br />
he had treated with great pride<br />
<strong>and</strong> severity ...<br />
As soon <strong>the</strong>refore as <strong>the</strong>y saw<br />
<strong>the</strong> Persians giv<strong>in</strong>g ground,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y went over to <strong>the</strong> enemy,<br />
<strong>and</strong> executed that revenge for<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir captivity, which <strong>the</strong>y had<br />
long desired, by a sangu<strong>in</strong>ary<br />
destruction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parthian ar-<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g Phraates him-<br />
my<br />
self.<br />
In his stead Artabanus, his<br />
uncle, was made k<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Scythians, content with<br />
(SEEL 1972: 445–446)<br />
Nach dem Tode des Mithridates,<br />
des Par<strong>the</strong>rkönigs, wird se<strong>in</strong><br />
Sohn Phrahates zum König e<strong>in</strong>gesetzt;<br />
als dieser zur Rache für den von<br />
Antiochos versuchten Angriff auf<br />
das Par<strong>the</strong>rreich e<strong>in</strong>en Krieg gegen<br />
Syrien zu unternehmen beschlossen<br />
hatte, wird er durch<br />
Unruhen bei den Sky<strong>the</strong>n zurückgerufen,<br />
um dort se<strong>in</strong>e eigenen<br />
Interessen zu wahren.<br />
Die Sky<strong>the</strong>n nämlich waren zur<br />
Unterstützung der Par<strong>the</strong>r gegen<br />
den Syrerkönig Antiochos um<br />
Lohn aufgeboten worden, trafen<br />
aber erst e<strong>in</strong>, als der Krieg bereits<br />
zu Ende war, und sollten<br />
unter dem Vorwurf, sie seien bei<br />
der Hilfeleistung allzu saumselig<br />
gewesen, um ihren Lohn geprellt<br />
werden ...<br />
Darüber beleidigt, f<strong>in</strong>gen sie an,<br />
das Gebiet der Par<strong>the</strong>r selbst zu<br />
verheeren.<br />
Als nun Phrahates gegen diese<br />
aufbrach ...<br />
führte (er) e<strong>in</strong> Heer von Griechen,<br />
das er im Kriege des Antiochos<br />
gefangen und <strong>in</strong>zwischen so h<strong>of</strong>färtig<br />
wie grausam beh<strong>and</strong>elt<br />
hatte, mit sich <strong>in</strong> den Kampf ...<br />
Als sie daher sahen, daß die<br />
Front der Par<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong>s Wanken<br />
geriet, g<strong>in</strong>gen sie mit ihren Waffen<br />
zum Fe<strong>in</strong>de über und vollstreckten<br />
die langersehnte Rache<br />
für ihre Gefangenschaft<br />
durch e<strong>in</strong> Blutbad am Par<strong>the</strong>rheer<br />
und am König Phrahates<br />
selbst.<br />
An se<strong>in</strong>er Stelle wird Artabanus,<br />
e<strong>in</strong> Onkel väterlicherseits, als<br />
Hist. Phil. Epit.42.1.1-2.5<br />
Post necem Mithridatis,<br />
Parthorum regis, Phrahates<br />
filius rex statuitur,<br />
qui cum <strong>in</strong>ferre bellum<br />
<strong>in</strong> ultionem temptati ab<br />
Antiocho Parthici regni<br />
Syriae statuisse, Scytharum<br />
motibus ad<br />
sua defendenda revocatur.<br />
Namque Scythae <strong>in</strong> auxilium<br />
Parthorum adversus<br />
Antiochum, Syriae<br />
regem, mercede<br />
sollicitati cum confecto<br />
iam bello supervenissent<br />
et calumnia tardius<br />
lati auxilii mercede<br />
fraudarentur ...<br />
Superbo responso <strong>of</strong>adversus<br />
eos pr<strong>of</strong>icisce-<br />
fensi f<strong>in</strong>es Parthorum<br />
vastare coeperunt.<br />
Igitur Phrahates, cum<br />
retur ...<br />
exercitum Graecorum,<br />
quem bello Antiochi<br />
captum superbe crudeliterque<br />
tractaverat, <strong>in</strong><br />
bellum secum ducit ...<br />
Itaque cum <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>atam<br />
Parthorum aciem vidissent,<br />
arma ad hostes<br />
transtulere et diu cupitam<br />
captivitatis ultionem<br />
exercitus Parthici<br />
et ipsius Phrahatis regis<br />
cruenta caede exse-<br />
cuti sunt.<br />
In huius locum Artabanus,<br />
patruus eius, rex<br />
substituitur.<br />
— 55 —
Scythae autem contenti<br />
victoria depopulata Parthia<br />
<strong>in</strong> patriam revertuntur.<br />
Sed et Artabanus bello<br />
Tocharis <strong>in</strong>lato <strong>in</strong> brac-<br />
chio vulneratus statim<br />
decedit.<br />
Huic Mithridates filius<br />
succedit, cui res gestae<br />
Magni cognomen dedere<br />
...<br />
Sed et cum Scythis<br />
prospere aliquotiens dimicavit<br />
ultorque <strong>in</strong>iuriae<br />
parentum fuit ...<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir victory, <strong>and</strong> with hav<strong>in</strong>g<br />
laid waste Parthia, returned<br />
home.<br />
Artabanus, mak<strong>in</strong>g war upon<br />
<strong>the</strong> Thogarii, received a wound<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> arm, <strong>of</strong> which he immediately<br />
died.<br />
He was succeeded by his son<br />
Mithridates, to whom his<br />
achievements procured <strong>the</strong><br />
surname <strong>of</strong> Great ...<br />
He fought successfully, too, several<br />
times, aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> Scythians,<br />
<strong>and</strong> avenged <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>juries<br />
received from <strong>the</strong>m by his forefa<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
...<br />
König e<strong>in</strong>gesetzt,<br />
Die Sky<strong>the</strong>n jedoch kehrten zufrieden<br />
mit ihrem Sieg und nach<br />
Verwüstung des Par<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>es<br />
<strong>in</strong> ihre Heimat zurück.<br />
Aber auch Artabanus, der bei e<strong>in</strong>em<br />
Krieg gegen die Tocharer<br />
am Arm verwundet wurde, starb<br />
sogleich.<br />
Ihm folgte se<strong>in</strong> Sohn Mithridates,<br />
dem se<strong>in</strong>e Taten den Be<strong>in</strong>amen<br />
› der Große‹ verschafften ...<br />
Aber auch mit den Sky<strong>the</strong>n focht<br />
er e<strong>in</strong>ige Male mit Glück und<br />
wurde so zum Rächer des den<br />
Ahnen angetanen Schadens ...<br />
Here we read about developments which take place soon after <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s depar-<br />
conquered by <strong>the</strong><br />
ture. <strong>The</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 , Sakas or Scythians for short, Parthians to prevent <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 from do<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> same, had thus been forced to ac-<br />
II, <strong>the</strong> Arsakes<br />
knowledge Parthian suzera<strong>in</strong>ty. <strong>The</strong>y are soon enlisted by k<strong>in</strong>g Phraates<br />
<strong>The</strong>opator Euergetes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> coi ns, as mercenaries <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter’s crucial war aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong><br />
Seleucids <strong>of</strong> Syria. <strong>The</strong> Sakas, still unsettled <strong>and</strong> restless <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> narrow conf<strong>in</strong>es <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir new “patria,” or fa<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>, gladly jump to <strong>the</strong> chance to<br />
venture beyond it —<br />
but create grave problems for <strong>the</strong>ir Parthian overlords when <strong>the</strong> latter try to cheat<br />
<strong>the</strong>m. With <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> Greek arms, <strong>the</strong>y defeat <strong>the</strong> Parthians <strong>and</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g Phraates is<br />
sla<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> battle, about 127 BCE.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> end, <strong>the</strong> Sakas will <strong>in</strong> turn be defeated by k<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Mithridates II, ultor <strong>in</strong>iuriae p arentum, who decides to solve <strong>the</strong> Saka problem by<br />
settl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> nomads for good <strong>in</strong> Drangiana — <strong>the</strong> country which eventually will become<br />
known by <strong>the</strong> name Sakastana (modern Sistan).<br />
All this we underst<strong>and</strong> so much better when we realize that <strong>the</strong> later Saka-Parthian<br />
pell-mell evolved from Bactra. After 130 BCE, <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 , we may<br />
note down now, reigned <strong>in</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Bactria as petty pr<strong>in</strong>ces <strong>and</strong> Parthian vassals for<br />
150 years <strong>and</strong> more.<br />
In between all <strong>of</strong> this, we are astonished to read <strong>in</strong> Just<strong>in</strong>us’ Epitome that Phraates’<br />
successor, k<strong>in</strong>g Artabanos, <strong>the</strong> Arsakes <strong>The</strong>opator Nikator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> co<strong>in</strong>s, resolves to de-<br />
this would have<br />
stroy <strong>the</strong> dangerous newcomers <strong>and</strong> attacks <strong>the</strong> “Tochari.” Obviously, been impossible had an <strong>in</strong>dependent Saka state separated <strong>the</strong> two nations. Of course,<br />
<strong>the</strong>se Tochari are no longer <strong>the</strong> timid people <strong>of</strong> Daxia 大 夏 (Tochara) <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />
his Report had so described an d stated that he had found <strong>the</strong>m with no k<strong>in</strong>g nor good<br />
soldiers. <strong>The</strong>se new Tochari are now firmly governed by an East Asian nomad aristoa<br />
second shock. Arta-<br />
cracy <strong>and</strong> are boast<strong>in</strong>g a fearful army. <strong>The</strong> Parthians are <strong>in</strong> for<br />
banos, too, is killed <strong>in</strong> battle — wounded by a poisonous arrow, he dies on <strong>the</strong> spot.<br />
This occurred <strong>in</strong> about 124 BCE.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>in</strong>cident proves that <strong>the</strong> Parthians had a direct common border with <strong>the</strong> Asiafrom<br />
north to south.<br />
ni/Tochari 月 氏 — which ran right across former Greek Bactria<br />
Both sides, it seems, were unable to dislodge <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r for ano<strong>the</strong>r century <strong>and</strong> a half<br />
or more. In this long time <strong>the</strong> new Ruzhi 月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>gdom, north<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush, is<br />
conf<strong>in</strong>ed to Daxia/Tochara. It is <strong>in</strong> this century <strong>and</strong> a half that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 become<br />
known by <strong>the</strong> name Tochari — it is <strong>the</strong> Far <strong>Eastern</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 who make this<br />
Central Asian name great <strong>and</strong> famous : as <strong>the</strong> designation <strong>of</strong> a country, <strong>of</strong> a people, <strong>of</strong><br />
a language.<br />
When we can prove that <strong>the</strong> Tochari <strong>of</strong> Trogus are <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, it<br />
<strong>the</strong>n becomes apparent that <strong>the</strong>se Tochari were <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous population <strong>of</strong> Tochara,<br />
— 56 —
well settled on <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> s<strong>in</strong>ce centuries. <strong>The</strong>y spoke <strong>the</strong>ir own language, Tocharian.<br />
But as <strong>the</strong> Tochari were constantly ruled by foreign <strong>in</strong>vaders ever s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> Achae-<br />
<strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally <strong>the</strong> Ru-<br />
menids, <strong>the</strong>se foreigners — Persians, Macedonians, Greeks, Sakas, zhi 月 氏 — necessarily left <strong>the</strong>ir mark on <strong>the</strong> local language to vary<strong>in</strong>g degrees. Such<br />
new <strong>in</strong>sights suggest new answers to question we f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g text.<br />
In 1995: 439–441, RINGE writes:<br />
Fragmentary manuscripts, found at various sites along <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn arm <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> silk road<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tarim bas<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> dat<strong>in</strong>g from perhaps <strong>the</strong> 7th through <strong>the</strong> 10th<br />
centuries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> com-<br />
called “A” <strong>and</strong> “B.”<br />
mon era, preserve documents written <strong>in</strong> two Tocharian languages, Though it is clear that Tocharian A <strong>and</strong> B are separate languages (not dialects <strong>of</strong> a s<strong>in</strong>gle<br />
language), it is also clear that t hey are very closely related; <strong>and</strong> it follows that <strong>the</strong>y must<br />
still have been a s<strong>in</strong>gle language (called “Proto-Tocharian”) until about a millennium or so<br />
before <strong>the</strong> date <strong>of</strong> our earliest documents. Historical <strong>and</strong> comparative analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tomany<br />
details rema<strong>in</strong><br />
charian language reveals <strong>the</strong> rough outl<strong>in</strong>es <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir prehistory, but<br />
unrecoverable ...<br />
<strong>The</strong> earlier Iranian loanwords <strong>in</strong> Tocharian seem to have been borrowed from lan-<br />
at an “Old Iranian” stage <strong>of</strong> development, but it is not easy to specify which Iran-<br />
guages<br />
ian language <strong>the</strong>y were borrowed from; <strong>the</strong>y resemble Avestan words, but that may be<br />
simply because Avestan is <strong>the</strong> most archaic Iranian language <strong>of</strong> which we have any record.<br />
<strong>The</strong> loanwords <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> next oldest stratum are startl<strong>in</strong>gly similar to Ossetic, <strong>the</strong> Iranian<br />
language now spoken <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Caucasus. That is especially <strong>in</strong>trigu<strong>in</strong>g because it is reasonably<br />
clear that Ossetic is descended from one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Iranian languages, collectively called<br />
“Scythian,” that were spoken by nomads north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black Sea <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> steppes to <strong>the</strong><br />
east dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> last few centuries BCE. This suggests that <strong>the</strong> Tocharians could have been<br />
affiliated with one or ano<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> steppe confederations dom<strong>in</strong>ated by Iranian tribes at<br />
a relatively early period <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir prehistory. Unfortunately that is all that can be said; nei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> such an affiliation nor <strong>the</strong> time <strong>and</strong> place at which it may have existed<br />
can be specified with any certa<strong>in</strong>ty.<br />
We are on firmer ground with <strong>the</strong> next clearly identifiable stratum <strong>of</strong> Iranian loanwords,<br />
which were borrowed from <strong>Bactrian</strong>. <strong>Bactrian</strong> was <strong>the</strong> Iranian language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kushåna<br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom, which flourished <strong>in</strong> Afghanistan <strong>and</strong> neighbor<strong>in</strong>g areas beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first<br />
century <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> common era. But while <strong>the</strong> fact <strong>of</strong> a relationship between <strong>the</strong> Kushåna k<strong>in</strong>gdom<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tocharians is tolerably clear, <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> that relationship is (aga<strong>in</strong>) unrecoverable.<br />
If <strong>the</strong> Tocharians were Kushåna subjects, <strong>the</strong>y must <strong>the</strong>n have been liv<strong>in</strong>g well<br />
to <strong>the</strong> southwest <strong>of</strong> where we f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong>m historically; but it seems much more likely that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were outly<strong>in</strong>g allies, or even trad<strong>in</strong>g partners, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> that case <strong>the</strong>y could well have<br />
borrowed elements <strong>of</strong> Kushåna language <strong>and</strong> culture from a considerable distance. Later<br />
strata <strong>of</strong> loanwords — Sogdian, Khotanese <strong>and</strong> Sanskrit — can easily have entered <strong>the</strong> Tocharian<br />
languages after <strong>the</strong> Tocharians reached <strong>the</strong>ir historical home ...<br />
One year later, <strong>in</strong> 1996: 633, SIMS-WILLIAMS writes on <strong>the</strong> Kushan language :<br />
Durant les premiers siècles de notre ère, le bactrien aurait pu légitimement être compté<br />
au rang des langues les plus importantes du monde. En tant que langue des rois kouchans,<br />
il était certa<strong>in</strong>ement largement compris sur tout le territoire d’un vaste empire <strong>in</strong>cluant<br />
l’Afghanistan actuel, le Nord de l’Inde et une partie de l’Asie centrale. Même après la chute<br />
de l’empire kouchan, le bactrien cont<strong>in</strong>ua d’être écrit pendant au mo<strong>in</strong>s six siècles, comme<br />
en témoignent les <strong>in</strong>scriptions du IX e siècle trouvées dans la vallée de Tochi au Pakistan,<br />
a<strong>in</strong>si que des fragments de manuscrits bouddhistes et manichéens trouvés dans la lo<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>e<br />
oasis de Turfan située à l’ouest de la Ch<strong>in</strong>e. A<strong>in</strong>si, sa carrière comme langue de culture<br />
a duré près de mille ans.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se brilliant remarks teach us that <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kushans, or, more generally<br />
speak<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , played a paramount role <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong> Buddhism<br />
— similar, <strong>in</strong> fact, to <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romans <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> spread<br />
— 57 —
<strong>of</strong> Christianity. After <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial Sanskrit, <strong>the</strong> imperial language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 apparently<br />
became <strong>the</strong> Vulgata <strong>of</strong> Buddhism <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> centuries <strong>and</strong> regions outl<strong>in</strong>ed by<br />
SIMS-WILLIAMS. <strong>The</strong> only amendment, I would venture to make here, is to <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong><br />
this language : with <strong>the</strong> above new f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 be<strong>in</strong>g conf<strong>in</strong>ed to Tochara/Tachara/Daxia<br />
大 夏 for a decisive one century <strong>and</strong> a half, <strong>the</strong> correct name is, not<br />
Trogus’ Reges Toc<br />
harorum Asiani = 月 氏 既 臣 大 夏 而 居 <strong>of</strong> Sima <strong>Qian</strong>.<br />
(<strong>The</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari were <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tribe <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asii = <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi had s<strong>in</strong>ce subjugated <strong>the</strong><br />
Daxia <strong>and</strong> were <strong>the</strong>n liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>re).<br />
<strong>The</strong> parallel text <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 61 has <strong>the</strong> same sentence a bit more to <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t:<br />
Trogus’ Reges Tocharorum Asiani = 月 氏 既 臣 大 夏 而 君 之 <strong>of</strong> Ban Gu.<br />
(<strong>The</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari were <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tribe <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asii = <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi had s<strong>in</strong>ce subjugated <strong>the</strong><br />
Daxia <strong>and</strong> were <strong>the</strong>n rul<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>m).<br />
In fact, <strong>the</strong> closest parallel to <strong>the</strong> three-word-phrase by Trogus I f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong> six charac-<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96A. 3884 by Ban Gu (quoted above already):<br />
ters<br />
ASIANI reges TOCHARORUM<br />
RUZHI (<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West) rulers <strong>of</strong> DAXIA<br />
月 氏<br />
( 西 ) 君 大 夏<br />
When, as I have been at pa<strong>in</strong>s to show, <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources are<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tochari / TÒcaroi <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> sources, <strong>and</strong> when Trogus <strong>and</strong> Strabo <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West<br />
a s well as Sima <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>and</strong> Ban Gu <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> East are writ<strong>in</strong>g about <strong>the</strong> same historical<br />
e vents, which took place at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same geographical area, <strong>the</strong>n it<br />
follows that <strong>the</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia/Tochari were :<br />
<strong>the</strong> ASIANI (Trogus) = <strong>the</strong> ACIOI (Strabo) = <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 (<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>).<br />
In 1922, <strong>the</strong> well-known Russian Orientalist BARTHOLD is <strong>the</strong> first <strong>Western</strong> scholar<br />
to state, orig<strong>in</strong>ally <strong>in</strong> his mo<strong>the</strong>r tongue, later translated <strong>in</strong>to English:<br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>, but Tocharian. Under this name, we f<strong>in</strong>d this language mentioned <strong>in</strong> faraway<br />
Turfan texts — long after <strong>the</strong> last Kushan emperors had vanished.<br />
In this study, special emphasis is laid on br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g toge<strong>the</strong>r both <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>and</strong> Wes-<br />
classical sources for comparison. <strong>The</strong>se sources complement each o<strong>the</strong>r greatly<br />
tern<br />
<strong>and</strong> toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y help us to reconstruct <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greek k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>a,<br />
tÁj sump£shj 'ArianÁj prÒschma, or <strong>the</strong> pride <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong> Ariana, as Apollodoros <strong>of</strong> Aremita<br />
calls it. His lost Partik£, or Parthian History, must have been <strong>the</strong> source for<br />
t<br />
b oth Strabo <strong>and</strong> Trogus — contra Tarn (see below, p. 74). If this assumption is correct,<br />
we get <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g important equation from <strong>the</strong> texts <strong>of</strong> Trogus 42 <strong>and</strong> Shiji 123:<br />
( MINORSKIJ 1956: 4) BARTHOLD 1922: 5<br />
In <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century B.C. <strong>the</strong> В середине II в. до Р.Х. произошло завоева-<br />
nor<strong>the</strong>rn, <strong>and</strong> later <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn prov<strong>in</strong>ces ние северных, впоследствии и южных, облаистории,<br />
о котором говорят как западные<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Graeco-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom were con-<br />
by Central Asian nomads, who <strong>in</strong> атскими кочевниками, завоевавшими потом<br />
стей греко-бактрийского царства средне-ази-<br />
quered<br />
due course subdued several Indian prov<strong>in</strong>-<br />
<strong>and</strong> became known <strong>in</strong> Greek literature ми в греческой литературе под общим назва-<br />
также некоторые области Индии и известны-<br />
ces<br />
under <strong>the</strong> general appellation <strong>of</strong> Scythians. нием скифов.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> same century relations between Cen-<br />
Asia <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a were established for Средней Азией и Kитаем; падение греко-бак-<br />
В том же II веке начались сношения между<br />
tral<br />
<strong>the</strong> first time. <strong>The</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Graeco-Bac-<br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom is <strong>the</strong> first event <strong>of</strong> world<br />
трийского царства – первое событие мировой<br />
trian<br />
history recorded both <strong>in</strong> <strong>Western</strong> (Greek) (греческие), так и дальневосточные (китайские)<br />
<strong>and</strong> Far-<strong>Eastern</strong> (Ch<strong>in</strong>ese) sources.<br />
источники.<br />
— 58 —
Well said. It is, however, not a Greek, but a Roman source which we have to comb<strong>in</strong>e<br />
with <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese texts: Trogus with Sima <strong>Qian</strong> / Ban Gu. <strong>The</strong> fact that Greek <strong>and</strong><br />
Lat<strong>in</strong> as well as Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historians had recorded <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greek k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>in</strong> Bactria<br />
has been known <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West s<strong>in</strong>ce two generations or longer. It is <strong>the</strong>refore a<br />
curious fact that no one so far ever tried to comb<strong>in</strong>e <strong>the</strong> statement by Trogus with that<br />
by Ban Gu <strong>in</strong> order to get <strong>the</strong> very simple <strong>and</strong> very obvious equation Asiani = 月 氏 .<br />
Actually, I gladly correct myself: <strong>the</strong>re is one who did. HERZFELD, 1931: 26–27, writes:<br />
Die beiden abendländischen Nachrichten über das Ende des graeco-bactrischen Reichs<br />
s<strong>in</strong>d 1. Just<strong>in</strong>, Trog. Pomp. prol. XLI:<br />
qua re pugnantes [recte: quo regnante] Scythicae gentes Saraucae et Asiani Bactra<br />
occupavere et Sogdianos.<br />
Dazu prol. XLII:<br />
res Scythicae: reges Thocarorum Asiani <strong>in</strong>teritusque Saraucarum.<br />
Dies Scythae bedeutet natürlich nicht sak-Sakå, sondern asiatische Nomaden. Nach<br />
de m Parallelismus der Stelle besetzen die Saraucae Bactra, die Asiani Sogdiana.<br />
Sogdiana haben aber <strong>in</strong> eben jenen Jahren nach ²ang-k’ien die ýuÿt-šï besetzt.<br />
Danach würden Asiani und ýuÿt-šï gleich se<strong>in</strong>.<br />
Die 2. Stelle ist Strabon XI, C 511:<br />
malista de gnwrimoi gegonasi twn nomadwn oƒ touj `Ellhnaj afelomenoi thn Baktrianhn,<br />
Asioi kai Pasianoi kai Tocaroi kai Sakarau kai / loi, Ðrmhqentej apo thj peraiaj tou Iaxartou<br />
thj kat¦ Sakaj kai Sogdianouj, ¹n kateicon Sakai.<br />
Dieser Gruppe von Nomaden entsprechen bei Ptolemaios VII, 12 die Paskai, Iatioi, Toca<br />
roi und Augaloi ... Diese Zusammenhänge erheben die von F.W.K. MÜLLER 1918: 566 ff.<br />
angedeutete Vermutung zur Wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lichkeit, daß ch<strong>in</strong>. ýuÿt-šï, das e<strong>in</strong>e Aussprache wie<br />
uår-śi zuläßt, die Selbstbe zeichnung der Tocrï: årÝi wiedergibt, vgl. SIEG, 1918: 560 ff. Auf<br />
jeden <strong>Fall</strong> machen diese Zusammenh änge e<strong>in</strong>e Trennung der Tocharer von den ýuÿt-šï unmöglich.<br />
Just<strong>in</strong>’s “reges Thocarorum Asiani“ besagt, daß das Königsgeschlecht der<br />
Asiani-Asioi-Iatioi-ýuÿt-šï über die Tocharer herrschte ... Hält man sich streng an den<br />
Wortlaut der kurzen griechischen und ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Nachrichten, so ist der Sachverhalt<br />
ganz klar. Noch vor 160 müssen die ýuÿt-šï-årÝi-Asioi vor den wu-sun aus Farghåna<br />
weichen, aus dem sie zuvor die sak vertrieben haben. Sie besetzen das südliche Sogdiana,<br />
wo ²ang-k’ien sie i. J. 127 trifft. Die mitgew<strong>and</strong>erten Saraucae sitzen <strong>in</strong> dem unterworfenen<br />
Bactria = tai-hia. Das bedeutet das Ende des graeco-bactrischen Reichs ...<br />
As early as 1931, HERZFELD has <strong>the</strong> equation ýuÿt–šï = årÝi = Asioi. This name<br />
“årÝi” seems to come closest to how <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 may have called <strong>the</strong>mselves: “die<br />
Selbstbezeichnung der Tocrï” (here to be understood as: <strong>the</strong> self-appellation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari). <strong>The</strong> first <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> third name are <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
transcription <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second: a(r)si i årÝi (a)ruzhi 月 氏 . In this, <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al årÝi<br />
is closer to both asii <strong>and</strong> ruzhi 月 氏 — than asii is to ruzhi 月 氏 .<br />
Why was this <strong>in</strong>genious equation not accepted ? One raison may be that HERZ-<br />
gross mistakes:<br />
FELD’s <strong>in</strong>telligent discovery is lost <strong>in</strong> too many — <strong>the</strong> Asiani are not a dynasty, but a people;<br />
— <strong>the</strong>y were not displaced from Ferghana, but from <strong>the</strong> Ili River;<br />
— <strong>the</strong>y did not occupy sou<strong>the</strong>rn Sogdiana, but <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Sogdiana;<br />
— <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> did not reach <strong>the</strong> Asiani <strong>in</strong> 127, but <strong>in</strong> 129 BCE;<br />
— <strong>the</strong> Sa(ca)raucae did not migrate toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> Asiani, but always ahead <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m;<br />
— <strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally: ›tai-hia‹ (Daxia) is not Bactria, but Tochara.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r reason surely was that HERZFELD is unable to substantiate <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
sources by quot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> relevant passages verbatim — orig<strong>in</strong>al text with translations —,<br />
i.e. as emphatically as he does quote <strong>the</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> Greek sources. And this, <strong>of</strong> course,<br />
was so because, from BROSSET <strong>in</strong> 1828 to WATSON <strong>in</strong> 1993, all <strong>Western</strong> translations <strong>of</strong><br />
Shiji 123 were publisheed without <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese text. With one sole exception, I hasten to<br />
add: HIRTH, <strong>in</strong> 1917, added a h<strong>and</strong>written edition <strong>of</strong> Shiji 123 to his pioneer<strong>in</strong>g transla-<br />
— 59 —
tion. <strong>The</strong> whole would have been perfect had he arranged translation <strong>and</strong> text <strong>in</strong> parallel<br />
columns — <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> hanzi, or Ch<strong>in</strong>ese characters, two times larger. Any Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
text should be given as much space as is allotted to <strong>the</strong> translation: this usually means<br />
that a Ch<strong>in</strong>ese character, represent<strong>in</strong>g a full word, should be pr<strong>in</strong>ted about twice as<br />
large as a letter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> alphabet.<br />
Just like <strong>in</strong> HERZFELD’s long article, we can f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong>numerous <strong>in</strong>stances <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>Western</strong> literature where Greek <strong>and</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> historical sources are very carefully com-<br />
— result<strong>in</strong>g for <strong>in</strong>stance <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> equation Asiani = ”Asioi. But amongst this good<br />
pared<br />
number <strong>of</strong> authors, <strong>the</strong>re is not one who <strong>in</strong>cludes <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historical sources ad-<br />
i.e. Sima <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>and</strong> Ban Gu as prom<strong>in</strong>ently as Trogus <strong>and</strong> Strabo.<br />
equately,<br />
BAILEY, 1936: 912, <strong>in</strong>serts <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g tell<strong>in</strong>g note <strong>in</strong> his text:<br />
Speculations on <strong>the</strong>se ”Asioi Asiani are at present <strong>of</strong> little use. We cannot be sure from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Greek <strong>and</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> texts whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Asiani were k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari before or after <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
settlement <strong>in</strong> Tokhåristån.<br />
Here BAILEY subscribes to <strong>the</strong> equation Asiani = ”Asioi; he also knows that <strong>the</strong><br />
Asiani settled <strong>in</strong> Tocharistan — <strong>and</strong> not <strong>in</strong> Bactria: so one is <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to <strong>in</strong>fer from<br />
h is simple statement. But a few pages before, 1936: 887, <strong>the</strong> author writes:<br />
Tokhåristån ... <strong>the</strong> capital was Balkh ... It was <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> old Bactria. <strong>The</strong> evidence is<br />
furnished by Arabic, Armenian, Tibetan <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources. It is now not disputed.<br />
If BAILEY had known <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources as well as he did <strong>the</strong> Greek <strong>and</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong><br />
tex ts, he would have been assured by <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> apud Sima <strong>Qian</strong> that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
no doubt became <strong>the</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 after <strong>the</strong>y had settled <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong><br />
t hese Daxia, <strong>and</strong> surely not before. And if <strong>the</strong> same em<strong>in</strong>ent Iranist had been familiar<br />
w ith <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tricacies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> ancient Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcribed foreign names,<br />
h e quickly would have jumped to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 were <strong>the</strong> Asiani,<br />
or ”Asioi, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 Tochara, <strong>the</strong> later Tocharistan. He might<br />
<strong>the</strong>n have pondered <strong>the</strong> question whe<strong>the</strong>r Lanshi city 藍 市 城 , said to be <strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong><br />
Daxia, could really be Bactra, or Balkh, as <strong>the</strong> latter was clearly located outside Tocha-<br />
Phonetically it is <strong>in</strong> any case closer to (Da)rapsa, mentioned by Strabo<br />
ra/Tokhåristån.<br />
to be one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three largest <strong>and</strong> best-known cities <strong>of</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>a (see below, p. 78).<br />
<strong>The</strong> earliest Histories <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a, <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu, exist s<strong>in</strong>ce about two<br />
thous<strong>and</strong> years. <strong>The</strong>y have been translated <strong>in</strong>to <strong>Western</strong> languages s<strong>in</strong>ce close to two<br />
hundred years. To make proper use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se texts from a <strong>Western</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> view —<br />
does this still <strong>in</strong>volve bridg<strong>in</strong>g a gap too wide for a s<strong>in</strong>gle <strong>in</strong>dividual ?<br />
With <strong>the</strong> above clarifications, <strong>the</strong> next important step will be to underst<strong>and</strong> that it<br />
was <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 = Asii / Asiani to hide beh<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong> peoples <strong>the</strong>y conquered<br />
— or should I say: it was <strong>the</strong>re policy to identify <strong>the</strong>mselves with <strong>the</strong> peoples<br />
<strong>the</strong>y conquered. As <strong>the</strong>se subjugated nations, one after <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, were superior not<br />
only <strong>in</strong> numbers, but first <strong>and</strong> foremost <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sophistication <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir culture, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏<br />
were shrewd enough not to enforce <strong>the</strong>ir own coarse cultural background upon <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
subjects. In <strong>the</strong> contrary: <strong>the</strong>y chose to amalgamate with <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> take over what sophistication<br />
<strong>the</strong>y encountered <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> West. In one word: <strong>the</strong> Far <strong>Eastern</strong> 月 氏 , who<br />
had been neighbors <strong>of</strong> ancient Ch<strong>in</strong>a from times immemorial, <strong>in</strong> Central Asia quickly<br />
became <strong>the</strong> new, or pseudo-, Tochari. This was <strong>the</strong>ir ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong>telligent way to slip <strong>in</strong>to<br />
a <strong>Western</strong> identity. This transformation has not only baffled <strong>and</strong> confused modern research<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 for a long time, this <strong>in</strong>genious policy has <strong>in</strong> fact mislead peoples<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own times as well.<br />
After <strong>the</strong>ir long, <strong>in</strong>termittent stop-<strong>and</strong>-go migration, at <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 had no clear notion where it would end, this mongoloid nation <strong>of</strong> cattle<br />
<strong>and</strong> horse breeders — as well as accomplished traders — f<strong>in</strong>ally showed up <strong>in</strong> a totally<br />
new world. <strong>The</strong>y had crossed from one self-centered Oikumenê <strong>in</strong>to ano<strong>the</strong>r. Before<br />
<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , no nation <strong>in</strong> antiquity has done this. To be sure, no nation has achieved this<br />
— 60 —
<strong>in</strong> such an abrupt way. In <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Oikumenê <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 surely looked different, if<br />
not downright odd, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y spoke a language un<strong>in</strong>telligible for anyone — except maybe<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> who must have been fluent, not only <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, but also <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu 匈 奴 , <strong>the</strong> one-time close neighbors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 . <strong>The</strong> language<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu may have been close enough to that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 for <strong>the</strong> two peoples to<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> each o<strong>the</strong>r fairly well. <strong>The</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , <strong>the</strong>n, was everyth<strong>in</strong>g<br />
but Indo-European.<br />
When <strong>in</strong> 1971, at age 31, I stepped from a Soviet ship onto Japanese soil <strong>in</strong> Yokohama<br />
横 浜 , I became a six-year-old illiterate boy on <strong>the</strong> spot: it was a weird experience<br />
which I shall never forget. For <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>the</strong>ir culture shock first <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana,<br />
<strong>the</strong>n <strong>in</strong> Bactria, must have been immensely greater. But <strong>the</strong>y liked very much what<br />
<strong>the</strong>y saw <strong>in</strong> civilized Central Asia <strong>in</strong> general, <strong>and</strong> south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hissar Mounta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> paricular<br />
— as <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> noticed to his great chagr<strong>in</strong>. And <strong>of</strong> course, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 liked <strong>the</strong><br />
t<br />
fact that <strong>the</strong>y were now <strong>the</strong> masters <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong>se developed regions <strong>in</strong> this New World.<br />
When <strong>the</strong>y had f<strong>in</strong>ally conquered Daxia 大 夏 (Tochara) <strong>in</strong> 130/129 BCE <strong>and</strong> were about<br />
to settle <strong>in</strong> that l<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>y considered it greatly superior to any place <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> various<br />
l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>the</strong>y had lived <strong>in</strong> s<strong>in</strong>ce evacuat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir old pasture grounds <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hexi Corridor<br />
(modern Gansu) around 165 BCE. Daxia/Tochara was populous, well developed, had<br />
ple nty <strong>of</strong> l<strong>and</strong> under <strong>the</strong> plough; it also had great cities with markets supply<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />
most luxurious goods. In <strong>the</strong> upheavals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> past decades, <strong>the</strong> Daxia/Tochari had lost<br />
<strong>the</strong> last two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir former rulers: first <strong>the</strong> Greeks, <strong>the</strong>ir colonial masters s<strong>in</strong>ce Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s<br />
conquests (some two hundred years previous), <strong>and</strong> after <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Saiwang,<br />
who had been <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>gs for less than <strong>the</strong> span <strong>of</strong> a generation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 were now quickly fill<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> regal void <strong>in</strong> Daxia/Tochara. It is <strong>the</strong><br />
月 氏 who made <strong>the</strong> name Tochari great <strong>and</strong> famous — deliberately becom<strong>in</strong>g Tochari<br />
after <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Tochara. <strong>The</strong> strangers from <strong>the</strong> Far East were wise enough to<br />
adopt <strong>the</strong> local language — <strong>the</strong>y could hardly do anyth<strong>in</strong>g else —, <strong>and</strong> this local<br />
language was not Greek, but <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari. Hence, <strong>the</strong> proper name for<br />
that language is Tocharian. Toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>the</strong> name Bactria<br />
had disappeared. Only later Greek authors like Ammianus Marcell<strong>in</strong>us (or before<br />
him <strong>the</strong> unknown author <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Periplus), out <strong>of</strong> habit, go on to call <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> Tochara<br />
under <strong>the</strong>ir Asiani/Ruzhi 月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>Bactrian</strong>s. As a matter <strong>of</strong> fact, <strong>the</strong>se authors<br />
were perfectly correct, for when <strong>the</strong> unnamed Greek merchant wrote down his<br />
trader’s guidebook <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>ria <strong>of</strong> Egypt, c. 50 CE, <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 had just recently<br />
— f<strong>in</strong>ally — conquered all <strong>of</strong> former Greek Bactria — <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> feat had earned<br />
<strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> epi<strong>the</strong>t “warlike.” A good one hundred years later, however, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, Ptolemy splashes <strong>the</strong> name TÒcaroi <strong>in</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> variants all over his<br />
Northwest Indian <strong>and</strong> Central Asian map. <strong>The</strong> Asiani/ÅrÝi/Ruzhi have become Tochari/TÒcaroi/Tuchåra;<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are called wealthy <strong>and</strong> powerful by any author <strong>in</strong> East <strong>and</strong><br />
West from now on.<br />
<strong>The</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> this should be clear. It shows that HENNING, for one, is mistaken<br />
when <strong>in</strong> 1960: 47 he writes:<br />
... <strong>the</strong> genu<strong>in</strong>e TÒcaroi, who, com<strong>in</strong>g from Kan-su, conquered Bactria <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second<br />
century B.C. <strong>and</strong> caused that country to be renamed. <strong>The</strong> <strong>in</strong>vaders, as is <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>the</strong> case,<br />
adopted <strong>the</strong> native language <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> time.<br />
With his second statement, HENNING is clearly contradict<strong>in</strong>g his first. Ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 were <strong>the</strong> true TÒcaroi <strong>and</strong> brought <strong>the</strong>ir Tocharian language with <strong>the</strong>m<br />
which <strong>the</strong>y <strong>the</strong>n enforced upon <strong>the</strong> people <strong>the</strong>y conquered north <strong>and</strong> south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
upper Oxus. Or <strong>the</strong>y adopted <strong>the</strong> native language, i.e. <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people <strong>the</strong>y<br />
conquered, but <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>y <strong>the</strong>mselves cannot have been <strong>the</strong> genu<strong>in</strong>e TÒcaroi. For our<br />
lone trusted eyewitness, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ambassador <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, tells us <strong>in</strong> his Report,<br />
epitomized by Sima Tan <strong>and</strong> Sima <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123, that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 conquered<br />
Daxia 大 夏 — which is <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription, not <strong>of</strong> Bactria, but <strong>of</strong> Tochara. This<br />
— 61 —
all-important correction <strong>of</strong> a long-st<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g mistake is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> this careful study <strong>of</strong><br />
all relevant texts <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories. Had HENNING been aware <strong>of</strong> this<br />
correction, he would have grasped himself that someth<strong>in</strong>g was essentially wrong with<br />
his above statements.<br />
Incidently: as we will see below (p. 91), <strong>the</strong> oldest extant codex <strong>of</strong> Strabo’s Geography<br />
has, not TÒcaroi, but TACAROI. This seems to be <strong>the</strong> older version <strong>of</strong> this ethnicon.<br />
It is closely paralleled by <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription Daxia 大 夏 . <strong>The</strong> later name<br />
TÒcaroi is given <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese texts as Tuhuoluo (Tu-ho-lo) 吐 火 羅 <strong>and</strong> a number<br />
<strong>of</strong> variants. I wonder: do we hear about <strong>the</strong> Tachari/Tochari from any classical writers<br />
before 129 BCE ? Such early sources would be <strong>of</strong> great help to clarify who <strong>the</strong> genu<strong>in</strong>e<br />
Tochari were <strong>and</strong> where <strong>the</strong>y lived <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> third <strong>and</strong> second century BCE. Before 129<br />
BCE, <strong>the</strong> Tochari must not be confounded with <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 .<br />
Above, I have quoted one important difference <strong>in</strong> one particular paragraph <strong>of</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu<br />
61 when compared with <strong>the</strong> parallel, i.e. <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al, sentence <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123. It may<br />
be helpful, <strong>the</strong>refore, to reproduce <strong>the</strong> open<strong>in</strong>g paragraphs <strong>of</strong> both chapters here,<br />
mark<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>stances where <strong>the</strong>y differ by blank spaces or bold characters.<br />
Shiji 123. 3157–3159<br />
(1) 大 宛 之 跡 見 自 張 騫<br />
(2) 張 騫 漢 中 人<br />
(3) 建 元 中 為 郎<br />
(4)<br />
(9)<br />
是 時 天 子 問 匈 奴 降 者<br />
皆 言 匈 奴 破 月 氏 王 以<br />
其 頭 為 飲 器<br />
(5) 月 氏 遁 逃 而 常 怨 仇 匈<br />
奴 無 與 共 擊 之<br />
(6) 漢 方 欲 事 滅 胡 聞 此 言<br />
因 欲 通 使<br />
(7) 道 必 更 匈 奴 中 乃 募 能<br />
使 者<br />
(8) 騫 以 郎 應 募 使 月 氏 與<br />
堂 邑 氏 ( 故 ) 胡 奴 甘<br />
父 俱 出 隴 西<br />
經 匈 奴 匈 奴 得 之 傳 詣<br />
單 于<br />
(10) 單 于 留 之 曰<br />
(11) 月 氏 在 吾 北 漢 何 以 得<br />
往 使 吾 欲 使 越 漢 肯 聽<br />
我 乎<br />
(12) 留 騫 十 餘 歲 與 妻 有 子<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 61. 2687–2689<br />
(1)<br />
(2) 張 騫 漢 中 人 也<br />
(3) 建 元 中 為 郎<br />
(4) 時 匈 奴 降 者<br />
言 匈 奴 破 月 氏 王 以<br />
其 頭 為 飲 器<br />
(5) 月 氏 遁 而 怨 匈<br />
奴 無 與 共 擊 之<br />
(6) 漢 方 欲 事 滅 胡 聞 此 言<br />
欲 通 使<br />
(7) 道 必 更 匈 奴 中 乃 募 能<br />
使 者<br />
(8) 騫 以 郎 應 募 使 月 氏 與<br />
堂 邑 氏<br />
奴 甘<br />
父 俱 出 隴 西<br />
(9) 徑 匈 奴 匈 奴 得 之 傳 詣<br />
單 于<br />
(10) 單 于 曰<br />
(11) 月 氏 在 吾 北 漢 何 以 得<br />
往 使 吾 欲 使 越 漢 肯 聽<br />
我 乎<br />
(12) 留 騫 十 餘 歲 予 妻 有 子<br />
— 62 —
(13) 然 騫 持 漢 節 不 失<br />
(14) 居 匈 奴 中 益 寬 騫 因 與<br />
其 屬 亡 鄉 月 氏 西 走 數<br />
十 日 至 大 宛<br />
(15) 大 宛 聞 漢 之 饒 財 欲 通<br />
不 得 見 騫 喜 問 曰<br />
(16) 若 欲 何 之<br />
(17) 騫 曰<br />
(18) 為 漢 使 月 氏 而 為 匈 奴<br />
所 閉 道<br />
(19) 今 亡 唯 王 使 人 導 送 我<br />
(20) 誠 得 至 反 漢 漢 之 賂 遺<br />
王 財 物 不 可 勝 言<br />
(21) 大 宛 以 為 然 遣 騫 為 發<br />
導 繹 抵 康 居<br />
(22) 康 居 傳 致 大 月 氏<br />
(23) 大 月 氏 王 已 為 胡 所 殺<br />
立 其 太 子 為 王 既 臣 大<br />
夏 而 居<br />
(24) 地 肥 饒 少 寇 志 安 樂 又<br />
自 以 遠 漢 殊 無 報 胡<br />
之 心<br />
(25) 騫 從 月 氏 至 大 夏 竟 不<br />
能 得 月 氏 要 領<br />
(26) 留 歲 餘 還 並 南 山 欲 從<br />
羌 中 歸 復 為 匈 奴 所 得<br />
(27) 留 歲 餘 單 于 死 左 谷 蠡<br />
王 攻 其 太 子 自 立 國 內<br />
堂 邑 父<br />
(28)<br />
亂 騫 與 胡 妻 及<br />
俱 亡 歸 漢<br />
漢 拜 騫 為 太 中 大 夫 堂<br />
邑 父 為 奉 使 君<br />
(13) 然 騫 持 漢 節 不 失<br />
(14) 居 匈 奴 西 騫 因 與<br />
其 屬 亡 鄉 月 氏 西 走 數<br />
十 日 至 大 宛<br />
(15) 大 宛 聞 漢 之 饒 財 欲 通<br />
不 得 見 騫 喜 問<br />
(16) 欲 何 之<br />
(17) 騫 曰<br />
(18) 為 漢 使 月 氏 而 為 匈 奴<br />
所 閉 道<br />
(19) 今 亡 唯 王 使 人 道 送 我<br />
(20) 誠 得 至 反 漢 漢 之 賂 遺<br />
王 財 物 不 可 勝 言<br />
(21) 大 宛 以 為 然 遣 騫 為 發<br />
譯 道 抵 康 居<br />
(22)<br />
康 居 傳 致 大 月 氏<br />
(23) 大 月 氏 王 已 為 胡 所 殺<br />
立 其 夫 人 為 王 既 臣 大<br />
夏 而 君 之<br />
(24) 地 肥 饒 少 寇 志 安 樂 又<br />
自 以 遠 遠 漢 殊 無 報 胡<br />
之 心<br />
(25) 騫 從 月 氏 至 大 夏 竟 不<br />
能 得 月 氏 要 領<br />
(26) 留 歲 餘 還 並 南 山 欲 從<br />
羌 中 歸 復 為 匈 奴 所 得<br />
(27) 留 歲 餘 單 于 死<br />
(28)<br />
國 內<br />
堂 邑 父<br />
亂 騫 與 胡 妻 及<br />
俱 亡 歸 漢<br />
拜 騫 太 中 大 夫 堂<br />
邑 父 為 奉 使 君<br />
— 63 —
Ban Gu is show<strong>in</strong>g great respect for his a dmired predecessor. However, he is far<br />
from copy<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> older text verbatim as has <strong>of</strong>ten been claimed. Instead, Ban Gu is<br />
carefully edit<strong>in</strong>g Sima <strong>Qian</strong> — or Sima Tan<br />
who orig<strong>in</strong>ally may have written this im<strong>the</strong><br />
quoted text Ban Gu :<br />
porta nt chapter, later to be extended by his son. In<br />
— deletes 12 words (Ch<strong>in</strong>ese characters) which he considers unnecessary;<br />
— replaces 5 words by similar ones;<br />
— adds 2 words which do not change <strong>the</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g;<br />
— drops data <strong>in</strong> four <strong>in</strong>stances (considered irrelevant, but <strong>of</strong> value to us);<br />
— <strong>and</strong> provides us <strong>in</strong> three <strong>in</strong>stances with valuable emendations.<br />
<strong>The</strong> correction <strong>in</strong> phrase (14) has been discussed above (p. 22); <strong>the</strong> one <strong>in</strong> (21) is <strong>of</strong> little<br />
importance; <strong>the</strong> first one <strong>in</strong> (23) is only half <strong>the</strong> truth as Ban Gu says that, when <strong>the</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 had been sla<strong>in</strong> by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, his widow <strong>the</strong> queen took<br />
over — whereas Sima <strong>Qian</strong> had said that <strong>the</strong> crown pr<strong>in</strong>ce followed his fa<strong>the</strong>r. <strong>The</strong> full<br />
truth is likely to be that <strong>the</strong> queen took over<br />
<strong>in</strong> 165 BCE from her dead husb<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
that her son, <strong>the</strong> crown pr<strong>in</strong>ce, had become k<strong>in</strong>g some time before <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 subjugat-<br />
<strong>The</strong> second correction <strong>in</strong> phrase (23) is <strong>the</strong> im portant one which I have cited above<br />
ed th e Daxia <strong>in</strong> 130/129 BCE — a full generation later.<br />
( p. 58). Here Ban Gu replaces <strong>the</strong> one word 居 by <strong>the</strong> two words 君 之 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>reby<br />
is at pa<strong>in</strong>s here to clarify what Sima <strong>Qian</strong> ha d written. This clarification is important.<br />
For Sima <strong>Qian</strong>’s text translates<br />
... <strong>and</strong> (<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>the</strong>n) lived <strong>the</strong>re (i.e. <strong>in</strong> Daxia) 居 ,<br />
whereas Ban Gu gives us a valuable <strong>in</strong>terpre<br />
tation <strong>of</strong> this somewhat vague statement<br />
by Sima <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>in</strong> that his text po<strong>in</strong>tedly reads:<br />
... <strong>and</strong> (<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>the</strong>n) ruled over .<br />
<strong>the</strong>m 君 之<br />
大 夏 (Tochara), <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 were not<br />
In o<strong>the</strong>r words, after <strong>the</strong>y had conquered Daxia<br />
s imply liv<strong>in</strong>g amongst <strong>the</strong> Tochari (Shiji), bu t <strong>in</strong> fact ruled over <strong>the</strong>m (<strong>Han</strong>shu). This<br />
is ex actly what <strong>in</strong> imperial Rome Trogus — writ <strong>in</strong>g after Sima <strong>Qian</strong>, but long before<br />
Ban Gu — had formulated <strong>in</strong> just three terse words:<br />
... reges Tocharorum Asiani. <strong>The</strong> (Far <strong>Eastern</strong>) Asiani ( = 月 氏 became) <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
(Central Asian)<br />
Tochari.<br />
This is how Trogus expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> his “Summa<br />
ry” (prologus) what he was go<strong>in</strong>g to<br />
tell his readers at greater length <strong>in</strong> chapter 42 o f his History — but <strong>the</strong> Epitome <strong>of</strong><br />
Just<strong>in</strong>us has left us not one word <strong>of</strong> it. That <strong>of</strong> Trogus’ great work only his Prologi<br />
have come down to us is a tremendous loss, <strong>in</strong>de ed. As I have said already, it may just<br />
have been out <strong>of</strong> habit that <strong>the</strong> unknown Gree<br />
k author <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Periplus gives preference<br />
to <strong>the</strong> appellation Bactria, <strong>the</strong> time-honored nam e for <strong>the</strong> region between <strong>the</strong> Hissar<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush, when speak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani/Ruzhi 月 氏 . Towards <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> his<br />
l ifetime, <strong>in</strong> about <strong>the</strong> mid-first century CE, th is author writes down what he had seen,<br />
heard <strong>and</strong> experienced <strong>in</strong> a long life as a merchan t <strong>in</strong> a pr<strong>of</strong>itable, ocean-go<strong>in</strong>g trade <strong>in</strong><br />
luxury goods — an <strong>in</strong>valuable source <strong>of</strong> first-h<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>formation for us:<br />
( FABRICIUS 1883: 89)<br />
Es wohnen aber bei Barygaza<br />
<strong>in</strong> dem B<strong>in</strong>nenl<strong>and</strong>e mehrere<br />
Völker — das der Arattier, der<br />
Arachusier, G<strong>and</strong>aräer und<br />
das von Poklais, <strong>in</strong> welchem<br />
Bukephalos Alex<strong>and</strong>reia liegt.<br />
Und oberhalb dieser ist das<br />
sehr kriegerische Volk der Bak-<br />
trianen, die unter e<strong>in</strong>em eigenen<br />
Könige stehen.<br />
(CASSON 1989: 81) Periplus 47<br />
Inl<strong>and</strong> beh<strong>in</strong>d<br />
Barygaza 'Ep…keitai d kat¦ [nè]tou<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are numerous peo-<br />
tÁj Barug£zhj mesogeaj<br />
ples: <strong>the</strong> Aratrioi, Arachusi-<br />
<strong>the</strong> peo-<br />
oi, G<strong>and</strong>araioi, <strong>and</strong><br />
ple…ona œqnh, tÒ te tîn 'Aratr…wn<br />
kaˆ ['A]racous[…]wn kaˆ<br />
ples <strong>of</strong> Proklais, <strong>in</strong> whose<br />
G<strong>and</strong>ara…wn kaˆ tÁj Prokl[a]doj,<br />
area Bukephalos Alexan-<br />
a very<br />
dreia is located.<br />
And beyond <strong>the</strong>se is<br />
warlike people, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>s,<br />
under a k<strong>in</strong>g ...<br />
n oŒj ¹ Boukšfaarea<br />
loj 'Alex£ndreia.<br />
Kaˆ toÚtwn p£nw macimètaton<br />
œqnoj Baktrianîn, ØpÕ<br />
basilša Ôntwn ‡dion (tÒpon).<br />
— 64 —
Here, we seem to be gett<strong>in</strong>g a fleet<strong>in</strong>g glimpse <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> later 月 氏 viceroy-ships —<br />
now reduced from eight to five — which had just been united by one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se five viceroys.<br />
He had subsequently established himself as k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> had thus founded <strong>the</strong> second<br />
known Ruzhi 月 氏 dynasty, that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kushan 貴 霜 : Kujula Kadphises 丘 就 卻 .<br />
For this event, <strong>the</strong> term<strong>in</strong>us post quem is <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Han</strong> Dynasty, or <strong>the</strong><br />
year 26 CE. This must be so, because <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu knows much about <strong>the</strong>se five<br />
viceroys, <strong>the</strong>re called xihou 翎 侯 , but noth<strong>in</strong>g about <strong>the</strong>ir unification <strong>in</strong>to one. <strong>The</strong><br />
story <strong>of</strong> this unification — culm<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> epoqual creation <strong>of</strong> a new Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
(ra<strong>the</strong>r early) <strong>in</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom — is first narrated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hou <strong>Han</strong>shu <strong>and</strong> thus happened<br />
<strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Later <strong>Han</strong>.<br />
Writ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Greek historian Ammianus Marcell<strong>in</strong>us, <strong>in</strong> look<strong>in</strong>g back,<br />
reports on <strong>the</strong> ancient <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> more recent Ruzhi 月 氏 :<br />
(ROLFE 1940: 379–381)<br />
<strong>The</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s next to <strong>the</strong>se <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>i possess, a nation<br />
formerly warlike <strong>and</strong> very<br />
powerful, <strong>and</strong> always at odds<br />
with <strong>the</strong> Persians, until <strong>the</strong>y<br />
reduced all <strong>the</strong> peoples about<br />
<strong>the</strong>m to submission <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>corporated<br />
<strong>the</strong>m under <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own name.<br />
In ancient times <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
ruled by k<strong>in</strong>gs who were for-<br />
even to Arsaces.<br />
midable<br />
Many parts <strong>of</strong> this l<strong>and</strong>, like<br />
Margiana, are widely separated<br />
from <strong>the</strong> coast, but rich<br />
<strong>in</strong> vegetation; <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> herds<br />
which graze on <strong>the</strong>ir pla<strong>in</strong>s<br />
<strong>and</strong> mounta<strong>in</strong>s are thickset,<br />
with strong limbs, as appears<br />
from <strong>the</strong> camels brought from<br />
<strong>the</strong>re by Mithridates <strong>and</strong><br />
seen for <strong>the</strong> first time by <strong>the</strong><br />
Romans at <strong>the</strong> siege <strong>of</strong> Cyzicus<br />
[74 BCE].<br />
Several peoples are subject<br />
to <strong>the</strong>se same <strong>Bactrian</strong>s, notably<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tochari.<br />
Res Gestae 23. 6. 55–57<br />
Proximos his limites possident<br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>i, natio an-<br />
tehac bellatrix et potentissima.<br />
Persisque semper<br />
<strong>in</strong>festa, antequam circumsitos<br />
populos omnes ad<br />
dicionem gentilitatemque<br />
traheret nom<strong>in</strong>is sui,<br />
Quam rexere veteribus<br />
saeculis etiam Arsaci formidabiles<br />
reges.<br />
Eius pleraeque partes ita<br />
ut Margiana procul a litoribus<br />
sunt disparatae, sed<br />
humi gignentium fertiles,<br />
et pecus, quod illic per<br />
campestria loca vescitur<br />
et montana, membris est<br />
magnis compactum et validis,<br />
ut <strong>in</strong>dicio sunt cameli<br />
a Mithridate ex<strong>in</strong>de<br />
perducti et primitus <strong>in</strong> obsidione<br />
Cyzicena visi Romanis.<br />
Gentes isdem <strong>Bactrian</strong>is<br />
oboediunt plures, quas exsuperant<br />
Tochari.<br />
(VEH 1974: 415–416)<br />
Die angrenzenden Gebiete besitzen<br />
die Baktrianer, früher e<strong>in</strong>e<br />
kriegerische und sehr mächtige<br />
Nation, dabei immer mit<br />
den Persern verfe<strong>in</strong>det, bevor<br />
diese [Baktrianer] alle umliegenden<br />
Völkerschaften unter ihre<br />
Herrschaft brachten und ihrem<br />
Namen e<strong>in</strong>verleibten.<br />
In alten Zeiten wurde Baktrien<br />
von Königen regiert, die sogar<br />
e<strong>in</strong>em Arsakes Furcht e<strong>in</strong>jagten.<br />
Der Hauptteil des Gebietes ist<br />
ebenso wie Margiana weit von<br />
den Küsten entfernt, der Boden<br />
jedoch reich an Ertrag, und das<br />
Vieh, das dort auf Ebenen und <strong>in</strong><br />
Bergen weidet, besitzt stattliche<br />
und kräftige Glieder, wie die Kamele<br />
bestätigen, welche Mithridates<br />
von hier kommen ließ und<br />
die Römer bei der Belagerung<br />
von Kyzikos zum ersten Male zu<br />
sehen erhielten.<br />
Eben diesen Baktrianern s<strong>in</strong>d<br />
zahlreiche Völkerschaften untertan,<br />
<strong>in</strong>sbesondere die Tocharer.<br />
Here, we see <strong>the</strong> Asii/Asiani = 月 氏 , who had so long been a nation <strong>of</strong> nomads, well<br />
settled <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir new l<strong>and</strong>s, old Bactria. <strong>The</strong>y are called <strong>Bactrian</strong>s, warlike <strong>and</strong> very<br />
powerful. In <strong>the</strong> fourth centur y CE, Ammianus rem<strong>in</strong>ds us that <strong>in</strong> a ncient times —<br />
outside <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> his History — <strong>the</strong> (<strong>Græco</strong>-) <strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs had been feared by <strong>the</strong><br />
neighbor<strong>in</strong>g Parthian Arsacids <strong>and</strong> that now, much closer<br />
to his own times, <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 , or new <strong>Bactrian</strong>s, had for centuries been <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tocharians.<br />
Less than a century before <strong>the</strong> advent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , <strong>the</strong> description warlike <strong>and</strong><br />
powerful would have been appropriate for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks under a Euthydemos,<br />
Demetrios, Eucratides, called “wicked but valiant Yavanas” <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indian Yugapurå‡a<br />
(22–23) — or even under a Men<strong>and</strong>ros, called “a good k<strong>in</strong> g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>s” by Plu-<br />
<strong>the</strong>se valiant, forlorn, far-away <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks had<br />
tarchos (Moralia 281 D–E). But<br />
been deprived <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir great <strong>and</strong> prosperous k<strong>in</strong>gdom by<br />
nomadic hordes, storm<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong>ir civilized world from <strong>the</strong> wide steppes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> no rth. In <strong>the</strong> last years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
— 65 —
third century BCE, Euthydemos had warned Antiochos III, <strong>the</strong> Great, that <strong>the</strong>se nomadic<br />
peoples, called Skythai by <strong>the</strong> Greeks <strong>and</strong> Sakai by <strong>the</strong> Achaemenids accord<strong>in</strong>g<br />
to Herodotos, were a real danger to his k<strong>in</strong>gdom (Polybios 11.34. 4–5). But when <strong>the</strong>se<br />
feared Sakai nomads f<strong>in</strong>ally fell upon <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Eucratides, it<br />
was so because <strong>the</strong>y were pushed by a still more powerful nomadic people that had<br />
appeared out <strong>of</strong> nowhere <strong>and</strong> had carried all before <strong>the</strong>m. Without <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
sources we would be at a total loss as to where this nation <strong>of</strong> nomads had come from.<br />
In ano<strong>the</strong>r, to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> classic historians as yet unknown world, <strong>the</strong>y had been <strong>the</strong><br />
neighbors <strong>of</strong> archaic Ch<strong>in</strong>ese k<strong>in</strong>gdoms from times immemorial. Inside <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Oikumenê<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , under a number <strong>of</strong> names, had always been well known.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> West, <strong>the</strong> once odd-look<strong>in</strong>g strangers from ano<strong>the</strong>r world had been at great<br />
pa<strong>in</strong>s to assimilate — but also to dom<strong>in</strong>ate. <strong>The</strong>y had become <strong>the</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong> a good num<strong>of</strong><br />
Central <strong>and</strong> South Asian peoples. In <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>g cen turies, <strong>the</strong> Asii/As iani =<br />
ber<br />
月 氏 had not just conquered, first Tochara <strong>and</strong> much later <strong>the</strong><br />
rest <strong>of</strong> Bactria, but also<br />
<strong>the</strong> Kabul <strong>and</strong> Indus Valleys <strong>and</strong> had eventually extended <strong>the</strong>ir empire far beyond<br />
<strong>the</strong>se limits to <strong>the</strong> Gangetic Pla<strong>in</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Erythraean Sea. Now, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> fourth century<br />
CE <strong>and</strong> by <strong>the</strong> Greek historian Ammianus, <strong>the</strong>y are not called ei<strong>the</strong>r by <strong>the</strong>ir orig<strong>in</strong>al<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> name Asii/ÅrÝi/Ruzhi, nor are <strong>the</strong>y named new Tocharians, nor new Indo-<br />
at long last <strong>the</strong>y had<br />
Scythians. Instead, <strong>the</strong>y are here called <strong>the</strong> new <strong>Bactrian</strong>s. When<br />
conquered <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Bactria, <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , for <strong>the</strong> first time, had felt at home <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
West. Uprooted from <strong>the</strong> Hexi, evicted from <strong>the</strong> Ili, establish<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>mselves on <strong>the</strong> river<br />
Polytimetos (modern Zarafshan) or <strong>the</strong> wider region <strong>of</strong> Samark<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana, <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 had f<strong>in</strong>ally settled down <strong>and</strong> become civilized<br />
<strong>Western</strong>ers <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> famous<br />
l<strong>and</strong>s between <strong>the</strong> Hissar Mounta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush. Here <strong>the</strong>y became <strong>the</strong> new<br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>s, worthy successors to <strong>the</strong> old <strong>Bactrian</strong>s, <strong>the</strong> Greeks.<br />
Later still, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> seventh<br />
or eighth century, we get ano<strong>the</strong>r fa<strong>in</strong>t echo, now <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
orig<strong>in</strong>al ethnonyms Asii/Asiani = 月 氏 <strong>and</strong> Tochari = 大 夏 — <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same, already fawe<br />
are told that <strong>the</strong> ÅrÝi<br />
miliar, relationship <strong>of</strong> rulers to ruled. In <strong>the</strong> Old-Uighur texts<br />
had been <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Toχrϊ. As <strong>the</strong>se Toχrϊ had readily been equated with <strong>the</strong> To-<br />
F.W.K. MÜLLER, 1918: 579, was among <strong>the</strong> first to do<br />
chari, <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>the</strong> ÅrÝi, were to be identified with <strong>the</strong> Asii/Asiani.<br />
so:<br />
Zu diesem Erklärungsversuch des Namens årÝi durch ”ACIOI, Asiani würde auch die No-<br />
bedeuten, daß das<br />
tiz des Trogus »reges Thocarorum Asiani« gut passen, denn sie würde<br />
Volk »Tocharer«, die Herrscherschicht »årÝi« hieß.<br />
KONOW, 1932: 2–3, assisted:<br />
We know now that ano<strong>the</strong>r Indo-European, but not Iranian, language was called Tokharian<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Uigurs ... It is true that that language is not called Tokharian <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> published<br />
texts, but ÅrÝi, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> late F.W.K. MÜLLER was certa<strong>in</strong>ly right <strong>in</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g that ÅrÝi<br />
must be <strong>the</strong> same name as ”Asioi <strong>and</strong> Asiani, <strong>the</strong> »reges Thocarorum« accord<strong>in</strong>g to Trogus.<br />
It might <strong>the</strong>refore be ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed ... that <strong>the</strong> Uigur designation is due to <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong><br />
texts written <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> language had come from <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tokharians. <strong>The</strong> ÅrÝi may<br />
have come as conquerors from elsewhere.<br />
And aga<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong> 1934: 7:<br />
It <strong>the</strong>refore seems probable that ÅrÝi-Toχri was <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asioi-Yüe–chi who<br />
conquered <strong>the</strong> Tocharians-Ta–hia <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century B.C.<br />
In his epoch-mak<strong>in</strong>g book, 1938: 283–296, TARN has yet more to say about <strong>Zhang</strong><br />
<strong>Qian</strong> <strong>and</strong> some <strong>of</strong> his f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs are well worth quot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> discuss<strong>in</strong>g here:<br />
I have said that Chang-k’ien is quite clear that <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia (Bactria proper)<br />
was <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi. But almost every modern writer known to me attributes<br />
that conquest to “Sacas” driven southward by <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi, who are supposed to have<br />
— 66 —
occupied <strong>the</strong> country until <strong>the</strong> Yue-chi expelled or subdued <strong>the</strong>m. Chang-k’ien, who was<br />
<strong>the</strong>re, knows noth<strong>in</strong>g about this ...<br />
Certa<strong>in</strong>ly Strabo says that <strong>the</strong> Sacas occupied Bactria (XI, 511), but <strong>the</strong> most cursory perusal<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> context shows that throughout <strong>the</strong> whole section he is talk<strong>in</strong>g, not <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second<br />
century B.C., but <strong>of</strong> ... <strong>the</strong> seventh century ...<br />
An attempt has <strong>in</strong>deed been made s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory was started to found <strong>the</strong> supposed<br />
Saca conquest <strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria a little more plausible by cit<strong>in</strong>g a passage <strong>in</strong> Trogus, but<br />
as a matter <strong>of</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> Trogus’ text will not bear <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation put upon it (prol. XLI: “Saraucae<br />
et Asiani Bactra occupavere et Sogdianos” ... to mean that <strong>the</strong> Saraucae occupied<br />
Bactria <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani Sogdiana: a Lat<strong>in</strong> writer who meant this would have said so, Trogus’<br />
sentence, from its form, can only be a perfectly general statement). <strong>The</strong>re is <strong>in</strong> fact no<br />
reason <strong>of</strong> any k<strong>in</strong>d for th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g that Chang-k’ien was mistaken (<strong>the</strong> movements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang<br />
have been already dealt with); <strong>and</strong> whatever happened to outly<strong>in</strong>g parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom, <strong>the</strong> supposed Saca conquest <strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria proper is a myth.<br />
It is time to consider <strong>the</strong> Greek writers. Apollodorus attributes <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong><br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom to four nomad peoples, Asii, Pasiani, Tochari, <strong>and</strong> Sacarauli; “Trogus’<br />
source” formally attributes it to two, Asiani <strong>and</strong> Saraucae (Saraucae for MSS Sarancae is<br />
certa<strong>in</strong>), though subsequently he mentions <strong>the</strong> Tochari. Tak<strong>in</strong>g “Trogus’ source” first, one<br />
<strong>of</strong> his two names must represent Chang-k’ien’s Yueh-chi; <strong>and</strong> as <strong>the</strong> Saraucae (Sacaraucae),<br />
<strong>of</strong> whom someth<strong>in</strong>g is known, are out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> question, <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi are <strong>the</strong> Asiani. <strong>The</strong><br />
form Asiani is an (Iranian) adjectival form <strong>of</strong> Apollodorus’ Asii, which is <strong>the</strong> substantial<br />
form; <strong>the</strong> Asii <strong>the</strong>refore are <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi, whe<strong>the</strong>r (as some have supposed) <strong>the</strong> two words<br />
be identical, or not. From 1918 to 1936 it was fur<strong>the</strong>r believed that a Central Asian text gave<br />
<strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> a people <strong>Arsi</strong> who spoke toχrï (Tocharian) <strong>and</strong> who were <strong>the</strong> Greek Asii; <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Arsi</strong> were accord<strong>in</strong>gly supposed to be <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi <strong>and</strong> much has been written about <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
It has now been argued, with an impressive wealth <strong>of</strong> evidence, that Central Asian texts<br />
know no such people as <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> (Bailey 1936: 883, 905 sqq.) ...<br />
One must now turn to Chang-k’ien’s description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country just after <strong>the</strong> conquest.<br />
First, what is <strong>the</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> his name for Bactria proper, Ta-hia ? Before com<strong>in</strong>g to what<br />
I th<strong>in</strong>k is <strong>the</strong> true view, two older explanations, which will die hard, must be noticed. <strong>The</strong><br />
one most widely spread is that <strong>the</strong> Tocharoi were not <strong>the</strong> Yueh-chi at all, but were <strong>the</strong> Tahia,<br />
a <strong>the</strong>ory which has worked utter confusion <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> story ... <strong>The</strong>re is not, <strong>and</strong> never has<br />
been, one scrap <strong>of</strong> evidence for <strong>the</strong> identification Tochari = Ta-hia except this alleged phonetic<br />
equivalence, <strong>and</strong>, even were that plausible, all it would prove would be, not that <strong>the</strong><br />
Ta-hia were <strong>the</strong> Tochari, but that philology, though a good servant to <strong>the</strong> historian, can be<br />
a bad master. <strong>The</strong> matter is simple. <strong>The</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Bactria, we have seen, lies between<br />
141 <strong>and</strong> 128, <strong>and</strong> was almost certa<strong>in</strong>ly c. 130. <strong>The</strong> well-<strong>in</strong>formed Apollodorus, <strong>in</strong> whose lifetime<br />
<strong>the</strong> event took place, said that <strong>the</strong> Tochari at <strong>the</strong> time were nomads. Chang-k’ien,<br />
who saw <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia <strong>in</strong> 128, said that <strong>the</strong> Ta-hia were communities <strong>of</strong> unwarlike traders liv<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>in</strong> walled towns. A conquer<strong>in</strong>g horde <strong>of</strong> nomads does not, <strong>in</strong> two or three years time,<br />
turn <strong>in</strong>to communities <strong>of</strong> unwarlike traders liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> walled towns; <strong>the</strong>re is noth<strong>in</strong>g else<br />
which need be said, except to regret <strong>the</strong> waste <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>and</strong> learn<strong>in</strong>g lavished on erect<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong>ories upon such a basis ...<br />
To <strong>the</strong>se bold statements by TARN, my personal first comment is: this contradiction<br />
— between <strong>the</strong> Tochari as conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomads <strong>in</strong> Strabo, <strong>and</strong> as timid town dwel-<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> — is a valid <strong>and</strong> valuable observation. However, it does not exclude<br />
lers<br />
<strong>the</strong> equation Tochari = Daxia. It only means: <strong>the</strong> Tochari do not belong <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> list <strong>of</strong><br />
Strabo.<br />
An early critic <strong>of</strong> TARN’s book was BACHHOFER who, <strong>in</strong> 1941: 242–246, <strong>in</strong> a longer article,<br />
had one chapter, entitled “<strong>The</strong> Saka Conquest <strong>of</strong> Bactra.” With this, it is immeiately<br />
clear <strong>in</strong> what important po<strong>in</strong>t BACHHOFER is go<strong>in</strong>g to contradict his esteemed<br />
d<br />
colleague when he writes:<br />
— 67 —
Though <strong>the</strong>y have <strong>of</strong>ten been published <strong>and</strong> constantly quoted, it will be best for <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />
discussion to have <strong>the</strong> records on <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Bactria <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> subsequent<br />
events at h<strong>and</strong>. <strong>The</strong>y come from four sources, two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m <strong>Western</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs Ch<strong>in</strong>ese.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese reports were recently translated anew by Karlgren <strong>and</strong> I am us<strong>in</strong>g his<br />
versions.<br />
BACHHOFER <strong>the</strong>n quotes KARLGREN’s translations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relevant passages <strong>in</strong> Shiji<br />
123 <strong>and</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96A which I have cited above. Of Strabo, he gives <strong>the</strong> passage which<br />
i ncludes our famous list with <strong>the</strong> names <strong>of</strong> four nomadic peoples. After <strong>the</strong>se quotes<br />
BACHHOFER cont<strong>in</strong>ues:<br />
Of Trogus orig<strong>in</strong>al work only <strong>the</strong> prologues to <strong>the</strong> various books are left. Trogus wrote at<br />
<strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Augustus. His <strong>in</strong>formant about <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Bactria had written a history <strong>of</strong><br />
events <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> east at about <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Apollodoros, shortly after 87 B.C. (Tarn 1938: 48). It is<br />
necessary to give <strong>the</strong> pert<strong>in</strong>ent prologues <strong>in</strong> full, <strong>and</strong> not <strong>the</strong> usual excerpts (ed. O. Seel,<br />
Leipzig 1935).<br />
Prologus Libri XLI: Uno et quadragesimo volum<strong>in</strong>e cont<strong>in</strong>entur res Parthicae et <strong>Bactrian</strong>ae.<br />
In Parthicis ut est constitutum imperium per Arsacem regem. Successores de<strong>in</strong>de eius<br />
Artabanus et Tigranes cognom<strong>in</strong>e Deus, a quo subacta est Media et Mesopotamia. Dictusque<br />
<strong>in</strong> excessu Arabicae situs. In <strong>Bactrian</strong>is autem rebus, ut a Diodoto rege consitutum est:<br />
de<strong>in</strong>de quo regnante Scythicae gentes Saraucae et Asiani Bactra occupavere et Sogdianos.<br />
Indicae quoque res additae, gestae per Apollodotum et Men<strong>and</strong>rum, reges eorum.<br />
Prologus Libri XLII: Secundo et quadragesimo volum<strong>in</strong>e cont<strong>in</strong>entur Parthicae res. Ut<br />
praefectus Parthis a Phrate Himerus Mesenis bellum <strong>in</strong>tulit et <strong>in</strong> Babylonios et Seleucenses<br />
saeviit: utque Phrati successit Mithridates cognom<strong>in</strong>e magnus, qui Armeniis bellum <strong>in</strong>tulit.<br />
Ut varia complurium regum <strong>in</strong> Parthis successione imperium accepit Orodes, qui<br />
Crassum delevit, et Syriam per filium Pacorem occupavit. Illi succedit Phrates, qui cum Antonio<br />
bellum habuit, et cum Tiridate. Additae his res Scythicae. Reges Thocarorum Asiani,<br />
<strong>in</strong>teritusque Sacaraucarum.<br />
Thus <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese records credit <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chi with <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Bactria; Strabo four<br />
nomadic peoples, <strong>the</strong> Asii, Pasiani, Tochari <strong>and</strong> Sacarauli; Trogus two such peoples, <strong>the</strong><br />
Asiani <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae. It was seen long ago that <strong>the</strong> Asii <strong>and</strong> Asiani, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sacarauli<br />
<strong>and</strong> Sacaraucae were identical. It might be possible to reduce Strabo’s list fur<strong>the</strong>r, for<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is much to recommend Haloun’s suggestion (1937: 244) to read h asianoi <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong><br />
pasianoi.<br />
Any attempt to correlate <strong>the</strong> western <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese accounts depends, <strong>of</strong> course, on <strong>the</strong><br />
possibility <strong>of</strong> identify<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chi with one <strong>of</strong> those three, or possibly four, peoples<br />
mentioned by Apollodorus <strong>and</strong> Trogus’ source. <strong>The</strong> Sacaraucae (³aka Rawaka) were <strong>the</strong><br />
³akas beyond Sogd (para Sugdam) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tril<strong>in</strong>gual gold tablet <strong>of</strong> Darius I. (Tarn, p. 291).<br />
<strong>The</strong>y were probably identical with <strong>the</strong> Sai Wang <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, as proposed by A.<br />
Herrmann (Reallexikon, s.v. Sacaraucae). In any case, <strong>the</strong>y cannot have been <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chi.<br />
I need not recount <strong>the</strong> war <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ories waged for decades over whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong> Yüeh-chi<br />
were <strong>the</strong> Tocharians. This was done by Haloun ... it can be no longer doubted that <strong>the</strong><br />
Yüeh-chi <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese were <strong>the</strong> Tocharians <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> western records. <strong>The</strong>re is still <strong>the</strong><br />
puzzl<strong>in</strong>g fact that Chang Ch’ien whose report is <strong>the</strong> source <strong>of</strong> all Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>in</strong>formations, credits<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tocharians alone with <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Bactria, whereas Strabo, i.e. Apollodoros,<br />
makes <strong>the</strong>m share this feat with two, or possibly three, o<strong>the</strong>r peoples, <strong>and</strong> Trogus’ source<br />
does not mention <strong>the</strong>m at all <strong>in</strong> this connection.<br />
To evaluate <strong>the</strong>se accounts properly, <strong>the</strong> circumstances under which <strong>the</strong>ir authors received<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir <strong>in</strong>formation must b e considered. Chang Ch’ien came from <strong>the</strong> east <strong>and</strong> north;<br />
he had, <strong>in</strong> fact, travelled <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tocharians from Ch<strong>in</strong>a to Bactria. He came up<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> rear, i.e. <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> direction from which <strong>the</strong> attack on Bactria was launched, <strong>and</strong>, more<br />
important still, he arrived when everyth<strong>in</strong>g was over. Of what had happened at <strong>the</strong> front<br />
he rema<strong>in</strong>ed totally ignorant. He had not heard that <strong>the</strong> Greeks had been <strong>the</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong><br />
Bactria. <strong>The</strong> only h<strong>in</strong>t that <strong>the</strong> Tocharians did not succeed <strong>the</strong> Greeks immediately is <strong>the</strong><br />
— 68 —
passage <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> section about Ki-p<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch’ien <strong>Han</strong> Shu, which cannot possibly be <strong>in</strong>terpreted<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rwise than <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> cause <strong>and</strong> effect: <strong>the</strong> Tocharians drove <strong>the</strong> Sai Wang<br />
from Bactria to Ki-p<strong>in</strong> — see Karlgren’s discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem (<strong>in</strong> KONOW 1934: 10).<br />
With <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> his friend, <strong>the</strong> S<strong>in</strong>ologist KARLGREN, KONOW has been <strong>the</strong> first Wes-<br />
scholar to <strong>of</strong>fer us this greatly improved underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> crucial two phrases<br />
tern<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96A, section on Jib<strong>in</strong>. As I have found out, <strong>the</strong> same KONOW, some 18 years<br />
previous, or <strong>in</strong> 1916: 811, had written someth<strong>in</strong>g very different on <strong>the</strong> same Ch<strong>in</strong>ese text:<br />
Ich glaube es im vorhergehenden wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich gemacht zu haben ... daß die Ku•anas,<br />
d.h. die Yüe-tschi <strong>in</strong> Indien nicht im Gegensatz zu den ³akas auftraten, sondern sich vielmehr<br />
als ihre Erben benahmen. Der Schluß liegt jedenfalls sehr nahe, daß die beiden<br />
Stämme verw<strong>and</strong>t waren, und daß wir die ³aka-Eroberungen und die der Ku•anas als e<strong>in</strong>en<br />
zusammenhängenden Fortgang ansehen müssen. Die Berichte über frühere fe<strong>in</strong>dliche<br />
Beziehungen zwischen den beiden haben auch ke<strong>in</strong>e allzu gute Grundlage. In den <strong>Han</strong>-<br />
Annalen heißt es e<strong>in</strong>fach:<br />
»Vor alters, da die Hiung-nu die Ta Yüeh-tschi besiegt hatten, g<strong>in</strong>gen die Ta Yüeh-tschi<br />
nach Westen und machten sich zu Herren von Ta-hia, die Sai-wang aber g<strong>in</strong>gen nach<br />
Süden und machten sich zu Herren von Ki-p<strong>in</strong>.«<br />
KONOW <strong>the</strong>n states <strong>in</strong> a footnote that he is quot<strong>in</strong>g FRANKE 1904: 46. In this way he<br />
actually puts <strong>the</strong> blame on FRANKE: <strong>the</strong> accomplished German S<strong>in</strong>ologist had failed to<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong>se two or ra<strong>the</strong>r three sentences only make sense when one grasps<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir logical connection. This connection is provided by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> first phrase is<br />
t he cause for <strong>the</strong> second, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> second <strong>the</strong> cause for <strong>the</strong> third. FRANKE, however, had<br />
t ranslated “but ...” <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> this way he had ru<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> logical sequence <strong>of</strong> cause <strong>and</strong><br />
effect. <strong>The</strong> third phrase thus became disconnected <strong>and</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>gless. Only when we<br />
g rasp that we must comb<strong>in</strong>e all three sentences <strong>in</strong>to one gr<strong>and</strong> logical statement do we<br />
get a chance to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> this typically terse ancient Ch<strong>in</strong>ese prose. It<br />
is condens<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Eastern</strong>, Central <strong>and</strong> South Asian history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second <strong>and</strong> first<br />
centuries BCE <strong>in</strong>to just three short, <strong>in</strong>terconnected phrases — to say <strong>the</strong> same <strong>in</strong><br />
modern Ch<strong>in</strong>ese would require twice as many words. FRANKE’s translation, mea-<br />
corrected, would run like n<strong>in</strong>gfully this:<br />
( FRANKE 1904: 46)<br />
( Das Königreich Ki-p<strong>in</strong>)<br />
...<br />
Vor alters, als die Hiung-nu 匈 奴 die Ta<br />
Yüe-chi besiegt hatten,<br />
( da entflohen) die Ta Yüe-chi 月 氏 nach<br />
Westen und machten sich zu Herren von Ta-<br />
(Tochara),<br />
hia<br />
woraufh<strong>in</strong> die Sai-wang 塞 王 nach Sü-<br />
(entflohen) und sich zu Herren von Ki-<br />
den<br />
p<strong>in</strong> (Taxila) machten.<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 96A. 3884<br />
罽 賓 國<br />
…<br />
昔 匈 奴 破 大 月 氏<br />
大 月 氏 西 君 大 夏<br />
而 塞 王 南 君 罽 賓<br />
Before <strong>the</strong> above short quote from <strong>Han</strong>shu 96A, FRANKE, <strong>in</strong> his much-quoted book<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1904, translates an equally short quote from ano<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Han</strong>shu chapter. To under-<br />
<strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang as told <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> early Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, it is <strong>of</strong> importance<br />
st<strong>and</strong><br />
to read <strong>the</strong>se two closely related excerpts <strong>of</strong> two different <strong>Han</strong>shu chapters side by side.<br />
I r eproduce FRANKE’s translation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three or four sentences <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 61, add<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese orig<strong>in</strong>al.<br />
( FRANKE 1904: 46)<br />
Die Yüe-chi waren von den Hiung-nu besiegt<br />
worden (und) hatten im Westen die 塞 王 Sai-<br />
wang angegriffen.<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 61. 2692<br />
時 月 氏 已 為 匈 奴 所 破<br />
西 擊 塞 王<br />
— 69 —
Die Sai-wang g<strong>in</strong>gen nach Süden und w<strong>and</strong>er-<br />
weit fort.<br />
ten<br />
Die Yüe-chi (aber) wohnten <strong>in</strong> ihrem L<strong>and</strong>e ...<br />
塞 王 南 走 遠 徙<br />
月 氏 居 其 地 …<br />
Here <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu rema<strong>in</strong>s ra<strong>the</strong>r vague <strong>in</strong> one important po<strong>in</strong>t: when attacked <strong>and</strong><br />
beaten by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 preferred to migrate “... to <strong>the</strong> south, far<br />
away...” 南 走 遠 徙 . This shows that <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese were clearly at a loss as far as some<br />
parts <strong>of</strong> Saiwang history were concerned. <strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historians had caught short<br />
glimpses <strong>of</strong> that history <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> one way or ano<strong>the</strong>r had to piece <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> miss<strong>in</strong>g periods.<br />
R ead toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> imperfectly translated passage from <strong>Han</strong>su 96A/Kip<strong>in</strong>, <strong>the</strong><br />
impression for a few generations <strong>of</strong> scholars has been that <strong>the</strong> Saiwang moved <strong>in</strong> one<br />
l ong, un<strong>in</strong>terrupted trek from <strong>the</strong>ir orig<strong>in</strong>al pasture grounds <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> upper Ili River<br />
v alley all <strong>the</strong> way to <strong>the</strong> Northwest <strong>of</strong> India, <strong>in</strong>dependent <strong>of</strong> what <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 had<br />
done after <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>in</strong>itial clash with <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 . As today we know a good deal<br />
more <strong>of</strong> Saka history, we are safe to assume that <strong>the</strong>se Scythian nomads must have left<br />
<strong>the</strong> valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> upper Ili River sometime around 160 BCE, to arrive <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Panjab not<br />
before 60 BCE. Thus <strong>the</strong> trek would have lasted an impossible one hundred years. We<br />
have a great blank space here. What had really happened <strong>in</strong> this long time <strong>of</strong> at least<br />
three generations ? <strong>The</strong> clue to this was not to be found <strong>in</strong> new discoveries. It was solely<br />
to be found <strong>in</strong> a better underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> what we have had before us all <strong>the</strong> time <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historical sources.<br />
KARLGREN’S closer look at Shiji 123 (paralleled <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 61) <strong>and</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96A on<br />
Jib<strong>in</strong> (Ki-p<strong>in</strong>), <strong>in</strong> what <strong>the</strong>se books had to say about <strong>the</strong> migrations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 , led him to an <strong>in</strong>telligent re-appraisal <strong>and</strong> a careful new translation<br />
<strong>of</strong> one crucial sentence <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu chapter on Jib<strong>in</strong>. When comb<strong>in</strong>ed with Xu<br />
Song’s short, but crucial 19th century comment —<br />
“<strong>The</strong> Saiwang had been <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia”<br />
塞 王 大 夏 之 王 也<br />
<strong>the</strong> hidden mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> that sentence suddenly jumps to <strong>the</strong> eye. <strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 —<br />
who had evicted <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 first out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> upper Ili River valley, later out <strong>of</strong><br />
Sogdiana, i.e. <strong>the</strong> region <strong>of</strong> Samark<strong>and</strong> — now chase <strong>the</strong> Saiwang also out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Da xia 大 夏 where <strong>the</strong> Saiwang had ruled for some time (less than a gen-<br />
In our context, we are now <strong>in</strong> a position to note down an important fact: <strong>The</strong> Chi-<br />
eration, as we know today).<br />
nese sources, i.e. Ban Gu <strong>and</strong> later compilers<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories, also knew, not<br />
just one sole people — as VON GUTSCHMID, TARN <strong>and</strong> many later writers erroneously<br />
believed —, but two different peoples <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> wrest<strong>in</strong>g Bactria from <strong>the</strong> Greeks.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Central Asian Saiwang 塞 王 took <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria from <strong>the</strong> Greeks, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> East<br />
Asian Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>the</strong>n took Daxia 大 夏 (<strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria) from <strong>the</strong> Saiwang. <strong>The</strong><br />
latter were forced to occupy <strong>Western</strong> Bactria<br />
, <strong>the</strong> area around <strong>the</strong> capital Bactra. And<br />
soon afterwards we expect <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 to have taken <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>a <strong>in</strong> one last<br />
great sweep — annihilat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Saiwang, as pronounced by Trogus. However, I believe<br />
that this was not so.<br />
When <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 129 <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> arrived <strong>in</strong> Daxia 大 夏 , or Tochara, from<br />
<strong>the</strong> north <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rear, <strong>the</strong> fight<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>re was over s<strong>in</strong>ce possibly just a few months.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 had f<strong>in</strong>ally <strong>and</strong> firmly taken possession <strong>of</strong> Daxia by mov<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
ordos from Samark<strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn, or right, bank <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus River. <strong>The</strong> Saiwang<br />
塞 王 had disappeared — maybe without putt<strong>in</strong>g up much <strong>of</strong> a fight. <strong>The</strong>y had left beh<strong>in</strong>d<br />
a Daxia without an army <strong>and</strong> without a k<strong>in</strong>g. A few months later, <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong><br />
heard noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greeks <strong>and</strong>, more surpris<strong>in</strong>gly, he heard noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang.<br />
Hence, <strong>the</strong> Shiji, too, knows noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang. <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> heard, <strong>and</strong> saw, that<br />
<strong>the</strong> Daxia were good traders, but bad soldiers.<br />
From this alone we should have been<br />
able to deduce that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 did not conquer <strong>the</strong>ir new possessions from <strong>the</strong><br />
gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia —<br />
Daxia 大 夏 , but from those who had been <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 .<br />
— 70 —
Most <strong>of</strong> this we could have learned from KONOW’S elucidat<strong>in</strong>g Indian paper as early<br />
as 1934. In it, he quietly revoked his earlier utterances <strong>of</strong> 1916. Yet, too few European<br />
scholars read his new article. BACHHOFER, however, had studied it carefully <strong>and</strong> had<br />
fully grasped <strong>the</strong> important new facts com<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> new <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> a crucial<br />
passage <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96A — <strong>the</strong> one on <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> Jib<strong>in</strong> (Northwest India). BACH-<br />
HOFER’s reason<strong>in</strong>g is valuable <strong>and</strong> very much to <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t when he declares :<br />
<strong>The</strong> situation, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> outlook were radically different for a Greek historian. To him this<br />
loss <strong>of</strong> Bactria was a catastrophe <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first rank, <strong>and</strong> his ma<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terest must have been to<br />
f<strong>in</strong>d out to whom it was lost. <strong>The</strong> <strong>in</strong>formants <strong>of</strong> Strabo <strong>and</strong> Trogus agree that <strong>the</strong> conquerors<br />
were <strong>the</strong> Scythian tribes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae. <strong>The</strong>y disagree only <strong>in</strong>s<strong>of</strong>ar,<br />
as <strong>the</strong> one mentions also <strong>the</strong> Tocharians <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r does not. But about <strong>the</strong> rôle <strong>of</strong><br />
those two peoples <strong>the</strong>y are both very def<strong>in</strong>ite, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re is no ground to doubt <strong>the</strong> correctness<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir statement (as Tarn does, who says emphatically that “<strong>the</strong> supposed Saca conquest<br />
<strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria is a myth” — p. 284). It can be assumed that <strong>the</strong>se writers, unlike<br />
Chang Ch’ien, were best advised about <strong>the</strong> first wave <strong>of</strong> assault which broke over Bactria.<br />
But even <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>re was room for be<strong>in</strong>g better or worse <strong>in</strong>formed: when Trogus’ source<br />
does not count <strong>the</strong> Tocharians among those who wrested Bactria from <strong>the</strong> Greeks, this<br />
proves only that Trogus’ source was better apprised than Apollodoros with his sweep<strong>in</strong>g<br />
statement ...<br />
BACHHOFER still believes <strong>in</strong> TARN’s fictitious “ Trogus’ source.” We see here that he,<br />
like so many before him, fails to underst<strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> Asiani <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae were<br />
not both Scythians, but belonged to two totally separate worlds which shortly before<br />
had known noth<strong>in</strong>g about each o<strong>the</strong>r. Strabo had expressed himself to <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
both peoples were Scythian tribes, but <strong>the</strong> Greek geographer was absolutely ignorant<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Far <strong>Eastern</strong> Oikumenê <strong>and</strong> <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a — except that he mentions, without fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
comment, <strong>the</strong> mšcri Shrîn kaˆ FrÚnwn (below, p. 78) which I take to mean <strong>the</strong><br />
Tar im Bas<strong>in</strong> beyond <strong>the</strong> Pamirs: to Strabo, <strong>the</strong>n, <strong>the</strong> eastern end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world was peo-<br />
pled by <strong>the</strong> Silk Traders <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir Xiongnu overlords. When <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks ex-<br />
tended <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>gdom to Ferghana, as Strabo seems to <strong>in</strong>dicate, <strong>the</strong> Sêres <strong>and</strong> Phrynoi<br />
had become <strong>the</strong>ir neighbors — for a brief period <strong>of</strong> time. <strong>The</strong>se peoples had thus constituted<br />
<strong>the</strong> eastern end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hellenistic Oikumenê.<br />
But from <strong>the</strong> westernmost Tarim Bas<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al homel<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asii/Asiani =<br />
月 氏 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hexi 河 西 Corridor (modern Gansu 甘 肅 prov<strong>in</strong>ce) — around <strong>the</strong>ir old<br />
ordos <strong>of</strong> Zhaowu 昭 武 (modern <strong>Zhang</strong>ye 張 掖 ), <strong>the</strong> Qog£ra (Thogara) <strong>of</strong> Ptolemaios<br />
6.16.8 — were still thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> kilometers fur<strong>the</strong>r east. In some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> oldest Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
books such as <strong>the</strong> Guanzi 管 子 , <strong>the</strong> Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆 天 子 傳 or <strong>the</strong> Yizhoushu<br />
逸 周 書 , <strong>and</strong> under a number <strong>of</strong> different names such as Yuzhi 禺 氏 , Niuzhi 牛 氏 ,<br />
<strong>Wu</strong>zhi 烏 氏 , <strong>the</strong> ancestors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 constituted one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eight different<br />
tribes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xi Rong 西 戎 or “<strong>Western</strong> Barbarians.” In <strong>the</strong> late seventh century BCE<br />
<strong>the</strong>y f<strong>in</strong>ally moved <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> Hexi 河 西 , or area “West <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> (Yellow) River,” — com<strong>in</strong>g<br />
from <strong>the</strong> north <strong>and</strong> from still fur<strong>the</strong>r east. <strong>The</strong> early Ruzhi 月 氏 never had anyth<strong>in</strong>g to<br />
do with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Oikumenê prior to <strong>the</strong> start <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir migrations towards Central<br />
Asia <strong>in</strong> 165 BCE.<br />
Trogus, follow<strong>in</strong>g Apollodoros’ book, had strictly separated <strong>the</strong> Asiani (Ruzhi 月 氏 )<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Sa(ca)raucae (Saiwang 塞 王 ). But Strabo, with <strong>the</strong> same second h<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation,<br />
had lumped <strong>the</strong> Far <strong>Eastern</strong> Asioi (Ruzhi 月 氏 ) toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> easternmost<br />
Scythian tribes he knew: <strong>the</strong> Sakai/Sakaraukai <strong>of</strong> Central Asia (Saiwang 塞 王 ). Thus,<br />
Strabo started <strong>the</strong> erroneous belief that <strong>the</strong> Asioi/Ruzhi 月 氏 were just one more tribe<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Skythai/Sakai. This unfortunate confusion was carried over <strong>in</strong>to modern studies<br />
on <strong>the</strong>se nomadic peoples by SPECHT <strong>and</strong> LÉVI — <strong>and</strong> is still felt <strong>in</strong> our own time.<br />
With BACHHOFER we go back one step <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 . As a<br />
people from East Asia <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> mongoloid stock, <strong>the</strong>y were radically different from <strong>the</strong><br />
Tocharians: first <strong>of</strong> all <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir looks, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir language; <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> a great num-<br />
— 71 —
er <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r respects, too. To be sure, <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> would not have confounded <strong>the</strong> two<br />
peoples for one m<strong>in</strong>ute. His descriptions are clear.<br />
<strong>The</strong> great confusion only began some time after <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> had departed. <strong>The</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 made every effort to became (<strong>the</strong> new) Tocharians. Above (p. 56) we have<br />
seen that Just<strong>in</strong>us 42.2.2 speaks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari who are attacked by <strong>the</strong> Parthian k<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Artabanos I. Of <strong>the</strong>se AMANTINI, 1981: 547 3 , comments:<br />
Verso il 123 a.C. I Tocarii sono gli Yue-Tchi.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 strove to present <strong>the</strong>mselves as worthy rulers <strong>of</strong> a people with a<br />
v astly superior culture which, for better or worse, had become <strong>the</strong>ir subjects. That <strong>the</strong><br />
月 氏 were different from every o<strong>the</strong>r people <strong>in</strong> Central Asia is clear from <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y alone — <strong>the</strong>ir close cous<strong>in</strong>s, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun, had rema<strong>in</strong>ed beh<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> region <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
u pper Ili <strong>and</strong> Chu Rivers <strong>and</strong> around Lake Issyk Köl <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> fact never crossed <strong>the</strong><br />
Jaxartes — had arrived from a totally different, hi<strong>the</strong>rto utterly unknown Oikumenê,<br />
or Inhabited World. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, before 160 BCE <strong>the</strong>ir is no way <strong>of</strong> mistak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />
R uzhi 月 氏 for a Central Asian people. Whereas, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> generations that followed, it<br />
b ecame soon nearly impossible to tell <strong>the</strong> two apart: first, <strong>the</strong> true <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> new Kangju,<br />
<strong>and</strong> soon afterwards, <strong>the</strong> true <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> new Daxia (Tochari). Here is <strong>the</strong> place to <strong>in</strong>sert<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 or Tochari, as found it <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123; aga<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />
English <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese.<br />
(WATSON 1993: 235–236)<br />
(<strong>The</strong> capital <strong>of</strong>) <strong>the</strong> Da–xia (Bactria) is located<br />
over two thous<strong>and</strong> ›li‹ south-west<br />
<strong>of</strong> (<strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong>) <strong>the</strong> Da Yuan, south <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Gui River (Oxus).<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir people are settled on <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>; <strong>the</strong>y<br />
have cities <strong>and</strong> houses <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y resemble<br />
<strong>the</strong> Da Yuan <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir customs.<br />
(<strong>The</strong>y have) no great ruler (but only) a<br />
good number <strong>of</strong> petty chiefs established<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> cities <strong>and</strong> villages.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir soldiers are poor <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> arms<br />
<strong>and</strong> afraid <strong>of</strong> battle.<br />
(But <strong>the</strong>y are) clever at commerce.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> Great Yue–zhi had moved west<br />
attack<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
completely subjugated <strong>and</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ated<br />
<strong>the</strong> Da–xia.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Da–xia population is large, (number<strong>in</strong>g)<br />
some million or more (persons).<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir capital is called <strong>the</strong> city <strong>of</strong> Lan–shi<br />
(Bactra) <strong>and</strong> it has a market where all<br />
sorts <strong>of</strong> goods are bought <strong>and</strong> sold.<br />
To <strong>the</strong>ir sou<strong>the</strong>ast is <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong><br />
Shen–du (India).<br />
(<strong>Zhang</strong>) <strong>Qian</strong> reported:<br />
“ When ( I ) your servant was <strong>in</strong> Da–xia<br />
I saw bamboo canes from Qiong <strong>and</strong><br />
cloth (made <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> prov<strong>in</strong>ce) <strong>of</strong> Shu.<br />
I asked (<strong>the</strong> people):<br />
›Where did you get <strong>the</strong>se (articles) ?‹<br />
<strong>The</strong> people <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Da–xia<br />
replied:<br />
›Our merchants go (to buy <strong>the</strong>m) <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
markets <strong>of</strong> Shen–du.‹<br />
Shen–du (<strong>the</strong>y told me) lies sou<strong>the</strong>ast <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Da–xia (at a distance <strong>of</strong>) some sever-<br />
Shiji 123. 3164–3166<br />
大 夏 在 大 宛 西 南 二 千 餘 里<br />
媯 水 南<br />
其 俗 土 著 有 城 屋 與 大 宛 同<br />
俗<br />
無 大 ( 王 ) [ 君 ] 長 往 往<br />
城 邑 置 小 長<br />
其 兵 弱 畏 戰<br />
善 賈 市<br />
及 大 月 氏 西 徙 攻 敗 之 皆 臣<br />
畜 大 夏<br />
大 夏 民 多 可 百 餘 萬<br />
其 都 曰 藍 市 城 有 市 販 賈 諸<br />
物<br />
其 東 南 有 身 毒 國<br />
騫 曰<br />
臣 在 大 夏 時 見 邛 竹 杖 蜀 布<br />
問 曰<br />
安 得 此<br />
大 夏 國 人 曰<br />
— 72 —
al thous<strong>and</strong> ›li‹.<br />
Its people are settled on <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
greatly resemble <strong>the</strong> Da–xia.<br />
But (<strong>the</strong> region) is said to be flat, damp<br />
<strong>and</strong> extremely hot.<br />
Its <strong>in</strong>habitants ride elephants (when <strong>the</strong>y<br />
go) <strong>in</strong>to battle.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>gdom (is located) on a great<br />
river.<br />
Accord<strong>in</strong>g to (your servant <strong>Zhang</strong>) <strong>Qian</strong>’s<br />
calculations (<strong>the</strong> distance from <strong>the</strong> capital<br />
<strong>of</strong>) <strong>the</strong> Da–xia to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> (capital<br />
Chang–an) is twelve thous<strong>and</strong> ›li‹, <strong>and</strong><br />
its location is southwest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> (capital)<br />
...”<br />
吾 賈 人 往 市 之 身 毒<br />
身 毒 在 大 夏 東 南 可 數 千 里<br />
其 俗 土 著 大 與 大 夏 同 而 卑<br />
溼 暑 熱 云<br />
其 人 民 乘 象 以 戰<br />
其 國 臨 大 水 焉<br />
以 騫 度 之 大 夏 去 漢 萬 二 千<br />
里 居 漢 西 南 …<br />
This is a good deal <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation about <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 , a people whose very name<br />
was well-nigh unknown until <strong>the</strong>n. <strong>The</strong>re is precise data on <strong>the</strong> location, <strong>the</strong> size <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> political constitution <strong>of</strong> this country, as well as a rough description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> manners<br />
<strong>of</strong> its <strong>in</strong>habitants, said to be similar to those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> Da Yuan 大 苑 (Ferghana)<br />
<strong>and</strong> Shendu 身 毒 (Northwest India).<br />
Hence <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 = Tochari are everyth<strong>in</strong>g but nomads. <strong>The</strong>y are settled,<br />
good merchants <strong>and</strong> not at all warlike lik e <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 or <strong>the</strong> still more fearful<br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 . With a population <strong>of</strong> about o ne million or more we know that we have to<br />
do here with <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous population <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria. <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> tells us that <strong>the</strong><br />
月 氏 attacked <strong>and</strong> conquered <strong>the</strong> Daxia. This is, <strong>in</strong> fact, not a really correct view <strong>of</strong><br />
what had happened. He should have stated<br />
that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 attacked <strong>the</strong> Saiwang, <strong>the</strong> fo-<br />
<strong>The</strong> Saiwang <strong>the</strong>n fled <strong>and</strong> left <strong>the</strong> coun-<br />
reign rulers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> peaceful local Tocharians. try to <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 to occupy. We may <strong>in</strong>fer from <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s description that <strong>the</strong> Sai-<br />
<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 crossed <strong>the</strong> Hissar Mounta<strong>in</strong>s<br />
wang did not put up much resistance when<br />
<strong>and</strong> (for a third time) attacked <strong>the</strong> Saiwang, now <strong>in</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria, which <strong>the</strong>se no-<br />
some fifteen years previous. This was <strong>the</strong><br />
mads had wrested from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks<br />
span <strong>of</strong> time <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had needed to consolidate <strong>the</strong>ir position up north <strong>in</strong> Samark<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Sog diana, becom<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> new, or pseudo-, Kangju 康 居 after evict<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> Saiwang from <strong>the</strong> region. Out <strong>of</strong> that power base <strong>the</strong>y broke through <strong>the</strong> mounta<strong>in</strong><br />
barrier north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus <strong>and</strong> cont<strong>in</strong>ued chas<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir only <strong>and</strong> favorite enemy, <strong>the</strong> Saiwang<br />
塞 王 , or “Royal Sakas.” <strong>The</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Daxia 大 夏 by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 must<br />
have been what <strong>in</strong> Japanese would be ca<br />
lled asameshi mae 朝 飯 前 — an easy job.<br />
When <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> is shown around an unspecified town <strong>in</strong> Daxia — which I take to be<br />
<strong>the</strong> old capital, i.e. Lanshi 藍 市 (<strong>the</strong> Darapsa <strong>of</strong> Strabo; see above, p. 51), a short dis-<br />
as usual: <strong>the</strong> markets are bristl<strong>in</strong>g with life<br />
tance beyond <strong>the</strong> Oxus —, it is all bus<strong>in</strong>ess<br />
<strong>and</strong> even <strong>the</strong> long-distance trade <strong>in</strong> luxury<br />
goods is work<strong>in</strong>g admirably well.<br />
3. HOW ARE WE TO UNDERSTAND THE FOUR NAMES IN STRABO’S LIST ?<br />
With KARLGREN, KONOW, <strong>and</strong> BACHHOFER we know now that <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources,<br />
too, speak <strong>of</strong> two nomadic peoples tak<strong>in</strong>g part <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Bactria. This is<br />
paralleled by what Trogus tells us: that, at first, <strong>the</strong> Asiani conquered Sogdiana <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Sa(ca)raucae Bactra (not Bactria); that follow<strong>in</strong>g this <strong>the</strong> Asiani subjugated <strong>the</strong> Tobecame<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>gs; <strong>and</strong> that, f <strong>in</strong>ally, <strong>the</strong> Sa(ca)raucae were destroyed, pre-<br />
chari <strong>and</strong><br />
sumably <strong>in</strong> Bactria.<br />
Hence, it is only Strabo’s list which has, not two, but four names: <strong>the</strong> additional<br />
two names be<strong>in</strong>g those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pasianoi <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tocharoi. Strabo names <strong>the</strong> Greek hisare<br />
able to show that <strong>the</strong> same Apollodoros torian Apollodoros as his source. If we<br />
<strong>and</strong><br />
— 73 —
his Parthian History also was <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> source for Trogus — <strong>and</strong> not a separate <strong>and</strong><br />
very shadowy “ Trogus’ source” — <strong>the</strong>n we<br />
shall be able to solve <strong>the</strong> enigma <strong>of</strong> Strabo’s<br />
longer list. In this context I must quote TARN’s famous book once more. In his Appen-<br />
(1938: 515), he dix 21 on “<strong>The</strong> Greek names <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari” writes:<br />
Apollodorus, c. 100 B.C., has TÒcaroi (Tocharoi); this form was popularized by Strabo<br />
<strong>and</strong> has passed <strong>in</strong>to common use as this people’s name. Ptolemy, VI.11.6, has this form <strong>in</strong><br />
connection with Bactria, <strong>and</strong> also, VI.12.4, a form T£coroi (Tachoroi), with meta<strong>the</strong>sis <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> vowels, <strong>in</strong> connection with Sogdiana. In this form <strong>the</strong> aspirate comes <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second syl-<br />
is also found <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sanscrit Tukhåra, <strong>and</strong><br />
lable, not <strong>the</strong> first. This plac<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> aspirate<br />
aga<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> Bactria (<strong>in</strong> various la nguages) from <strong>the</strong> fourth to <strong>the</strong> eighth century<br />
A.D., Tocharistan (presumably taken from TÒcaroi), <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> forms derived from Tochari<strong>of</strong><br />
Tocharistan, <strong>and</strong> Hsüan Tsiang’s Tu-ho-lo<br />
stan, like tocrï (tocarï or togarï) which is found later <strong>in</strong> Central Asian documents as <strong>the</strong><br />
name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saca speech <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kushans<br />
(Tuocuâlâ, Bailey) <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> seventh century A.D.<br />
What form was used by <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Greek historian, “ Trogus’ source,” c. 85 B.C., can only<br />
be deduced, but certa<strong>in</strong>ly it was not TÒcaroi. <strong>The</strong> MSS <strong>of</strong> Trogus Prol. XLII give Thocarorum,<br />
Thodarorum, Thoclarorum, Toclarorum, to which <strong>the</strong> best MSS add, <strong>in</strong> Just<strong>in</strong> XLII.2.2,<br />
<strong>the</strong> form Thogariis. It is possible <strong>the</strong>refore, but by no means certa<strong>in</strong>, that this Greek historian’s<br />
form had ›th‹ <strong>and</strong> was Thocaroi or Thagoroi; that is, that <strong>the</strong> aspirate came <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
first syllable, not <strong>the</strong> second. This position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> aspirate is found later <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> much-quoted<br />
forms Qagoàroi (Thagouroi) <strong>and</strong> Qog£ra (Thogara) <strong>in</strong> Ptolemy for a people <strong>and</strong> town <strong>in</strong><br />
Kan-su on <strong>the</strong> way to Sera Metropolis, forms derived from agents <strong>of</strong> Maes Titianus <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>refore second century A.D.<br />
This is an impressive array <strong>of</strong> names for one <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> same — obviously ra<strong>the</strong>r suddenly<br />
famous <strong>and</strong> important — people <strong>and</strong> country. Yet TARN had overlooked NÖLDEKE<br />
who, 1879: 118, comments:<br />
›Tochåristån‹ ist das L<strong>and</strong> östlich von Balch. TÒcaroi hat Dionysius Per. 752 und Ptol. 6,<br />
11; so ist (nach e<strong>in</strong>er freundlichen Mit<strong>the</strong>ilung Rühls) bei Just<strong>in</strong> 42, 2, 2 die beste Lesart ›Tochariis‹;<br />
vrgl. Pl<strong>in</strong>. 6, 17 § 55 (wo ›Focari‹ überliefert ist).<br />
Dagegen hat Strabo 511 T£caroi und Ptol. 6, 12 T£coroi, wie das Monument von S<strong>in</strong>ganfu<br />
(T[a]cvr[i]st[å]n) schreibt. Jaq. III, 518 verlangt ›Tachåristån‹; auch ›Tach±ristån‹<br />
kommt vor (eb.). Die genaue Aussprache dieses Volksnamens bleibt also unsicher.<br />
Thus, <strong>the</strong> oldest extant form <strong>of</strong> this crucial name is not <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> TARN’s elaborate<br />
list: s<strong>in</strong>ce 1956 we know it for sure that our codex antiquissimus <strong>of</strong> Strabo has<br />
<strong>the</strong> form TAXAPOI (Tachari) — immaculately legible (see below, p. 91).<br />
Here is <strong>the</strong> place to quote <strong>the</strong> one author who became <strong>the</strong> greatest critic <strong>of</strong> TARN’s<br />
greatest work: ALTHEIM. In 1947: 10–12, he writes:<br />
Wer war der hellenistische Geschichtsschreiber, der Trogus als Quelle diente ? Als Name<br />
bietet sich Apollodoros von Artemita an (e<strong>in</strong>er griechischen Stadt östlich des Tigris, bei der<br />
sich die von Seleukeia kommende Straße nach Egbatana und Susa gabelte). Er schrieb <strong>in</strong><br />
m<strong>in</strong>destens vier Büchern parthische Geschichte, memnhmšnoj kaˆ tîn Baktrian¾n ¢posths£<br />
ntwn `Ell»nwn, wie Strabon sagt (XV, p. 686). E<strong>in</strong> Grieche, wohnhaft im Par<strong>the</strong>rreiche;<br />
Verfasser e<strong>in</strong>er parthischen Geschichte, die daneben noch die baktrische umfaßte ...<br />
Dennoch hat man Apollodoros von dem gleichzeitigen Geschichtsschreiber, den Trogus<br />
benutzte, trennen wollen. Man hat diesen als “ Trogus’ source” verselbständigen und so<br />
zwei gleichzeitige Autoren, die über den gleichen Gegenst<strong>and</strong> schrieben, erhalten. Und<br />
man hat dafür e<strong>in</strong>en, wie man glaubte, durchschlagenden Grund angeführt.<br />
Strabon hat Apollodoros im großen Maßstab benutzt: auch dort, wo er ihn nicht ausdrücklich<br />
nennt. Die Erzählung, die er im 11. Buche gibt, geht zu e<strong>in</strong>em Teil auf diesen Geschichtsschreiber<br />
zurück. Nach ihm hatten vier nomadische Stämme das baktrische Königreich<br />
erobert: die Asier, die Pasianer, die Tocharer und die Sakarauler. Dagegen kennt der<br />
Trogusprolog zum 41. Buch nur zwei Stämme: die Asianer und die Sarauker. Auf diese Ver-<br />
— 74 —
schiedenheit und auf sie alle<strong>in</strong> gründet sich die Trennung von Apollodoros und von “ Trogus’<br />
source.”<br />
Bei genauerem Zusehen ändert sich das Bild. Die Tocharer nennt zwar der Trogusprolog<br />
nicht, aber sie ersche<strong>in</strong>en <strong>in</strong> Just<strong>in</strong>us’ Auszug, waren also im vollständigen Werk mitenthalten.<br />
Weiter ist sowohl die Form Sak£rauloi bei Strabon wie ›Saraucae‹ bei Trogus<br />
korrupt. Zugrunde liegt e<strong>in</strong> ›Saka Ravaka‹ (*ravaka- “rasch beweglich”), das nur ›Sacaraucae‹<br />
nom.pl. ergeben konnte und <strong>in</strong> den ›Sacaraucae‹ des Orosius (1.2.43) bewahrt ist. Also<br />
hat Strabon den Namen im ersten Teil richtig erhalten (vermutlich gibt überliefertes Sak£rauloi<br />
kaˆ den Versuch e<strong>in</strong>er Verbesserung <strong>in</strong> Sak£raukai), Trogus dagegen den zweiten<br />
(mit Haplographie von ›Sacaraucae‹ zu ›Saraucae‹). Es liegt auf der <strong>Han</strong>d, daß beide<br />
Fassungen sich nicht ausschließen, sondern sich ergänzen und zusammen das Richtige ergeben<br />
...<br />
E<strong>in</strong> Unterschied zwischen Apollodoros und “ Trogus’ source” besteht also nicht. Beider<br />
Überlieferung über den Nomadene<strong>in</strong>bruch läßt sich auf den gleichen Best<strong>and</strong> zurückführen.<br />
Damit fällt der e<strong>in</strong>zige Grund, der sich gegen die Gleichsetzung von Apollodoros und<br />
“ Trogus’ source” hat anführen lassen. Die ›Partik£‹ des Mannes von Artemita lagen Trogus<br />
bei der Abfassung se<strong>in</strong>es 41. und 42. Buches vor.<br />
To this criticism TARN, <strong>in</strong> 1951: 522, replied:<br />
Al<strong>the</strong>im’s book is based on a belief that my “ Trogus’ source” i s Apollodorus, which I<br />
consider impossible, if only for <strong>the</strong> simple fact that Apollodorus calls a certa<strong>in</strong> people Tocaro…,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> MSS. <strong>of</strong> Trogus-Just<strong>in</strong> give five different versions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> name but never<br />
Tochari.<br />
TARN’s last argument <strong>in</strong> defense <strong>of</strong> a separate “ Trogus’ source” is not valid. Our repeatedly<br />
quoted Reges Tocharorum Asiani (SEEL 1956: 180; 1972: 324) confirms that<br />
Trogus, too, had <strong>the</strong> variant Tochari.<br />
In 1952: 2304–2308, KLOTZ warns:<br />
Auch Trogus selbst hatte bereits Irrtümer <strong>in</strong> den Eigennamen, die sich aus Lesefehlern<br />
nach griechischen Vorlagen erklären: ›Vesosis‹ Iust<strong>in</strong>us I, I, 6 wird durch Iordanes 6, 27 als<br />
Irrtum des Trogus erwiesen: CECΩCIC ist OE- verlesen, ebenso statt IANΔΥCIC I, 1, 6 ›Tanausis‹<br />
... Die Benutzung des aus Strabo bekannten Apollodorus von Artemita hat Al<strong>the</strong>im<br />
Weltgeschichte Asiens I 1947, 2 erwiesen.<br />
ALTHEIM’s great contribution is to show that <strong>the</strong> source for both Strabo <strong>and</strong> Tr ogus<br />
was <strong>the</strong> lost book by <strong>the</strong> Greek historian Apollodoros <strong>of</strong> Artemita. <strong>The</strong>re existed no<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r work on Parthian history to quote from at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two classic historians,<br />
Trogus <strong>and</strong> Strabo, i.e. <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Augustus. It is surpris<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>the</strong>refore, that ALT-<br />
HEIM, with his <strong>in</strong>telligent <strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> real mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> “ Trogus’ source,” did not proceed<br />
to <strong>the</strong> logical conclusion that not only <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rwise completely unknown “Pasianoi”<br />
ought to be deleted from Strabo’s list, but also <strong>the</strong> “ Tocharoi.”<br />
If it can be shown — as I believe ALTHEIM did — that for <strong>the</strong> same historic events<br />
o ccurr<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same geographic regions <strong>in</strong> both Strabo’s <strong>and</strong> Trogus’ work <strong>the</strong> one<br />
a nd only source is Apollodoros, <strong>the</strong>n TARN’S whole argument for a separate <strong>and</strong> very<br />
mysterious “ Trogus’ source” falls to <strong>the</strong> ground. If this is so, we <strong>the</strong>n know that Trogus<br />
<strong>and</strong> Strabo should <strong>in</strong>form us, not <strong>in</strong> a contradictory, but <strong>in</strong> a correspond<strong>in</strong>g way on<br />
what happened to Greek Bactria <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century BCE.<br />
Whereas Strabo lists four conquer<strong>in</strong>g nations, Trogus only lists two. In <strong>the</strong> name<br />
“ Pasianoi” was quickly discover a hidden “Asianoi” <strong>and</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> authors were <strong>in</strong>l<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
to suspect a scribal error <strong>in</strong> one way or ano<strong>the</strong>r; ALTHEIM, as we will see pre-<br />
c<br />
sen tly, mentions <strong>the</strong> very earliest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se, <strong>the</strong> French scholar VAILLANT. <strong>The</strong> greater<br />
p roblem is Strabo’s second additional name: <strong>the</strong> “ Tocharoi.” Trogus does not have<br />
t his name <strong>in</strong> his list <strong>of</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g nations. Instead, he has <strong>the</strong> name “Tochari” as a<br />
n ation conquered. Who, <strong>the</strong>n, is correct ? Many experts would not take it upon <strong>the</strong>m to<br />
decide. Instead, <strong>the</strong>y preferred to leave <strong>the</strong> contradiction as it was.<br />
— 75 —
ALTHEIM — <strong>in</strong> a book on <strong>the</strong> same subject, but published some twenty years after<br />
h is first work — is more precise <strong>and</strong> seem<strong>in</strong>gly conclusive when <strong>in</strong> 1970: 369 he writes:<br />
Es bleiben die ”Asioi und Pasiano… auf der e<strong>in</strong>en Seite, die ›Asiani‹ auf der <strong>and</strong>eren.<br />
VAILLANT’s Änderung von Pasiano… <strong>in</strong> À 'Asiano… ist auf den ersten Blick bestechend. Aber <strong>in</strong><br />
dem Zusammenhang ”Asioi kaˆ Pasiano…, angesichts der Änderung des letzten Namens <strong>in</strong><br />
À 'Asiano…, bleibt ka… unberücksichtigt. Man müßte denn e<strong>in</strong>e zweite Korruptel annehmen,<br />
<strong>in</strong>dem nach der Fehlschreibung Pasiano… die H<strong>in</strong>zufügung der Kopula [ka…] unvermeidlich<br />
wurde ...<br />
›Asianus‹ ist also e<strong>in</strong>e regelrechte Weiterbildung von ”Asianoj, die sich bezeichnenderweise<br />
bei Trogus f<strong>in</strong>det. Er hat Apollodoros selbst nicht e<strong>in</strong>gesehen, sondern vermutlich<br />
über Timagenes benutzt, während Strabo’s ”Asioi auf unmittelbare Kenntnis Apollodoros’<br />
zurückgehen. Auch Ptolemaeus (Geogr. 6, 14, 10) kennt e<strong>in</strong>e jüngere, durch e<strong>in</strong> Suffix weitergebildete<br />
Form: 'Asiîtai.<br />
Damit hat sich, was Apollodoros und “ Trogus’ source” zu trennen schien, verflüchtigt.<br />
Die Trogusprologi und Iust<strong>in</strong>us haben ungenau ausgezogen, <strong>of</strong>fenkundige Korrupteln und<br />
e<strong>in</strong>e ebenso <strong>of</strong>fenkundig jüngere Form an die Stelle der ursprünglichen treten lassen. Alles<br />
s<strong>in</strong>d Ergebnisse, die sich bei e<strong>in</strong>er mehrfach gebrochenen Überlieferung zwangsläufig e<strong>in</strong>stellen<br />
mußten. Die volle Angabe hat Strabon bewahrt, der als e<strong>in</strong>ziger Apollodoros selbst<br />
e<strong>in</strong>gesehen hat.<br />
One page before, 1970: 368, ALTHEIM rewrites <strong>and</strong> extends his earlier statement <strong>of</strong><br />
1947: 11, quoted above (p. 75), <strong>in</strong> an important way:<br />
Die Tocharer nennt zwar der Trogusprolog des 41. Buches nicht, sie ersche<strong>in</strong>en jedoch<br />
bei Iust<strong>in</strong>us (42, 2, 2) und im Prolog des 42. Buches, waren also im vollständigen Werk mitgenannt.<br />
Man lernt, daß ebenso die Trogusprologe wie Iust<strong>in</strong>us die Namen der nomadischen<br />
Stämme, obwohl sie vollständig <strong>in</strong> ihrer Vorlage enthalten waren, nur teilweise weitergegeben<br />
haben.<br />
ALTHEIM resolves <strong>the</strong> discrepancy between Trogus <strong>and</strong> Strabo — our ma<strong>in</strong> problem<br />
here — by <strong>the</strong> assumption that <strong>the</strong> four names <strong>in</strong> Strabo’s list <strong>of</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomad<br />
peoples are correct, whereas Trogus, <strong>and</strong> after him Just<strong>in</strong>us, for reasons not altoge-<br />
clear, skipped two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se names: <strong>the</strong> “Pasianoi” <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Tocharoi.”<br />
<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Fortunately, besides Strabo <strong>and</strong> Trogus, we have a third <strong>and</strong> completely <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />
historical source on <strong>the</strong> same events — as BARTHOLD was <strong>the</strong> first <strong>Western</strong> author<br />
to state: <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories. For a long time it was believed (<strong>and</strong> some<br />
modern writers still do: see above, p. 40) that <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources present us a third<br />
variation, namely just one nomadic nation conquer<strong>in</strong>g Bactria: <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 .<br />
Above, I have endeavored to show that this believe is mistaken. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu, compiled<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> later first century CE by Ban Biao 班 彪 <strong>and</strong> Ban Gu 班 固 , fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> son,<br />
confirms, not <strong>the</strong> four names <strong>of</strong> Strabo, but <strong>the</strong> two <strong>of</strong> Trogus. With <strong>the</strong> elucidat<strong>in</strong>g<br />
comment by XU SONG 徐 松 , published posthumously <strong>in</strong> 1893, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> subsequent<br />
translation <strong>and</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> his <strong>in</strong>telligent discovery — <strong>of</strong> what <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
historians really meant to say — by KARLGREN <strong>and</strong> KONOW <strong>in</strong> 1934, or some forty years<br />
later, we f<strong>in</strong>ally realize:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese say what Trogus says. <strong>The</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 = Sa(ca)raucae <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 = Asiani were <strong>the</strong> only two nomadic peoples who fell upon Bactria <strong>and</strong> destroyed<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>the</strong>re — <strong>in</strong> that order. And both <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
Trogus, <strong>the</strong> former edited <strong>and</strong> published by Sima Tan 司 馬 談 <strong>and</strong> Sima <strong>Qian</strong> 司 馬 遷 ,<br />
tell us that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> process <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 = Tochari were subjugated by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
= Asiani. <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, moreover, provides us with <strong>the</strong> unique <strong>and</strong> valuable <strong>in</strong>formation<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 = Tochari were, <strong>in</strong> fact, no o<strong>the</strong>r people but <strong>the</strong> autochthonous,<br />
local population <strong>of</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria — left beh<strong>in</strong>d after first <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 = Sacaraucae had been annihilated <strong>the</strong>re.<br />
— 76 —
Strabo’s list with <strong>the</strong> four ethnic names, <strong>the</strong>n, can be s<strong>in</strong>gled out as <strong>the</strong> one which<br />
must have become corrupt <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> transmission. <strong>The</strong> “Pasianoi” <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Tocharoi”<br />
should not be on that list. <strong>The</strong> important question, still to be solved here, is:<br />
By what mistaken way did <strong>the</strong> two names get <strong>in</strong>to Strabo’s list ? So far as <strong>the</strong> “Tochaoi”<br />
are concerned, this question has not yet been asked by any author. In o<strong>the</strong>r words:<br />
r<br />
<strong>the</strong> “Tocharoi” <strong>in</strong> Strabo’s list have always been taken for granted.<br />
First HERRMANN’s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n TARN’S observation — that Strabo’s conquer<strong>in</strong>g Tochacould<br />
not be <strong>the</strong> settled Daxia 大 夏 — has been a very <strong>in</strong>tel<br />
ligent one. It<br />
roi nomads<br />
p rovided us with a clear po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> departure: <strong>the</strong> problem def<strong>in</strong>ition. Both authors took<br />
Strabo’s authority for granted <strong>and</strong> hence could not accept <strong>the</strong> equation Daxia 大 夏 =<br />
Tochari. However, with <strong>the</strong> above closer look at <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historical sources, I hopeully<br />
showed that <strong>the</strong> equation Daxia 大 夏 = Tochari is valid. If Trogus’ Tochari are<br />
f<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Daxia 大 夏 , we know at long last that this hi<strong>the</strong>rto unknown ethnic<br />
name belonged to a people firmly settled on <strong>the</strong> upper Oxus River s<strong>in</strong>ce a good number<br />
<strong>of</strong> centuries at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s visit. <strong>The</strong> envoy <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong> is our<br />
o nly Zeitzeuge, or eyewitness. <strong>The</strong> au<strong>the</strong>nticity <strong>of</strong> his Report can be trusted. How, <strong>the</strong>n,<br />
d id <strong>the</strong> name “Tocharoi” get <strong>in</strong>to Strabo’s list — <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>reby cause such havoc with all<br />
related research ?<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Daxia 大 夏 <strong>and</strong> Trogus’ Tochari appear to be <strong>the</strong> lowest strata, <strong>the</strong><br />
autochthonous, or <strong>in</strong>digenous, <strong>in</strong>habitants <strong>of</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria. <strong>The</strong>y are well settled <strong>in</strong><br />
that region <strong>and</strong> must have been <strong>the</strong>re s<strong>in</strong>ce a long time: first under <strong>the</strong> Persians; <strong>the</strong>n,<br />
for a full century, under <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks; <strong>the</strong>reafter briefly under <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Saiwang 塞 王 . F<strong>in</strong>ally <strong>the</strong>y fall under <strong>the</strong> sway <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fearful k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 — who<br />
a re shrewd enough to adopt <strong>the</strong> name <strong>and</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari. Toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong><br />
adm<strong>in</strong>istration <strong>and</strong> armies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> last <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>the</strong> names “Baktriana”<br />
<strong>and</strong> “Baktrioi” disappear <strong>and</strong> ra<strong>the</strong>r suddenly <strong>the</strong>re is this new name: Daxia = Tocha-<br />
It will now be quoted by every author <strong>in</strong> East <strong>and</strong> West (<strong>in</strong> that order), writ<strong>in</strong>g on<br />
ra.<br />
<strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Central Asia. I wonder: are <strong>the</strong> Tochari mentioned prom<strong>in</strong>ently anywhere<br />
before 129 BCE ?<br />
My impression is that <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 picked up a local, little-known name to make<br />
it <strong>the</strong>ir own. Only <strong>the</strong>reafter it became great <strong>and</strong> famous. It seems that <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , Far<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> strangers that <strong>the</strong>y were, deliberately decided to use a Central Asian — for<br />
<strong>the</strong>m: <strong>Western</strong> — name for <strong>the</strong>ir newly founded empire on <strong>the</strong> Oxus River, an empire<br />
which already <strong>in</strong>cluded Sogdiana between <strong>the</strong> Hissar Mounta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> south, <strong>the</strong> Oxus<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> west, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> east. It was to <strong>in</strong>clude much more <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> future.<br />
But for an <strong>in</strong>itial one century <strong>and</strong> a half, it did not <strong>in</strong>clude <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> former Greek<br />
Bactria — especially not <strong>the</strong> age-old capital Bactra. <strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>in</strong> search for a<br />
suitable name, must have referred to <strong>the</strong>ir new acquisition as “Tochara” when talk<strong>in</strong>g<br />
to <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>. He is <strong>the</strong> first author to reduce <strong>the</strong> new name to writ<strong>in</strong>g — one or two<br />
generations before Apollodoros <strong>of</strong> Artemita.<br />
Of course, it was bound to create confusion when <strong>the</strong> conqueror decided to use <strong>the</strong><br />
name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people conquered. But <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 exceed<strong>in</strong>gly liked what <strong>the</strong>y had <strong>in</strong>herited<br />
from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> Greeks. It must have been a k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> paradise for <strong>the</strong>m, a Schlaraffenl<strong>and</strong>.<br />
And so <strong>the</strong>y decided to become Tocharians — but also to become <strong>the</strong>ir new<br />
k<strong>in</strong>gs: reges Tocharorum Asiani.<br />
Apollodoros, too, had been enthusiastic about Bactria <strong>in</strong> Greek times. He even had<br />
a few remarks on <strong>the</strong> Baktrians as <strong>the</strong>y appeared before <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er.<br />
But nowhere do I f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tochari. Strabo, quot<strong>in</strong>g Apollodoros, writes:<br />
(JONES 1928: 279–281)<br />
And much <strong>of</strong> it produces everyth<strong>in</strong>g<br />
except oil.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Greeks who caused<br />
(Radt 2004: 356–358)<br />
Es ist e<strong>in</strong> ausgedehntes L<strong>and</strong>,<br />
das alles außer Öl erzeugt, und<br />
die Griechen, die es selb-<br />
Bactria to revolt grew so ständig gemacht haben, s<strong>in</strong>d<br />
Geographika XI. 11. 1–3<br />
Poll¾ d/ stˆ kaˆ p£mforoj<br />
pl¾n la…ou, tosoàton<br />
d' ‡scusan oƒ ¢post» santej<br />
“Ellhnej aÙt¾n di¦<br />
— 77 —
durch die Trefflichkeit des L<strong>and</strong>es<br />
so stark geworden, dass<br />
sie die Herrschaft über Ariane<br />
und die Inder besaßen, wie<br />
Apollodor von Artemita sagt<br />
(FGrHist 779F7), und mehr Völ-<br />
ker unterworfen haben als<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>er ...<br />
Er sagt, Baktriane sei überhaupt<br />
das Prachtstück der<br />
ganzen Ariane;<br />
so haben sie ihre Herrschaft<br />
sogar bis zu den Serern und<br />
den Phaunern (Phrynern) ausgedehnt.<br />
An Städten hatten sie Baktra,<br />
das auch Zariaspa genannt<br />
wird (h<strong>in</strong>durch strömt e<strong>in</strong><br />
gleichnamiger Fluss, der <strong>in</strong> den<br />
Oxos mündet), Darapsa und<br />
mehrere <strong>and</strong>ere;<br />
dazu gehört auch das nach<br />
dem e<strong>in</strong>stigen Herrscher benannte<br />
Eukratideia ...<br />
In alter Zeit unterschieden die<br />
Sogdianer und die Baktrianer<br />
sich <strong>in</strong> ihrer Lebensweise und<br />
ihren Sitten nicht sehr von den<br />
Nomaden; doch waren die Sit-<br />
ten der Baktrianer etwas zivilisierter<br />
...<br />
powerful on account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
fertility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y became masters, not<br />
only <strong>of</strong> Ariana, but also <strong>of</strong><br />
India, as Apollodorus <strong>of</strong> Artemita<br />
says; <strong>and</strong> more tribes<br />
were subdued by <strong>the</strong>m than<br />
by Alex<strong>and</strong>er ...<br />
In short, Apollodorus says<br />
that <strong>Bactrian</strong>a is <strong>the</strong> ornament<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ariana as a whole;<br />
<strong>and</strong>, more than that, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
extended <strong>the</strong>ir empire even<br />
as far as <strong>the</strong> Seres <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Phryni.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir cities were Bactra (also<br />
called Zariaspa, through<br />
which flows a river bear<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> same name <strong>and</strong> empty<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> Oxus), <strong>and</strong> Darapsa,<br />
<strong>and</strong> several o<strong>the</strong>rs.<br />
Among <strong>the</strong>se was Eucratidia,<br />
which was named after<br />
its ruler ...<br />
Now <strong>in</strong> early times <strong>the</strong> Sogdians<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>s did not<br />
differ much from <strong>the</strong> nomads<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir modes <strong>of</strong> life<br />
<strong>and</strong> customs, although <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Bactrian</strong>s were a little more<br />
civilised ...<br />
t¾n ¢ret¾n tÁj cèraj<br />
éste tÁj te ’ArianÁj pekr£toun<br />
kaˆ tîn ’Indîn,<br />
éj fhs<strong>in</strong> ’ApollÒdwroj<br />
Ð ’ArtamithnÒj, kaˆ ple…w<br />
œqnh katestršyanto<br />
½per ’Alšx<strong>and</strong>roj ...<br />
Kaq' Ólou dš fhs<strong>in</strong> ke‹-<br />
noj tÁj sump£shj 'ArianÁj<br />
prÒschma enai t¾n<br />
Baktrian»n :<br />
kaˆ d¾ kaˆ mšcri Shrîn<br />
kaˆ FaÚnwn (FrÚnwn) xšte<strong>in</strong>on<br />
t¾n ¢rc»n.<br />
PÒleij d/ econ t£ te<br />
B£ktra, ¼nper kaˆ Zari-<br />
£span kaloàs<strong>in</strong> ¼n dia-<br />
rre‹ Ðmènumoj potamÕj<br />
mb£llwn e„j tÕn ’Wxon,<br />
kaˆ D£raya kaˆ ¥llaj<br />
ple…ouj :<br />
toÚtwn d' Ãn kaˆ ¹ EÙkrat…deia<br />
toà ¥rxantoj<br />
pènumoj ...<br />
TÕ mn oân palaiÕn oÙ<br />
polÝ dišferon to‹j b…oij<br />
kaˆ to‹j œqesi tîn nom£dwn<br />
o† te Sogdianoˆ<br />
kaˆ oƒ Baktriano…: mikrÕn<br />
d' Ómwj ¹merètera Ãn t¦<br />
tîn Baktrianîn ...<br />
Here, <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>habitants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> regions on <strong>the</strong> upper Oxus River, between <strong>the</strong> Hissar<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush Mounta<strong>in</strong>s, are called Baktriano… (<strong>Bactrian</strong>i), <strong>the</strong>ir capital is<br />
named B£ktra (Bactra) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> prov<strong>in</strong>ce Baktrian» (<strong>Bactrian</strong>a = Bactria). <strong>The</strong>se are<br />
<strong>the</strong> names we are so very familiar with. <strong>The</strong> name TÒcaroi (Tochari) is mentioned nowhere.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a good chance that Strabo has this name only once: <strong>in</strong> his om<strong>in</strong>ous<br />
list. But later classical authors from Pl<strong>in</strong>y to Ptolemy have this name everywhere, especially<br />
Ptolemy. In MANNERT, 1820: 455–467, we read:<br />
In Sogdiana sitzen nach Ptolemaeus die Paesikae (Paisika…) an den Oxianischen Bergen,<br />
also nördlich von Samark<strong>and</strong>. An dem nördlichen Laufe des Jaxartes die Jatii (Pl<strong>in</strong>. VI.16<br />
und 17 nennt auch Dacii und Parsicae) und Tachori ('I£tioi kaˆ T£coroi); also westlich und<br />
östlich um Kodgend. Die Tochari hatte Ptolemaeus schon <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong>a als e<strong>in</strong> großes Volk<br />
angegeben; vermutlich s<strong>in</strong>d beide nicht verschieden, und <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana ist der eigentliche<br />
Ursitz des Volkes zu suchen ...<br />
Baktrien, Hyrkanien und dem größten <strong>The</strong>ile nach auch Sogdiana erkannten von jener<br />
Zeit die Oberherrschaft der Persischen, vielleicht auch schon der Assyrischen Monarchen.<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>er f<strong>and</strong> bey se<strong>in</strong>em E<strong>in</strong>tritt <strong>in</strong> diese Gegenden e<strong>in</strong>e Menge ansehnlicher, gut bevöl-<br />
kerter S tädte, welche <strong>in</strong> der Nachbarschaft roher Völker sich erhielten und blüheten; und<br />
die gleichzeitigen Schriftsteller rühmen den reichen Anbau der glücklichern Striche. Bey-<br />
des sche<strong>in</strong>t e<strong>in</strong> hohes Alter von Kultur bey den E<strong>in</strong>wohnern voraus zu setzten, von welcher<br />
sich aber beym Mangel aller Nachrichten nichts Weiteres sagen<br />
läßt ... Diese Völker <strong>the</strong>il-<br />
am Nieder-Oxus ten die Schriftsteller nach der Lage <strong>in</strong> zwey Stämme: <strong>in</strong> die westlichern ...<br />
— 78 —
zu den Erstern rechneten sie außer mehrern kle<strong>in</strong>ern Völkern vorzüglich die Parnae ... zu<br />
den östlichern die Asii, Pasiani etc., und vorzüglich die Tachari, Tachori, oder Tochari ...<br />
Auch die nördlichen Prov<strong>in</strong>zen Baktriana, Sogdiana gehörten<br />
nicht den Par<strong>the</strong>rn; diesen<br />
brachten die E<strong>in</strong>fälle der nördlichen Barbaren, der Asii, Pasiani und Tachari, Zweige der<br />
Sakae, den Untergang (Strabo XI.511). Sie fielen e<strong>in</strong>, drängten die ältern Bewohner des<br />
L<strong>and</strong>es gegen das südöstliche Gebirge, und blieben von nun<br />
an i n dem Besitze des<br />
größern <strong>The</strong>ils. Von dieser Periode werden erst die Angaben des Ptolemaeus richtig, der<br />
das beträchtliche Volk der To chari durch die ganze nördliche Länge von Baktria setzt, zu-<br />
(auch Dionys. Perieg.<br />
gleich aber durch die nochmalige Anführung derselben am Jaxartes v. 752 stellt die Toc£roi über<br />
den Jaxartes) auf die ältesten Sitze h<strong>in</strong>weiset, aus welchen<br />
sie gegen Süden w<strong>and</strong>erten.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Ptolemy, when <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 had created a powerful Empire under<br />
<strong>the</strong> dynasty <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kushana, <strong>the</strong>y appear <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> classical (<strong>Western</strong>) sources under <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
new (<strong>Western</strong>) name TÒcaroi (Tocharoi), <strong>and</strong> this name is now applied to all <strong>the</strong> re-<br />
passed on <strong>the</strong>ir way to Bactria<br />
<strong>and</strong> India. <strong>The</strong> 月 氏 have<br />
gions through which <strong>the</strong>y had<br />
become <strong>Western</strong>ers <strong>in</strong> name, language <strong>and</strong> appearance. <strong>The</strong>ir Far <strong>Eastern</strong> orig<strong>in</strong> now<br />
seems to be a fa<strong>in</strong>t memory even to <strong>the</strong>mselves. <strong>The</strong>ir oldest habitat is now considered<br />
to have been just beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. With that <strong>the</strong>y had to be Scythians — like all<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r nomadic peoples from <strong>the</strong>se nor<strong>the</strong>rly regions — as Strabo tells us. Here is<br />
<strong>the</strong> place to reproduce Strabo’s crucial passage <strong>in</strong> full.<br />
(JONES 1928: 259–261)<br />
On <strong>the</strong> left <strong>and</strong> opposite<br />
<strong>the</strong>se peoples are<br />
situated <strong>the</strong> Scythian<br />
or nomadic tribes,<br />
which cover <strong>the</strong> whole<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn side.<br />
Now <strong>the</strong> greater part<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Scythians, beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g<br />
at <strong>the</strong> Caspian<br />
Sea, are called Däae,<br />
but those who are<br />
situated more to <strong>the</strong><br />
east than <strong>the</strong>se are<br />
named Massagetae<br />
<strong>and</strong> Sacae, whereas<br />
all <strong>the</strong> rest are given<br />
<strong>the</strong> general name <strong>of</strong><br />
Scythians,<br />
though<br />
each people is given a<br />
separate name <strong>of</strong> its<br />
own.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y are all for <strong>the</strong><br />
most part nomads.<br />
But <strong>the</strong> best known <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> nomads are those<br />
who took away Bactri-<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Greeks, I<br />
ana<br />
mean <strong>the</strong> Asii, Pasia-<br />
Tochari, <strong>and</strong> Saca-<br />
ni,<br />
rauli, who orig<strong>in</strong>ally<br />
came from <strong>the</strong> country<br />
on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side<br />
(LASSERRE 1975: 83)<br />
A l’opposé de ces peuples,<br />
à ma<strong>in</strong> gauche,<br />
on a les peuples scy-<br />
les nomades,<br />
<strong>the</strong>s et<br />
qui couvrent tout le<br />
côté septentrional.<br />
La plus gr<strong>and</strong>e partie<br />
des Scy<strong>the</strong>s, en comnt<br />
à la Mer Cas-<br />
mença<br />
pienne, sont connus<br />
sous le nom de Dahae,<br />
t<strong>and</strong>is qu’on appelle<br />
Massagètes et Saces<br />
ceux qui vivent plus à<br />
l’est et qu’on désigne<br />
tous les autres sous le<br />
nom général de Scy<strong>the</strong>s,<br />
bien qu’ils aient<br />
chacun des noms particuliers.<br />
Ils ont tous une population<br />
en gr<strong>and</strong>e majorité<br />
nomade.<br />
Les plus connus d’entre<br />
eux sont ceux qui<br />
enlevèrent aux Grecs<br />
la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e, à savoir<br />
les Asiens, les Pasiens,<br />
les Tokhariens et les<br />
Sacarauques, qui<br />
étaient partis des territoires<br />
situés au delà<br />
(RADT 2004: 341–343)<br />
Zur L<strong>in</strong>ken ziehen<br />
sich diesen gegen-<br />
über skythische<br />
und<br />
nomadische Völker<br />
h<strong>in</strong>, die die ganze<br />
nördliche Seite bevöl-<br />
kern.<br />
Die meisten Sky<strong>the</strong>n<br />
werden, angefangen<br />
beim Kaspischen<br />
Meer, Daer genannt,<br />
die weiter östlich als<br />
diese wohnenden<br />
nennt man Massageten<br />
und Saken, die<br />
übrigen bezeichnet<br />
man allgeme<strong>in</strong><br />
als<br />
Sky<strong>the</strong>n und e<strong>in</strong>zelne<br />
mit ihrem besonderen<br />
Namen.<br />
Alle s<strong>in</strong>d größtenteils<br />
Nomaden.<br />
Am bekanntesten s<strong>in</strong>d<br />
von den Nomaden diejenigen<br />
geworden, die<br />
den Griechen Baktrien<br />
entrissen haben:<br />
die Asier, die Pasianer,<br />
die Tocharer und<br />
die Sakarauker, die<br />
von dem <strong>and</strong>eren<br />
Ufer des Iaxartes her<br />
Geographika IX.8.2<br />
'En ¢rister´ d<br />
toÚtoij ¢ntipar£keitai<br />
Skuqik¦ œqnh<br />
kaˆ nomadik£,<br />
¤pasan kplhroàntai<br />
t¾n bÒreion<br />
pleur£n.<br />
Oƒ mn d¾ ple…ouj<br />
tîn Skuqîn ¢pÕ<br />
t¾j Kasp…aj qal£tthj<br />
¢rx£menoi<br />
D£ai prosagoreÚontai,<br />
toÝj d<br />
proseóouj toÚtwn<br />
m©llon Massagštaj<br />
kaˆ S£kaj Ñnom£zousi,<br />
toÝj d'<br />
¥llouj ko<strong>in</strong>ù mn<br />
SkÚqaj ÑnÒmati<br />
kaloàs<strong>in</strong>, „d…v d'<br />
æj ˜k£stouj :<br />
¤pantej d' æj pˆ<br />
tÕ polÝ nom£dej.<br />
M£lista d gnèrimoi<br />
gegÒnasi tîn<br />
nom£dwn oƒ toÝj<br />
“Ellhnaj ¢felÒmenoi<br />
t¾n Baktrian»n,<br />
”Asioi kaˆ<br />
Pasianoˆ kaˆ TÒcaroi<br />
kaˆ Sakaraàkai,<br />
Ðrmhqšn-<br />
— 79 —
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Iaxartes River<br />
that adjo<strong>in</strong>s that <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Sacae <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sog-<br />
<strong>and</strong> was oc-<br />
diani<br />
cupied by <strong>the</strong> Sacae.<br />
de l’Iaxarte, à la hauteur<br />
des Saces et des ken und Sogdianern<br />
kamen, das den Sa-<br />
Sogdiens, et relevant gegenüber liegt und<br />
alors de l’autorité des im Besitz der Saken<br />
Saces.<br />
gewesen war.<br />
tej ¢pÕ tÁj pera…-<br />
aj toà 'Iax£rtou<br />
tÁj kat¦ S£kaj<br />
kaˆ SogdianoÚj, ¿n<br />
kate‹con S£kai.<br />
It is reveal<strong>in</strong>g to compare <strong>the</strong> three translations. <strong>The</strong> English render<strong>in</strong>g, be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />
o ldest, does not yet know <strong>the</strong> improved read<strong>in</strong>g Sakaraàkai (Sakaraukai) <strong>in</strong> place <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> older <strong>and</strong> corrupt Sak£rauloi (Sakarauloi). <strong>The</strong> French “... les Asiens, les Pasi-<br />
does not reflect <strong>the</strong> difference between ”Asioi <strong>and</strong> Pasiano…, i.e. between Asii<br />
ens...”<br />
a nd Asiani, which is <strong>of</strong> importance as we shall see later. And all three translations —<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> Greek orig<strong>in</strong>al which I copy here from <strong>the</strong> edition <strong>of</strong> R ADT 2004 —<br />
ignore <strong>the</strong> fact that our oldest codex has TAXAPOI (Tacharoi) were later manuscripts<br />
have TÒcaroi (Tocharoi), under which form this all-important ethnonym is best<br />
known today. It is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g to note here that MANNERT 1820 does <strong>in</strong> fact know <strong>the</strong><br />
variant Tachari, as well as NÖLDEKE 1879 (T£caroi) <strong>and</strong> VON GUTSCHMID 1888 (Tacharer),<br />
whereas TARN 1938 (also 1951, 1984 <strong>and</strong> 1997) does not.<br />
LASSERRE, 1975: 83, adds a footnote to his edition <strong>and</strong> translation <strong>of</strong> this passage,<br />
which is <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>terest for us:<br />
La conquète de la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e par les nomades eut lieu en 130 environs selon Tarn, 277 et<br />
294 (entre 133 et 129 selon P. Daff<strong>in</strong>à, ›L’immigrazione dei Sakå nella Drangiana‹, Rome,<br />
1967, 45), qui a reconn u dans ce passage le premier d’une série d’extr aits d’Apollodore d’Artémita.<br />
Traduisant ka<br />
te‹con par ›<strong>in</strong>negehabt hatten‹, Al<strong>the</strong>im-Stiehl, 609, confirment la<br />
thèse de Daff<strong>in</strong>à, 45–82, selon laquelle l’<strong>in</strong>vasion aurait comporté deux vagues successives,<br />
bien dist<strong>in</strong>guées, par le chroniqueur ch<strong>in</strong>ois [du] Ts’ien <strong>Han</strong>-Chou: celle<br />
des Saces, partis<br />
de l’actuel Ouzbékistan pour s’établir f<strong>in</strong>alement dans l’actuel Sðstån, et celle des quatre<br />
autres peuples nommés ici, partis du même endroit pour enlever la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e à Phraatès II.<br />
1970: 609 ALTHEIM writes:<br />
Die Sai [ 塞 ], mittelc h<strong>in</strong>esisch sәk , s<strong>in</strong>d die Saken. Die Yüe-chi wohnten, als die Sai vor<br />
ihnen gewichen waren, im alten Sakenl<strong>and</strong>e; dies fiel <strong>in</strong> e<strong>in</strong>e Zeit, die<br />
dem E<strong>in</strong>bruch der<br />
Yüe-chi <strong>in</strong> Ta-hia vorang<strong>in</strong>g. Man hat nicht bemerkt, daß Apollodoros von Artemita das-<br />
griechische Bak-<br />
selbe berichtet. Er sagt von den skythischen Nomadenstämmen, die das<br />
trien eroberten:<br />
Ðrmhqšntej ¢pÕ tÁj pera…aj toà 'Iax£rtou tÁj kat¦ S£kaj kaˆ SogdianoÚj,<br />
¿n kate‹con S£kai.<br />
Das Imperfekt kate‹con bezeichnet die vorvergangene <strong>Han</strong>dlung als dauernd: “aufbrechend<br />
von dem jenseitigen (nördlichen) Ufer des Iaxartes, das <strong>in</strong> der Gegend der Saken<br />
und Sogdianer (liegt), das die Saken (für längere Zeit) <strong>in</strong>negehabt hatten.” Demzufolge<br />
hatten auf dem Nordufer des Iaxartes Saken gesessen, deren Gebiet dann, vor dem Über-<br />
Damit bestätigt<br />
schreiten des Flusses, durch jene Nomadenstämme e<strong>in</strong>genommen wurde. sich, daß die Sai den Yüe-chi vorangezogen waren.<br />
That much is correct: Apollodoros knows <strong>of</strong> two nomadic waves. <strong>The</strong> nomads who<br />
took Bactria from <strong>the</strong> Greeks came from somewhere beyond, i.e. east <strong>of</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes.<br />
In those regions — <strong>of</strong> modern Kirgizstan <strong>and</strong> Kazakhstan, not Uzbek<br />
istan — <strong>the</strong> Sakas<br />
had lived a long time. <strong>The</strong>y are now found liv<strong>in</strong>g amongst <strong>the</strong> Sogdians: <strong>the</strong>ir cross<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> Jaxartes from East to West, <strong>the</strong>refore, constituted <strong>the</strong> first wave<br />
<strong>of</strong> nomadic irrup-<br />
burst forth<br />
tion, obviously <strong>in</strong>to Greek Sogdiana only. <strong>The</strong>n, more nomadic peoples<br />
from those regions beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes where <strong>the</strong> Sakas had long used to live: this<br />
constitutes <strong>the</strong> second<br />
wave <strong>of</strong> nomadic irruption, now <strong>in</strong>to Sogdiana <strong>and</strong> later <strong>in</strong>to<br />
Bactria.<br />
Strabo, excerpt<strong>in</strong>g Apollodoros, relates that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second wave came four nomadic<br />
peoples: <strong>the</strong> Asioi, Pasianoi, Tocharoi <strong>and</strong> Sakaraukai. With this it seemed an <strong>in</strong>telli-<br />
apart from gent conclusion that <strong>the</strong> Sakai <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first wave had to be strictly told <strong>the</strong><br />
— 80 —
Sakaraukai <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second wave — as above LASSERRE suggests <strong>in</strong> his footnote. We<br />
know, however, that <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai are one tribe <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> great Saka Federation: <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
called Saka + *rauk-, or “Royal Sakas” — <strong>the</strong> exact translation <strong>in</strong>to Ch<strong>in</strong>ese be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Saiwang 塞 王 . With this we have to <strong>in</strong>terpret Strabo <strong>in</strong> a slightly different way: that <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> first wave had come a Saka tribe, namely <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second wave<br />
<strong>the</strong>n came <strong>the</strong> rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g three nomad nations, <strong>the</strong> Asioi, Pasianoi <strong>and</strong> Tocharoi.<br />
Trogus, also excerpt<strong>in</strong>g Apollodoros as we know by now, simply relates — <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
surviv<strong>in</strong>g “Table <strong>of</strong> Contents” to his lost book — that <strong>the</strong> Sa[ca]raucae <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani<br />
broke <strong>in</strong>to Bactra <strong>and</strong> Sogdiana, respectively. This, too, seems to <strong>in</strong>dicate that <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae/Sakaraukai<br />
came <strong>in</strong> a first wave, but that <strong>in</strong> a second wave <strong>the</strong>re appeared on<br />
<strong>the</strong> scene, not three, but only one more nomadic people, <strong>the</strong> Asiani/Asioi. With Trogus<br />
we see that <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae have advanced from Sogdiana <strong>in</strong>to Bactra (as he po<strong>in</strong>tedly<br />
writes, not <strong>in</strong>to Bactria — which for some time broke apart <strong>in</strong>to Tochara <strong>and</strong> Bactra):<br />
this is <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong> affairs somewhat later <strong>in</strong> time than <strong>the</strong> one Strabo presents us.<br />
This much — or ra<strong>the</strong>r this little — we can deduce from our (<strong>Western</strong>) classical<br />
sources. <strong>The</strong>y bequeath us a discrepancy or a problem which, as we have seen above,<br />
has been left unsolved for a long time. L ASSERRE, <strong>in</strong> his footnote 1975: 83–84 follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />
ALTHEIM, goes on to expla<strong>in</strong> that Trogus, <strong>and</strong> after him Just<strong>in</strong>us, by negligence left out<br />
one or two names <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> list <strong>of</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomads.<br />
Trogue Pompée ap. Just<strong>in</strong>., Prol. XLII, compte seulement deux nations dans la seconde<br />
vague, les ›Sacaraucae‹ et les ›Asiani‹, qu’il appelle pourtant ›reges Tocharorum‹. Si les<br />
›Asiani‹ sont les ”Asioi (Daff<strong>in</strong>à, Al<strong>the</strong>im-Stiehl), les Pasiano… manquent, probablement par<br />
omission de l’épitomateur, et pourraient n’avoir été qu’une fraction ethnique de l’un des<br />
deux prédom<strong>in</strong>ants, ce qui expliquerait la divergence entre les témo<strong>in</strong>s grec et lat<strong>in</strong> d’Apollodore.<br />
Rarely has an effort been made to compare <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> sources <strong>in</strong><br />
extenso. <strong>The</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> reason surely is that this requires a work<strong>in</strong>g knowledge <strong>of</strong> a dozen<br />
liv<strong>in</strong>g, or dead, languages <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir different scripts. One way around <strong>the</strong> problem is to<br />
assemble <strong>and</strong> collate here, word by word, <strong>the</strong> best expertises from both worlds: East<br />
<strong>and</strong> West.<br />
It has always been claimed that <strong>the</strong> bloody clashes between <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu 匈 奴 <strong>and</strong><br />
he Ruzhi 月 氏 , deep <strong>in</strong> East Asia <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century BCE, have been decisive<br />
t<br />
f or <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Central <strong>and</strong> South Asia <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> next five hundred years or so. This is<br />
tru e, but it is not <strong>the</strong> complete truth. It has been overlooked that a third nomadic<br />
nat ion played a crucial part <strong>in</strong> shap<strong>in</strong>g this chapter <strong>of</strong> Asian history. For when <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 , after <strong>the</strong>ir last crush<strong>in</strong>g defeat at <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, decided to escape<br />
Xiongnu dom<strong>in</strong>ation, <strong>the</strong>ir trek to <strong>the</strong> West ended somewhere <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> regions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> up-<br />
Ili River — where <strong>the</strong>y dislodged <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai/Sakwang 塞 王 . As far as <strong>the</strong> Ru-<br />
per<br />
z hi 月 氏 were concerned, <strong>the</strong>y would have rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> those regions east <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Jaxartes <strong>and</strong> would have cont<strong>in</strong>ued roam<strong>in</strong>g about <strong>the</strong> region with <strong>the</strong>ir flocks <strong>and</strong><br />
trad<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir horses for Ch<strong>in</strong>ese silk <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r luxury goods for a good pr<strong>of</strong>it. Central<br />
Asia would have experienced only one nomadic irruption — that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai —<br />
which would have overrun Sogdiana to end Greek dom<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>the</strong>re. But <strong>the</strong> Greek<br />
k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>in</strong> Bactria proper might have survived for several centuries longer.<br />
That this was not <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> history <strong>in</strong> Central Asia <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century BCE is<br />
due to a small nomadic people <strong>of</strong> whom <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> has left us <strong>the</strong> very first precious<br />
accounts: <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 or “Gr<strong>and</strong>sons <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Raven.”<br />
(WATSON 1993: 237–238)<br />
This same year (122 B.C.)<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> sent <strong>the</strong> swift cavalry<br />
(<strong>of</strong> General Huo Qu–<br />
b<strong>in</strong>g who succeeded <strong>in</strong>) defeat<strong>in</strong>g<br />
several ten thou-<br />
Shiji 123. 3167–68<br />
是 歲 漢 遣<br />
驃 騎 破 匈<br />
奴 西 ( 城 )<br />
(HULSEWÉ 1979: 213–217)<br />
In this year [121 B.C.]<br />
<strong>the</strong> general <strong>of</strong> cavalry<br />
on <strong>the</strong> alert (P’iao–ch’i)<br />
defeated <strong>the</strong> Hsiung–<br />
nu on <strong>the</strong>ir west side,<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu 61. 2691-2<br />
是 歲 驃 騎<br />
將 軍 破 匈<br />
奴 西 邊 殺<br />
— 81 —
s<strong>and</strong> men <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiong–nu<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Regions<br />
(penetrat<strong>in</strong>g) as far as <strong>the</strong><br />
Qi–lian Mounta<strong>in</strong>s.<br />
<strong>The</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g year (121<br />
B.C.) <strong>the</strong> Hun–ye k<strong>in</strong>g led<br />
his people <strong>and</strong> surrendered<br />
to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> (Ch<strong>in</strong>ese).<br />
And (<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole region)<br />
from J<strong>in</strong>-cheng <strong>and</strong> He-xi<br />
west along <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Mounta<strong>in</strong>s all <strong>the</strong> way to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Salt Swamp <strong>the</strong> Xiong–<br />
nu completely disappeared.<br />
<strong>The</strong> X<strong>in</strong>ong–nu occasionally<br />
had scouts appear (<strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> region), but even <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were rare.<br />
Two years after this (119<br />
B.C.) <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> (armies)<br />
attacked <strong>the</strong> Shan–yu <strong>and</strong><br />
( sent him) runn<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong><br />
north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> desert.<br />
After this <strong>the</strong> Son <strong>of</strong> Heaven<br />
a number <strong>of</strong> times<br />
questioned (<strong>Zhang</strong>) <strong>Qian</strong><br />
about Da–xia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r states (<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> west).<br />
(<strong>Zhang</strong>) <strong>Qian</strong>, who had lost<br />
his marquisate, availed<br />
himself (<strong>of</strong> this chance)<br />
<strong>and</strong> replied with this report:<br />
“ When your servant<br />
(<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>) was liv<strong>in</strong>g<br />
among <strong>the</strong> Xiong–nu he<br />
heard about <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong>–sun (people), whose<br />
title was Kun–mo.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Kun–mo’s fa<strong>the</strong>r was<br />
(<strong>the</strong> ruler) <strong>of</strong> a small state<br />
on <strong>the</strong> western border <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Xiong–nu (territory),<br />
THE XIONG–NU attacked<br />
<strong>and</strong> killed his fa<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Kun–mo, who had just<br />
been born, was cast out <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> wilderness (to die).<br />
(But) <strong>the</strong> ravens, bear<strong>in</strong>g<br />
meat <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir beaks, flew<br />
over <strong>the</strong> place (where he<br />
was), <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> wolves came<br />
[ 域 ] 數 萬<br />
人 至 祁 連<br />
山<br />
其 明 年 渾<br />
邪 王 率 其<br />
民 降 漢<br />
而 金 城 河<br />
西 西 並 南<br />
山 至 鹽 澤<br />
空 無 匈 奴<br />
匈 奴 時 有<br />
候 者 到 而<br />
希 矣<br />
其 後 二 年<br />
漢 擊 走 單<br />
于 於 幕 北<br />
是 後 天 子<br />
數 問 騫 大<br />
夏 之 屬<br />
騫 既 失 侯<br />
因 言 曰<br />
臣 居 匈 奴<br />
中 聞 烏 孫<br />
王 號 昆 莫<br />
昆 莫 之 父<br />
匈 奴 西 邊<br />
小 國 也<br />
匈 奴 攻 殺<br />
其 父 而 昆<br />
莫 生 棄 於<br />
野<br />
烏 嗛 肉 蜚<br />
kill<strong>in</strong>g men by <strong>the</strong> ten<br />
thous<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> reach<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ch’i–lien Mounta<strong>in</strong>.<br />
That autumn <strong>the</strong> K’un–<br />
yeh k<strong>in</strong>g surrendered<br />
to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> with his<br />
community.<br />
(<strong>The</strong> area) west <strong>of</strong><br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>–ch’eng (comm<strong>and</strong>ery)<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> (Yellow)<br />
River <strong>and</strong> along<br />
<strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn hills as<br />
far as <strong>the</strong> Salt Marsh<br />
was empty <strong>and</strong> without<br />
Hsiung–nu;<br />
occasional patrols <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Hsiung–nu went<br />
<strong>the</strong>re, but only rarely.<br />
Two years later <strong>Han</strong><br />
attacked <strong>and</strong> drove<br />
<strong>the</strong> Shan–yü to <strong>the</strong><br />
north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> desert (119<br />
B.C.).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Son <strong>of</strong> Heaven frequently<br />
asked (Chang)<br />
Ch’ien about <strong>the</strong> states<br />
such as Ta Hsia.<br />
S<strong>in</strong>ce he had already<br />
lost his noble rank,<br />
(Chang) Ch’ien took<br />
<strong>the</strong> opportunity to report<br />
as follows:<br />
“ When I was liv<strong>in</strong>g<br />
among <strong>the</strong> Hsiung–nu<br />
I heard <strong>of</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>–sun;<br />
<strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g was entitled<br />
K’un–mo, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
K’un–mo’s fa<strong>the</strong>r (was<br />
named) Nan–tou–mi;<br />
orig<strong>in</strong>ally (<strong>Wu</strong>–sun)<br />
had lived with <strong>the</strong> Ta<br />
Yüeh–chih between<br />
Ch’i–lien (mounta<strong>in</strong>s)<br />
<strong>and</strong> Tun–huang;<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y had been a<br />
small state.<br />
THE TA YÜEH–CHIH<br />
attacked <strong>and</strong> killed<br />
Nan–tou–mi, seiz<strong>in</strong>g<br />
his l<strong>and</strong>s; <strong>and</strong> his<br />
people fled to <strong>the</strong><br />
Hsiung–nu.<br />
An <strong>in</strong>fant K’un–mo had<br />
數 萬 人 至<br />
祁 連 山<br />
其 秋 渾 邪<br />
王 率 眾 降<br />
漢<br />
而 金 城 河<br />
西 ( 西 ) 並<br />
南 山 至 鹽<br />
澤 空 無 匈<br />
奴<br />
匈 奴 時 有<br />
候 者 到 而<br />
希 矣<br />
後 二 年 漢<br />
擊 走 單 于<br />
於 幕 北<br />
天 子 數 問<br />
騫 大 夏 之<br />
屬<br />
騫 既 失 侯<br />
因 曰<br />
臣 居 匈 奴<br />
中 聞 烏 孫<br />
王 號 昆 莫<br />
昆 莫 父 難<br />
兜 靡<br />
本 與 大 月<br />
氏 俱 在 祁<br />
連 焞 煌 間<br />
小 國 也<br />
大 月 氏 攻<br />
殺 難 兜 靡<br />
— 82 —
<strong>and</strong> suckled him (so that<br />
he was able to survive).<br />
(When) <strong>the</strong> Shan–yu<br />
(heard <strong>of</strong> this he) was<br />
filled with wonder <strong>and</strong>,<br />
believ<strong>in</strong>g that (<strong>the</strong> Kun–<br />
mo) was a god, he took<br />
him <strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> reared him.<br />
When he had grown to<br />
manhood, (<strong>the</strong> Shan–yu)<br />
sent (<strong>the</strong> Kun–mo) to comm<strong>and</strong><br />
a b<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> troops <strong>and</strong><br />
he several times won merit<br />
(<strong>in</strong> battle).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Shan–yu ga<strong>the</strong>red his<br />
fa<strong>the</strong>r’s people toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
aga<strong>in</strong>, restored <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong><br />
Kun–mo <strong>and</strong> ordered him<br />
to be <strong>the</strong> senior guard <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Regions.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Kun–mo took over <strong>and</strong><br />
looked after his people <strong>and</strong><br />
led <strong>the</strong>m <strong>in</strong> attacks on <strong>the</strong><br />
small settlements <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
neighborhood.<br />
(Soon) his skilled archers<br />
其 上 狼 往<br />
乳 之<br />
單 于<br />
怪 以<br />
為 神 而 收<br />
長 之<br />
及 壯 使 將<br />
兵 數 有 功<br />
單 于 復 以<br />
其 父 之 民<br />
予 昆 莫 令<br />
長 守 於 西<br />
( 城 )[ 域 ]<br />
昆 莫 收 養<br />
其 民 攻 旁<br />
小 邑<br />
recently been born,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pu–chiu Hsihou,<br />
who was his<br />
guardian, took him <strong>in</strong><br />
his arms <strong>and</strong> ran<br />
away.<br />
He laid him <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
grass <strong>and</strong> searched for<br />
food for him; <strong>and</strong> on<br />
com<strong>in</strong>g back he saw a<br />
wolf suckl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> child;<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>rmore <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
ravens hold<strong>in</strong>g meat <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir beaks <strong>and</strong> hover<strong>in</strong>g<br />
at (<strong>the</strong> child’s) side.<br />
Believ<strong>in</strong>g this to be suto<br />
<strong>the</strong> K’un–mo<br />
pernatural, he <strong>the</strong>n<br />
carried (<strong>the</strong> child)<br />
back to <strong>the</strong> Hsiung–nu,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shan–yü loved<br />
<strong>and</strong> reared him.<br />
When he had come <strong>of</strong><br />
age, (<strong>the</strong> Shan–yü) delivered<br />
his fa<strong>the</strong>r’s people;<br />
He had him lead<br />
troops, <strong>and</strong> on several<br />
occasions he did so meritoriously.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> time <strong>the</strong> Yüehchih<br />
had already been<br />
defeated by <strong>the</strong><br />
Hsiung–nu;<br />
Mak<strong>in</strong>g for <strong>the</strong> west<br />
<strong>the</strong>y attacked <strong>the</strong> Saiwang.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Saiwang moved a<br />
considerable distance<br />
to <strong>the</strong> South <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Yüeh–chih <strong>the</strong>n occu-<br />
pied <strong>the</strong>ir l<strong>and</strong>s.<br />
Once <strong>the</strong> K’un–mo had<br />
grown to adulthood, he<br />
asked permission <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Shan–yü to avenge<br />
his fa<strong>the</strong>r’s wrongs.<br />
Go<strong>in</strong>g west he at-<br />
tacked <strong>and</strong> defeated<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ta Yüeh–chih, who<br />
aga<strong>in</strong> fled west, mov<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
Ta Hsia.<br />
<strong>The</strong> K’un–mo despoil-<br />
ed <strong>the</strong> population <strong>of</strong><br />
奪 其 地 人<br />
民 亡 走 匈<br />
奴<br />
子 昆 莫 新<br />
生 傅 父 布<br />
就 翎 侯 抱<br />
亡 置 草 中<br />
為 求 食 還<br />
見 狼 乳 之<br />
又 烏 銜 肉<br />
翔 其 旁 以<br />
為 神 遂 持<br />
歸 匈 奴 單<br />
于 愛 養 之<br />
及 壯 以 其<br />
父 民 眾 與<br />
昆 莫 使 將<br />
兵 數 有 功<br />
時 月 氏 已<br />
為 匈 奴 所<br />
塞<br />
破 西 擊<br />
王<br />
塞 王 南 走<br />
遠 徙 月 氏<br />
居 其 地<br />
昆 莫 既<br />
健<br />
自 請 單 于<br />
報 父 怨 遂<br />
西 攻 破 大<br />
月 氏<br />
大 月 氏 復<br />
西 走 徙 大<br />
— 83 —
(numbered) several ten<br />
thous<strong>and</strong>, tra<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> ag-<br />
gressive warfare.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> (›Lao–Shang‹)<br />
Shan–yu died (161 B.C.), <strong>the</strong><br />
Kun–mo <strong>in</strong> fact led his people<br />
<strong>in</strong> a trek far away (declar<strong>in</strong>g<br />
himself an) <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />
(ruler), he refused<br />
(any longer to journey to)<br />
<strong>the</strong> court meet<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Xiong–nu ...<br />
控 弦 數 萬<br />
習 攻 戰<br />
單 于 死 昆<br />
莫 乃 率 其<br />
眾 遠 徙 中<br />
立 不 肯 朝<br />
會 匈 奴<br />
Ta Hsia [<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ta<br />
Yüeh-chih], <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n<br />
rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>re <strong>in</strong> occupation.<br />
His forces gradually<br />
grew stronger<br />
<strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Shan–yü he was no<br />
longer will<strong>in</strong>g to attend<br />
at <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Hsiung–nu <strong>and</strong> serve<br />
<strong>the</strong>m ...<br />
夏 地<br />
昆 莫 略 其<br />
眾 因 留 居<br />
兵 稍 彊<br />
會 單 于 死<br />
不 肯 復 朝<br />
事 匈 奴<br />
It may well be <strong>the</strong> first time that <strong>the</strong>se two “ parallel” texts, excerpts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s<br />
biography <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu, are re produced side by side — toge<strong>the</strong>r with<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir English translations — <strong>in</strong> <strong>Western</strong> literature. We have an excellent example here<br />
how <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu is not copy<strong>in</strong>g, but carefully<br />
edit<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> nearly two hundred years<br />
older Shiji with corrections <strong>and</strong> additions which are <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> greatest importance (I have<br />
made it clear where <strong>the</strong> two Ch<strong>in</strong>ese texts differ).<br />
A seem<strong>in</strong>gly m<strong>in</strong>or correction is that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu has “West <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> He (= Yellow Ri-<br />
tells us that<br />
ver)” 河 西 where <strong>the</strong> Shiji writes “West <strong>of</strong> Hexi” 河 西 西 . <strong>The</strong> full sentence an area, formerly occupied by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>the</strong>n annexed by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu 匈 奴 , is<br />
now empty. <strong>The</strong> ancient nam e <strong>of</strong> this area is Hexi 河 西 (“West <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> River”). Hence, it<br />
cannot be located west to itself. Instead, <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu wants to tell us here that <strong>the</strong><br />
former homel<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 had a common border with <strong>Han</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a at (<strong>the</strong><br />
city <strong>of</strong>) J<strong>in</strong>cheng 金 城 — where <strong>the</strong> Great Wall 長 城 ended at that time — <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong><br />
(Yellow) River 河 . In fact, we are told elsewhere that <strong>the</strong> old territory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 extended<br />
even a little beyond that river. Above, we have seen that Longxi<br />
隴 西 was still<br />
<strong>the</strong> border town at <strong>the</strong> start <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s m ission, even after <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had s<strong>in</strong>ce<br />
long left <strong>the</strong>ir old l<strong>and</strong>s.<br />
HULSEWÉ/LOEWE misunderstood <strong>the</strong> correction <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu text<br />
<strong>and</strong>, 1979: 213,<br />
translated 金 城 河 西 ( 西 ) as “ (<strong>The</strong> area west <strong>of</strong>) Ch<strong>in</strong>-ch’eng <strong>and</strong> Ho-hsi <strong>the</strong>re has never been a Ch<strong>in</strong>ese com-<br />
(comm<strong>and</strong>-<br />
eries) ...” <strong>The</strong> Translators ignore <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
m <strong>and</strong>ery by <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> Hexi (Ho-hsi). Instead, Hexi 河 西 has been <strong>the</strong> ancient name<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> modern Gansu Corridor. <strong>The</strong> c orrect translation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> four characters<br />
金 城 河 西 should be “ West <strong>of</strong> J<strong>in</strong>cheng (city) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> (Y ellow) River ...” This gives us<br />
<strong>the</strong> crucial eastern limit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former homel<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 — which is miss-<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ten repeated, but unfortunately very abbreviated formula “... between <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Qilian (Mounta<strong>in</strong>s) <strong>and</strong> Dunhuang ...” 祁 連 焞 煌 間 (also appear<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> our above <strong>Han</strong>-<br />
former Ruzhi<br />
shu text) — which just gives us <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>and</strong> western limits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 country. <strong>The</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn limit is always left out: <strong>in</strong> that direction<br />
<strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had a<br />
common border with <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu which was not too well def<strong>in</strong>ed, it seems.<br />
In o<strong>the</strong>r words, when <strong>the</strong><br />
Shiji <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu report that <strong>the</strong> oblong corridor <strong>of</strong><br />
la nd between <strong>the</strong> Yellow River <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Salt Swamp 鹽 澤 or Lopnor was empty because<br />
<strong>the</strong> Xiongnu had first annexed this corridor <strong>and</strong> later evacuated it aga<strong>in</strong>, <strong>the</strong>n we may<br />
realize that we have here <strong>the</strong> clearest def<strong>in</strong>ition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
a nd <strong>the</strong>ir western neighbors, t he <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 — <strong>the</strong> latter, <strong>the</strong>refore, should have lived<br />
between Dunhuang 焞 煌 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lopnor.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun are <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> topic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above two excerpts from <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu. <strong>The</strong>se two books provide us with <strong>the</strong> earliest known bits <strong>of</strong><br />
history <strong>of</strong> this<br />
small nomadic nation. As far as I know, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun are not mentioned <strong>in</strong> any Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
text older than <strong>the</strong> Shiji. It is curious that <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu tell us <strong>the</strong> genesis<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun <strong>in</strong> two sharply<br />
different versions. In <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> says that <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong>sun, at an unspecified time, had been attacked <strong>and</strong> routed by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. But <strong>in</strong><br />
— 84 —
月 氏 wh<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu <strong>the</strong> same <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> tells us that it had been <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi o fell<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun <strong>and</strong> killed <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>g. In <strong>the</strong> older book, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun live west <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Xiongnu, but <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> later one, <strong>the</strong>y lived amongst <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 . Which book<br />
is report<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />
true facts ? All told, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu is much better <strong>in</strong>formed about <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun than <strong>the</strong><br />
Shiji. With this, we should be safe to assume that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu is not correct<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Shi-<br />
ji here, but <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> — who had told his story <strong>in</strong> a way whic h suited his aims. If <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong>sun had been maltreated by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, <strong>the</strong>y should bear <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu a grudge,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong> should be able to w<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun as allies aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu. <strong>Zhang</strong><br />
<strong>Qian</strong>, <strong>in</strong> about 119 BCE, wished to be sent out aga<strong>in</strong> as envoy, now to<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun. He<br />
told his story accord<strong>in</strong>gly — <strong>and</strong> it worked. Some two hundred years<br />
later, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>-<br />
it quietly<br />
overwrites <strong>the</strong> Shiji without any discussion. In every respect, <strong>the</strong> later story makes bet-<br />
ter<br />
shu, for <strong>the</strong> sake <strong>of</strong> historical truth, lets <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> report <strong>the</strong> true story:<br />
sense.<br />
It is <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu that we first hear <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 , <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai or Sacaraucae<br />
<strong>of</strong> our <strong>Western</strong> sources. <strong>The</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 , trekk<strong>in</strong>g west, somewhere out <strong>the</strong>re <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> west clash with <strong>the</strong> Saiwang, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang were forced to move “far to <strong>the</strong><br />
south.” But what is more important: <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu goes on to tell us why, where <strong>and</strong><br />
when <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 — <strong>the</strong> “Gr<strong>and</strong>sons <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Raven” — now attacked <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 .<br />
This is <strong>the</strong> decisive piece <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation. <strong>The</strong> 月 氏 , newly settled <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> old l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Saiwang, are not permitted to rema<strong>in</strong> where <strong>the</strong>ir first trek had ended. Beaten by <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Wu</strong>sun — who were comm<strong>and</strong>ed by <strong>the</strong> young kunmo 昆 莫 , or k<strong>in</strong>g, Lie–jiao–mi 獵 驕<br />
靡 , a great leader —, it is now <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 who are forced to move, <strong>and</strong> this time we are<br />
told where to: namely <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 , or far to <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>ast. And<br />
it is <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun who now settle for good <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> old l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang, freshly evacuated<br />
by <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 . When soon afterwards <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu chanyu dies (Laoshang, <strong>in</strong> late<br />
161 BCE), <strong>the</strong> young <strong>Wu</strong>sun kunmo feels well settled <strong>in</strong> his new l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> consequence,<br />
strong <strong>and</strong> powerful enough to shun <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu court meet<strong>in</strong>gs — usually<br />
taken as a sign <strong>of</strong> submission.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun never crossed <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. It was, <strong>the</strong>refore, a most irritat<strong>in</strong>g blunder<br />
when HULSE WÉ, 1979: 217, translated 昆 莫 略 其 眾 因 留 居 as “<strong>The</strong> K’un–mo despoiled<br />
<strong>the</strong> population <strong>of</strong> Ta Hsia, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>re <strong>in</strong> occupation” — <strong>the</strong> literal<br />
mean<strong>in</strong>g be<strong>in</strong>g “<strong>The</strong> Kunmo worsted <strong>the</strong>ir population <strong>and</strong> rema<strong>in</strong>ed to settle <strong>the</strong>re for<br />
good.” This “<strong>the</strong>ir” 其 refers back to <strong>the</strong> last sentence: “<strong>The</strong> Ta Yüeh–chih aga<strong>in</strong> fled<br />
west, mov<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Ta Hsia” 大 月 氏 復 西 走 徙 大 夏 地 . Grammar as well<br />
as common sense tell us here that <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> two antagonists are <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 ; so that “<strong>the</strong>ir” must refer, not to <strong>the</strong> far-away Daxia 大 夏 , but to <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 , newly settled <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> old l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Saiwang. <strong>The</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ted wrong translation<br />
made one or two generations <strong>of</strong> Non-s<strong>in</strong>ologists believe that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun went west<br />
as far as <strong>the</strong> Daxia <strong>and</strong> rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir l<strong>and</strong>s. <strong>The</strong>y did not. Instead, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun<br />
never crossed <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, <strong>in</strong> extenso reproduced <strong>and</strong> discussed here, thus prove: <strong>the</strong><br />
only nomadic peoples cross<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes from east to west <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century<br />
BCE are <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 — one after <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>in</strong> this order <strong>and</strong><br />
with<strong>in</strong> a few years time. It all happens <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> lifetime <strong>of</strong> Chanyu Laoshang (174–161), or<br />
to be more precise: <strong>the</strong> successive two nomadic irruptions from east <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes<br />
<strong>in</strong>to Sogdiana happen after 165 <strong>and</strong> before 160 BCE, i.e. with<strong>in</strong> less than five years. For<br />
<strong>the</strong> next half generation, <strong>the</strong> fights between <strong>the</strong> different <strong>in</strong>vaders are conf<strong>in</strong>ed to Sogdiana.<br />
<strong>The</strong>n, ano<strong>the</strong>r two waves <strong>of</strong> nomadic irruptions <strong>in</strong>undate Bactria: <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first, <strong>of</strong><br />
c. 145, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gs are forced to give up <strong>the</strong> eastern parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir k<strong>in</strong>gdom,<br />
called Daxia 大 夏 (Tochara) by <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second, <strong>of</strong> c. 130 BCE, <strong>the</strong><br />
Greeks, bled out, are f<strong>in</strong>ally annihilated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital Bactra itself.<br />
With this amount <strong>of</strong> historical facts well established by <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, we<br />
may return to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> classical counterparts. For Trogus, <strong>the</strong> start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> his<br />
narrative on <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom is <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> Sogdiana by <strong>the</strong><br />
— 85 —
Ruzhi 月 氏 , <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> Bactra by <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae. Trogus reports noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> short-time<br />
occupation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> upper Ili region <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae-Saiwang <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana.<br />
In consequence, <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se two nomadic nations are unknown to him.<br />
But we have only his prologi, a k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> “ Table <strong>of</strong> Contents.” His full text on <strong>the</strong><br />
subject — where he may have expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> historical facts <strong>in</strong> great detail — unfortunately<br />
is lost.<br />
Of Strabo we have <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> text <strong>of</strong> his book <strong>in</strong> beautiful preservation, <strong>and</strong> so it is<br />
not surpris<strong>in</strong>g that he seems to know more. He tells us that <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> nomadic unrest<br />
must be looked for beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes River (modern Syr Darya). From that region<br />
at <strong>the</strong> eastern end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world — orig<strong>in</strong>ally <strong>the</strong> homel<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakai, now<br />
established <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana — four different nomadic peoples burst forth: <strong>the</strong> Asioi, <strong>the</strong><br />
Pasianoi, <strong>the</strong> Tocharoi <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai. <strong>The</strong> last-mentioned Sakaraukai are one <strong>of</strong><br />
those specific tribes which are also called by <strong>the</strong>ir general name Skythai or Sakai, as<br />
Strabo tells us. Hence, <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> Sakai who are now found liv<strong>in</strong>g amongst <strong>the</strong> Sogdians.<br />
This means, <strong>the</strong>y crossed <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes first <strong>and</strong> thus constituted <strong>the</strong> first wave <strong>of</strong><br />
nomadic irruptions <strong>in</strong>to Sogdiana <strong>and</strong> later Bactria. In <strong>the</strong> second wave, <strong>the</strong>refore, only<br />
three different peoples crossed <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes at once: <strong>the</strong> Asioi, <strong>the</strong> Pasianoi <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Tocharoi.<br />
Compared with Trogus, Strabo’s start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t takes us one step fur<strong>the</strong>r back <strong>in</strong><br />
time <strong>and</strong> space: <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai are found <strong>in</strong> Sogdiana <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r three peoples are<br />
still located beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. Interpret<strong>in</strong>g just Strabo’s text, we would be safe to<br />
assume, that <strong>the</strong> Asioi, Pasianoi, <strong>and</strong> Tocharoi had come from somewhere else <strong>and</strong> had<br />
pushed <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir orig<strong>in</strong>al homes <strong>and</strong> across <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. If so, it<br />
would be logic to assume that <strong>the</strong> three peoples had not come from <strong>the</strong> west, but from<br />
somewhere fur<strong>the</strong>r north; or fur<strong>the</strong>r east — for Strabo <strong>the</strong> latter was terra <strong>in</strong>cognita.<br />
In 1852: 352, LASSEN rem<strong>in</strong>ds us:<br />
Den Ch<strong>in</strong>esischen Geschichtschreibern, die nicht nur die Geschichte ihres eigenen L<strong>and</strong>es<br />
vollständiger und genauer geschrieben haben, als es von irgend e<strong>in</strong>em <strong>and</strong>ern Asiatischen<br />
Volke geschehen ist, sondern auch die Verh<strong>and</strong>lungen der fremden Völker mit ihren<br />
Herrschern und ihre Geschichte, wenn diese e<strong>in</strong>e Beziehung zu der ihres eigenen Volkes<br />
hatte, treu und sorgfältig aufgezeichnet haben, verdankt es die Nachwelt alle<strong>in</strong>, noch e<strong>in</strong>e<br />
Kunde von der Völkerw<strong>and</strong>erung zu besitzen, deren Hauptereignisse hier dargelegt werden<br />
müssen, weil ihre gewaltige Strömung zuletzt auch Indien erreichte.<br />
It is a fortunate fact that our terse <strong>Western</strong> sources on this fateful migration <strong>of</strong> a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> nomad nations — two short prologi by Trogus, four consecutive phrases by<br />
Strabo — are replenished by our <strong>Eastern</strong> sources. Here, we have to compile a wide<br />
range <strong>of</strong> relevant passages from at least seven <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first seventeen Ch<strong>in</strong>ese St<strong>and</strong>ard<br />
Histories 正 史 , or from <strong>the</strong> Shiji 史 記 , <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 漢 書 , <strong>the</strong> Hou <strong>Han</strong>shu 後 漢 書 , <strong>the</strong><br />
Weishu 魏 書 , <strong>the</strong> Beishi 北 史 , <strong>the</strong> Suishu 隨 書 , <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tangshu 唐 書 . Here, firstclass<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation is sometimes found <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> most unexpected chapters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se bulky<br />
books. Scattered bits <strong>and</strong> pieces must be collated, exploited, evaluated. In this paper, I<br />
am try<strong>in</strong>g to do just this <strong>in</strong> a more comprehensive way than has been done so far.<br />
<strong>The</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al result here is: <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, <strong>in</strong> particular Shiji 123, <strong>Han</strong>shu 61,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96 greatly extend <strong>and</strong> confirm what we ga<strong>the</strong>r from Trogus <strong>and</strong> Strabo.<br />
But at times, <strong>the</strong>se <strong>Eastern</strong> sources may also conta<strong>in</strong> crucial corrections. <strong>The</strong> most important<br />
correction <strong>in</strong> our context may well be that those nomadic nations which destroyed<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Græco</strong>-<strong>Bactrian</strong> k<strong>in</strong>gdom north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century<br />
BCE were, not four, but only two <strong>in</strong> number: <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai or Saiwang 塞 王 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
A[r]sii or Ruzhi (<strong>Yuezhi</strong>) 月 氏 . This, <strong>in</strong> fact, is also confirmed by Trogus.<br />
Strabo’s Pasianoi are a phantom people, not mentioned <strong>in</strong> Trogus <strong>and</strong> thus not <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> lost book <strong>of</strong> Apollodoros — <strong>the</strong>y are also unknown <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources.<br />
Whereas Strabo’s Tocharoi are mentioned by Trogus <strong>and</strong> well known by <strong>the</strong> Shiji,<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu etc. — but not as a conquer<strong>in</strong>g people <strong>of</strong> nomads, but as a people conquered<br />
— 86 —
<strong>and</strong> well settled. With this, we are back to <strong>the</strong> above question: how did <strong>the</strong> two names<br />
Pasianoi <strong>and</strong> Tocharoi get onto Strabo’s list ?<br />
S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> very beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> modern Strabo studies, it has been seen that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> unknown<br />
name Pasianoi we have <strong>the</strong> well-known name p-ASIANOI. At a time when Lat<strong>in</strong><br />
was still <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>gua franca <strong>of</strong> all learned men <strong>in</strong> Europe, <strong>the</strong> French scholar VAILLANT<br />
speculated that <strong>the</strong> ethnic name Pasianoi should be amended <strong>in</strong> such a way that it<br />
could be understood as <strong>the</strong> Greek version <strong>of</strong> Trogus’ Asiani.<br />
In 1725: 61, VAILLANT writes:<br />
ARSACES VIII. Artabanus hujus nom<strong>in</strong>is secundus, <strong>in</strong> avi sui Artabani memoriam ita<br />
nuncupatus videtur. Hic Arsacis Mithridatis frater m<strong>in</strong>or, & Arsacis Phriapatii filius fuit ultimus.<br />
Post mortem Phrahatis II, ex fratre Mithridate filii, a Scythis <strong>in</strong> prælio <strong>in</strong>terempti,<br />
Rex a Parthis, qui <strong>in</strong> veram & antiquam Parthiam se receperant, <strong>in</strong> hoc turbido Parthici<br />
Imperii statu constituitur; anno ante Chr. 126. V. C. 628. Seleucid. 186. Arsac. 130.<br />
(Ann. 131.) Scythæ, post <strong>in</strong>signem victoriam de Parthis relatam, ea contenti, prov<strong>in</strong>ciis<br />
illorum depopulatis, <strong>in</strong> patriam revertuntur. Just<strong>in</strong>. lib. 42 cap. 1.<br />
Interim alii Scythæ, dicti Nomades, <strong>Græco</strong>s <strong>Bactrian</strong>æ, quibus jam libertas oblata fuerat<br />
a Parthis, <strong>in</strong>ternecione delent. Strabo lib. 11. pag. 511. De his Scythis Nomadibus maxime <strong>in</strong>notuerunt,<br />
qui Græcis <strong>Bactrian</strong>am ademerunt — Asii PasianÒi, emenda ¾ AsianÒi, vel Asiani,<br />
& Tochari, ac Sacarauli, vel Sacauraci.<br />
In “De (his Scythis) Nomadibus maxime <strong>in</strong>notuerunt ...” we have <strong>the</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> translation<br />
<strong>of</strong> Strabo’s crucial phrase: M£lista d gnèrimoi gegÒnasi tîn nom£dwn ... And<br />
we notice <strong>in</strong> pass<strong>in</strong>g that VAILLANT has a Strabo edition before him with <strong>the</strong> defective<br />
Sacarauli (Sak£rauloi) <strong>in</strong> place <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> correct Sacaraucae (Sakaraàkai), confirmed by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Vatican palimpsest, discovered a century or so later.<br />
VAILLANT is suggest<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>in</strong> times, when <strong>the</strong> Strabo text was be<strong>in</strong>g copied <strong>in</strong> lower-case<br />
or m<strong>in</strong>uscular script, an orig<strong>in</strong>al ¾ AsianÒi had become corrupted <strong>in</strong>to PasianÒi.<br />
<strong>The</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Greek À 'Asiao…, Lat<strong>in</strong> “vel Asiani,” would be <strong>in</strong> English: “or (else<br />
c alled) <strong>the</strong> Asiani.” With this, <strong>the</strong> om<strong>in</strong>ous Pasianoi would disappear. Strabo’s list<br />
would <strong>in</strong>clude only three names: <strong>the</strong> Asioi (or Asianoi), <strong>the</strong> Tocharoi <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakarau-<br />
However, a corruption ¾ P seemed somewhat far-fetched. In upper-case Greek<br />
kai.<br />
letters (majuscular script), <strong>the</strong> same scribal error would become more plausible. And<br />
so <strong>the</strong> French Abbé LONGUERUE, <strong>in</strong> 1732: 14, rewrites his compatriot <strong>in</strong> this way:<br />
Anno A.C. 127. V.C. 627. Seleuc. 185. Arsac. 129. Scythæ contenti victoria depopulata Parthia<br />
(prov<strong>in</strong>ciis Parthorum imperio subditis) <strong>in</strong> patriam revertuntur. Interim alii Scythæ<br />
<strong>Græco</strong>s <strong>Bactrian</strong>æ, quibus jam libertas adempta fuerat a Parthis, <strong>in</strong>ternecione delent.<br />
Strabo lib. XI. pag, 511. de Scythis Nomadibus maxime <strong>in</strong>notuerunt, qui Græcis <strong>Bactrian</strong>am<br />
ademerunt Asii Græce Pas…anoi (emenda —H 'Asianoˆ vel Asiani) & Tochari & Sacarauli<br />
(vel Sacauraci).<br />
With this, <strong>the</strong> corruption H P would be much easier to accept; <strong>and</strong> it would have<br />
occurred earlier: <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first few centuries <strong>of</strong> transmission when such Greek manuscripts<br />
were written <strong>in</strong> capital letters <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> scriptio cont<strong>in</strong>ua, i.e. wíthout extra<br />
spac<strong>in</strong>g between <strong>the</strong> words. <strong>The</strong> scholarly Abbé could have expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> corruption actually<br />
as ΗΑCΙΑΝΟΙ becom<strong>in</strong>g misspelled as ΠΑCΙΑΝΟΙ — <strong>in</strong> this way, <strong>the</strong> scribal error<br />
would have made a t<strong>in</strong>y difference <strong>in</strong> writ<strong>in</strong>g, but a fearful one <strong>in</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>in</strong>deed.<br />
This would be an elegant way to reduce Straho’s list from four to three names. But<br />
would it be typical for Strabo to mention one name <strong>in</strong> two different versions ? One authority<br />
on <strong>the</strong> subject, LASSEN, does not th<strong>in</strong>k so. In 1852: 360, he comments <strong>in</strong> a note:<br />
Longuerue <strong>in</strong> se<strong>in</strong>en Annal. Arsac. p. 14, und Vaillant, de Arsacid. imper. I, p. 61, haben À<br />
'Asianoˆ als Emendation vorgeschlagen; s. die Notiz zu der Stelle <strong>in</strong> der Ausgabe von<br />
Tzschucke IV, p. 474. Dieser Vorschlag sche<strong>in</strong>t jedoch nicht annehmbar, da Strabon kaum<br />
die Verschiedenheit der Namen erwähnt haben wird.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> same page, LASSEN proposes his own <strong>in</strong>genious way to solve <strong>the</strong> problem:<br />
— 87 —
Von diesen W<strong>and</strong>erhirten s<strong>in</strong>d besonders jene bekannt geworden, welche den Hellenen<br />
Baktrien entrissen, die Asier, Pasianer, Tocharer und Sakarauler, ausgezogen vom jenseitigen<br />
Ufer des Iaxartes neben den Saken und Sogdianern, wo [gleichfalls] Saken sassen.<br />
In a note GROSKURD adds:<br />
Den umständlichsten Bericht über den Sky<strong>the</strong>ne<strong>in</strong>bruch hat uns Strabon aufbewahrt.<br />
Nach ihm waren unter den Nomaden <strong>in</strong> N. Sogdiana’s diejenigen die berühmtesten geworden,<br />
welche den Hellenen Baktrien weggenommen hatten, nämlich die Asier, die Pasianer,<br />
die Tocharer und Sakarauler. Sie waren ausgezogen aus dem L<strong>and</strong>e jenseits des Jaxartes<br />
und dem <strong>The</strong>ile Sogdiana’s, welchen die Saker besassen. Ausser dieser Stelle f<strong>in</strong>den sich<br />
nur zwei kurze Notizen aus dem Werke des Trogus Pompeius ... Die Verschiedenheit dieser<br />
Angaben betreffen <strong>the</strong>ils die Zahl der Völker, <strong>the</strong>ils ihre Namen. Strabon führt vier auf,<br />
Trogus Pompeius dagegen nur drei; se<strong>in</strong>e Sarancae müssen die Sakarauler des erstern<br />
seyn. Da die Pasianer sonst nirgends vorkommen, möchte es kaum zweifelhaft seyn, dass<br />
<strong>in</strong> se<strong>in</strong>en Text dieser Name aus e<strong>in</strong>er R<strong>and</strong>glosse, <strong>in</strong> welcher bemerkt worden war, dass<br />
die Asier von <strong>and</strong>ern Asianer genannt wurden, durch die Abschreiber e<strong>in</strong>gedrungen ist.<br />
LASSEN underst<strong>and</strong>s Strabo’s text clearly <strong>in</strong> that way that <strong>the</strong> nomadic nations who<br />
took Bactria from <strong>the</strong> Greeks had come:<br />
(1) from beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes (east <strong>and</strong> north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river);<br />
(2) from that part <strong>of</strong> Sogdiana which was occupied by <strong>the</strong> Sakas (west <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river).<br />
Strabo, surely bas<strong>in</strong>g himself on Apollodoros, <strong>the</strong>n adds <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation that <strong>the</strong><br />
o rig<strong>in</strong>al homes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakai — or, more specific, <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai — had been beyond,<br />
or east <strong>and</strong> north <strong>of</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. With this we know that <strong>the</strong> first stage <strong>of</strong> this migra-<br />
<strong>of</strong> nations had been <strong>the</strong> displacement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakai/Sakaraukai from <strong>the</strong>ir orig<strong>in</strong>al<br />
tion<br />
seats beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes <strong>in</strong>to Sogdiana, i.e. to west <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river. And we know that<br />
those peoples — who had pushed <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai west across <strong>the</strong> river <strong>and</strong> were now<br />
liv<strong>in</strong>g beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> old seats <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai — must orig<strong>in</strong>ally have<br />
come from somewhere else. This was an important realization. For shortly before<br />
LASSEN, GROSKURD, a great <strong>in</strong>terpreter <strong>of</strong> Strabo, still f<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>the</strong> half-sentence ... ¿n<br />
kate‹con S£kai difficult <strong>and</strong> “dark” when, <strong>in</strong> 1831: 397, he translates <strong>the</strong> whole sentence<br />
this way:<br />
Im Text steht blos: neben den Saken und Sogdianern, wo Saken sassen; e<strong>in</strong> sehr unver-<br />
ständiger und dunkler Ausdruck. Zwar wohnten allerd<strong>in</strong>gs auch jenseits des Iaxartes Saken.<br />
Dieses muss aber bestimmter und als Gegensatz ausgedrückt werden. Wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich<br />
fehlt vor kate‹con nur kaˆ aÙt¾n, gleichfalls.<br />
In 1967: 52, DAFFINÀ, still uncerta<strong>in</strong> how to underst<strong>and</strong> Strabo here, writes:<br />
Strabone, att<strong>in</strong>gendo probabilmente ad Apollodoro di Artemita, dice che la Battriana fu<br />
sottratta ai Greci da quattro popoli nomadi: gli ”Asoi, i Pasiano…, i TÒcaroi, e i<br />
Sakaraàkai, partiti dall’ opposta sponda dello Iaxart±s. Il testo <strong>in</strong> questo punto è confuso e<br />
non si capisce bene a quale lato del fiume Strabone <strong>in</strong>tenda riferirsi; probabilmente al lato<br />
destro, cioè settentrionale, ma è ovvio, <strong>in</strong> ogni caso, che i quattro <strong>in</strong>vasori non si diedero<br />
convegno <strong>in</strong> uno stesso luogo alla stessa ora e che quella di Apollodoro-Strabone è soltanto<br />
una notizia semplificata e succ<strong>in</strong>ta dei loro movimento.<br />
DAFFINÀ, beyond his problems to underst<strong>and</strong> Strabo forthwith, makes one impor-<br />
statement: “Obviously <strong>the</strong> four <strong>in</strong>vaders did not converge <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same place at <strong>the</strong><br />
tant<br />
same time.” This means that <strong>the</strong> last-mentioned Sakaraukai crossed <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes first,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r three peoples occupied <strong>the</strong> old seats <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai on <strong>the</strong> far side<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> river. This is what Strabo says. With LASSEN 1852, <strong>and</strong> more recently ALT-<br />
HEIM/STIEHL 1970 (see above, p. 80), we know how this “dark” half-sentence must be un-<br />
... where <strong>the</strong> Sakai had lived a long time (be- ... ¿n kate‹con S£kai.<br />
derstood:<br />
fore <strong>the</strong>y were driven west <strong>in</strong>to Sogdiana).<br />
— 88 —
Now, what we have to deduce so pa<strong>in</strong>fully from a bare m<strong>in</strong>imum <strong>of</strong> words <strong>in</strong> our<br />
<strong>Western</strong> sources, we f<strong>in</strong>d fully <strong>and</strong> unmistakably expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Histories.<br />
Orig<strong>in</strong>ally, <strong>the</strong> Sai 塞 or Saiwang 塞 王 had <strong>the</strong>ir traditional pasture grounds <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
pper Ili River valley <strong>and</strong> environs. <strong>The</strong> East Asian, or mongoloid, Ruzhi 月 氏 , a f<strong>in</strong>al<br />
ime bloodily beaten by <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu 匈 奴 <strong>in</strong> about 165 BCE, decide to escape Xiongnu<br />
u<br />
t<br />
d om<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>and</strong> start to migrate west. Somewhere out <strong>the</strong>re, obviously <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> valleys <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> upper Ili <strong>and</strong> its tributaries, <strong>the</strong>y clash with <strong>the</strong> Central Asian, or Indo-European,<br />
Saiwang, forc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>m to escape across <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. Meanwhile <strong>the</strong> new Kunmo 昆 莫 ,<br />
or k<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 — who had been a new-born child when <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 had at-<br />
<strong>and</strong> beaten <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun, kill<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir old k<strong>in</strong>g Nan-tou-mi 難 兜 靡 — has grown<br />
tacked<br />
up <strong>and</strong> now asks <strong>the</strong> chanyu or emperor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu, Laoshang 老 上 , <strong>the</strong> permis-<br />
sion to avenge his fa<strong>the</strong>r. Before <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> this chanyu, occurr<strong>in</strong>g late <strong>in</strong> 161 BCE, he<br />
attacks <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 , triumphs over <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>and</strong> it is now <strong>the</strong> turn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 to cross <strong>the</strong><br />
Jaxartes <strong>in</strong>to Sogdiana. <strong>The</strong>re, <strong>the</strong>y clash a second time with <strong>the</strong> Saiwang. A second<br />
time <strong>the</strong> Saiwang have to move, this time to <strong>the</strong> south.<br />
It all fits well enough with what Trogus <strong>and</strong> Strabo tell us <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae/Sakaraukai<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani/Asioi. In <strong>the</strong> more coherent story <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources, however,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is nowhere any mention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pasianoi — or <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tocharoi as an <strong>in</strong>vad<strong>in</strong>g<br />
nomad nation. This makes it certa<strong>in</strong> that <strong>the</strong>se phantom or real peoples have no<br />
place <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>cursions <strong>of</strong> nomadic nations which eventually destroyed Greek Bactria.<br />
Strabo should have told us: First <strong>the</strong> Sakaraukai crossed <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes from East<br />
to West <strong>and</strong> shortly <strong>the</strong>reafter <strong>the</strong> Asioi. For Trogus has only <strong>the</strong>se two <strong>in</strong>vad<strong>in</strong>g peoples.<br />
Our two <strong>Western</strong> authors <strong>of</strong> Augustean time copy from <strong>the</strong> same lost book <strong>of</strong><br />
Apollodoros <strong>of</strong> Artemita. With this, <strong>the</strong> last vex<strong>in</strong>g question to solve here is: How did<br />
<strong>the</strong> superfluous two ethnic names Pasianoi <strong>and</strong> Tocharoi get onto Strabo’s list ? By logical<br />
deduction, we can be sure now that <strong>the</strong>y have not been <strong>the</strong>re when Strabo wrote<br />
his Geography.<br />
We have seen that LASSEN considers it unlikely that Strabo should have bo<strong>the</strong>red to<br />
m ention a particular name <strong>in</strong> two different versions. He prefers to th<strong>in</strong>k that <strong>the</strong> name<br />
Pasianoi was orig<strong>in</strong>ally just a marg<strong>in</strong>al note — expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> Asioi were elseere<br />
called Asianoi: h asianoi — <strong>and</strong> this note later slipped <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> text as pa-<br />
wh<br />
sianoi. <strong>The</strong>v erysame could have happened to <strong>the</strong> name Tocharoi <strong>in</strong> Strabo’s list. GROS-<br />
KURD’s careful Index to Strabo’s Geography shows, 1834: 439, that this name, too, ap-<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole huge work only once, i.e. on this page 511 (<strong>the</strong> pag<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>of</strong> Casau-<br />
pears<br />
b onus’ edition <strong>of</strong> 1620), <strong>and</strong> so may also have been just a note <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>s — to <strong>the</strong><br />
e ffect that <strong>in</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r work this name was found mentioned <strong>in</strong> connection with <strong>the</strong> fall<br />
<strong>of</strong> Greek Bactria — which a later copyist adopted <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> text, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong><br />
corrupt Pasianoi. This sounds all very conv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g. However, our oldest Strabo codex,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Vatican palimpsest, squarely disproves such reason<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
Daff<strong>in</strong>à, 1967: 52–53, remarks already :<br />
Nella prima metà del Settecento il Vaillant congetturò, difatti, che ”Asioi kaˆ Pasianoˆ<br />
fosse corrompimento di un orig<strong>in</strong>ario ¥sioi À ¢siano…. Lasci<strong>and</strong>o stare che la lettura tradizionale<br />
viene ora confermata dal pal<strong>in</strong>sesto vaticano e perciò ha il consenso dei codici tutti,<br />
il restauro consigliato dal Vaillant, ancorché accettato e difeso f<strong>in</strong>o a non molti anni fa,<br />
non è tanto paleograficamente impossibile, quanto <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>secamente <strong>in</strong>giustificato. In effetto<br />
esso è stato sostenuto soprattutto perché dei Pasianoi non si sapeva bene che fare.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Vatican palimpsest, very fragmentary though it is, shows Strabo’s most important<br />
phrase on Casaubonus’ page 511 <strong>in</strong> an immaculate state <strong>of</strong> preservation. <strong>The</strong> list <strong>of</strong><br />
conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomad nations has all four traditional names. On <strong>the</strong> discovery <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> palimpsest’s<br />
69 (<strong>of</strong> once 462) folia, ALY writes, 1929: 3–5 :<br />
In dem Kasten, <strong>in</strong> dem bislang die Überreste des Vat. Gr. 2306 aufbewahrt wurden, bef<strong>in</strong>daß<br />
er diese <strong>Han</strong>dschrift am 16. März 1844 im<br />
det sich e<strong>in</strong> Zettel von der <strong>Han</strong>d Angelo Mais,<br />
römischen Kunsth<strong>and</strong>el erworben hat. Sie enthält von zweiter <strong>Han</strong>d Stücke des Penta-<br />
— 89 —
teuch; darunter st<strong>and</strong>en von e<strong>in</strong>er <strong>Han</strong>d des 6. Jahrh. “o piu antica” Teile von Strabons<br />
Geographie. Des außerordentlichen Wertes dieses Fundes wurde man sich jedoch erst be-<br />
wußt, als der Basilianer Pater Cozza-Luzi <strong>in</strong> der Biblio<strong>the</strong>k des griechischen Klosters Grotta<br />
Ferrata <strong>in</strong> den Albaner Bergen unter Pergamentresten von <strong>Han</strong>dschriftenkustoden drei<br />
ebenfalls doppelt beschriebene Blätter f<strong>and</strong>, die <strong>of</strong>fensichtlich aus derselben Strabonh<strong>and</strong>schrift<br />
stammten und nach der oberen Schrift zu urteilen entweder derselben <strong>Han</strong>dschrift<br />
angehörten, die Mai erworben hatte, oder e<strong>in</strong>er sehr ähnlichen. Seit dem Jahre 1875 hat<br />
sich (Guiseppe) Cozza-Luzi e<strong>in</strong>gehend mit der Entzifferung der Strabonreste beschäftigt<br />
und nach e<strong>in</strong>er kürzeren Voranzeige von 1875 se<strong>in</strong>e Ergebnisse <strong>in</strong> sieben Teilen von 1884–<br />
1898 veröffentlicht ... Schon die Anordnung der Schrift <strong>in</strong> drei Kolumnen beweist, daß wir<br />
es mit e<strong>in</strong>er <strong>Han</strong>dschrift von beträchtlichem Alter zu tun haben ...<br />
Alle diese Merkmale zusammengenommen empfehlen als Datierung den Anfang des 6.<br />
Jahrhunderts, wenn nicht gar die zweite Hälfte des 5. Jahrhunderts. Die Schrift ist außerordentlich<br />
regelmäßig und fest. In Verb<strong>in</strong>dung mit dem sehr fe<strong>in</strong>en Pergament zeigt sie an,<br />
daß wir ke<strong>in</strong>e übliche <strong>Han</strong>delsware vor uns haben, sondern e<strong>in</strong>e gute sorgfältige Abschrift.<br />
Sie hat e<strong>in</strong>st den ganzen Strabon enthalten. Außer e<strong>in</strong>em Blatte des 1. Buches stammen<br />
alle Blätter aus dem 8.–17. Buche ...<br />
Nachdem e<strong>in</strong> paar Blätter des Strabon <strong>in</strong> Grotta Ferrata gefunden s<strong>in</strong>d, kann man mit<br />
e<strong>in</strong>iger Wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lichkeit sagen, daß auch V 1 und V 2 dort gewesen s<strong>in</strong>d. Man begreift wenigstens<br />
dann, wie V 2 <strong>in</strong> den römischen Kunsth<strong>and</strong>el gekommen ist. Die Biblio<strong>the</strong>k von<br />
Grotta Ferrata stammt zum großen Teil aus Süditalien ...<br />
Andererseits beweist die wesentlich spätere <strong>Han</strong>d von V 2 , daß nicht etwa V 1 von fern<br />
her importiert se<strong>in</strong> kann, sondern daß der Strabon dort irgendwo <strong>in</strong> Kalabrien aufgelöst<br />
wurde und se<strong>in</strong> Pergament zu mehreren <strong>and</strong>eren <strong>Han</strong>dschriften verwendet wurde. Da<br />
liegt es nahe, an das Bistum Rossano zu denken, <strong>in</strong> dessen unmittelbarer Nachbarschaft<br />
im Laufe des 6. Jahrhunderts die ersten Eremitenzellen entst<strong>and</strong>en waren ...<br />
Ordnen sich aber die Tatsachen soweit s<strong>in</strong>nvoll zusammen, so dürfte es unzweifelhaft<br />
se<strong>in</strong>, daß auch der etwas ältere Strabonkodex nicht <strong>in</strong> Rossano geschrieben ist. Ich möchte<br />
auf se<strong>in</strong>e Schrift e<strong>in</strong> Wort Mercatis anwenden, das er bei e<strong>in</strong>er <strong>and</strong>eren Gelegenheit gesagt<br />
hat: “non si scrive cosi bene nella prov<strong>in</strong>zia.” Und das Konstant<strong>in</strong>opel Just<strong>in</strong>ians ist es,<br />
das uns die ersten Zeugnisse e<strong>in</strong>er Bekanntschaft mit Strabon <strong>in</strong> dem Lexikon des Stephanos<br />
liefert.<br />
ALY published <strong>the</strong> Strabon palimpsest — <strong>in</strong> transcription <strong>and</strong> facsimile — 1956 <strong>in</strong><br />
Rome, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> language which had been spoken <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> eternal city for a thous<strong>and</strong><br />
years. From his book’s <strong>in</strong>troduction, p. V–IX, we get a few additional details:<br />
In 69 foliis membranaceis duorum Biblio<strong>the</strong>cae Apostolicae Vaticanae codicum, quos antiquo<br />
more palimpsestos vel rescriptos vocamus, sub scriptura mediaevali vetustissima<br />
scriptura Graeca uncialibus litteris composita latet, qua commentarios geographicos Strabonis<br />
tradi iam dudum cognitum est ...<br />
1<br />
Is nunc <strong>in</strong> Biblio<strong>the</strong>ca Vaticana sub nº 2306 asservatur (V ). Eum antea <strong>in</strong> conventu ordi-<br />
nisi litterae abundantes modulo m<strong>in</strong>ore exarantur, <strong>in</strong>terdum paulo angustiores scribuntur.<br />
nis S. Basilii Cryptensi, qui hodie Grottaferrata audit, fuisse tribus foliis comprobatur,<br />
quae ad hunc diem vitreis munita <strong>in</strong> Biblio<strong>the</strong>ca conventus <strong>in</strong> memoriam antiquae possessionis<br />
spectantur (V c ). Jam Card<strong>in</strong>alis Pentateuchum quidem <strong>in</strong>esse, Strabonis autem<br />
›Geographica‹ litteris unicialibus conscripta subesse vidit ...<br />
Numeri versum non variantur. Scriptura aequalis et elegantissima. Spatia litterarum<br />
praeter term<strong>in</strong>ationes versuum locis diversissimis operis non mutantur; <strong>in</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ibus versum,<br />
Quamquam l<strong>in</strong>ea subsidiaria ad capita litterarum f<strong>in</strong>ienda nusquam conspicitur, tamen<br />
altitud<strong>in</strong>is litterarum summa est aequalitas, quasi pertica emensa esset. Attamen, qui<br />
scripsit, munere suo non tarde aut nimis curiose functus est, nam l<strong>in</strong>eolae, quibus <strong>in</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ibus<br />
versuum littera N significatur ...<br />
— 90 —
ALY 1956: 69 Vat. Gr. 2061 A, fol. 281, r. I, l<strong>in</strong>. 12–25 (V 1 40.54)<br />
In his chapter De contextus virtutibus vitiisque palimpsesti, ALY, 1956: 196, adds<br />
<strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g commentarius criticus to <strong>the</strong> famous sentence <strong>of</strong> Strabo (11.8.2; Cas.511).<br />
<strong>The</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> “L” is: all later codices.<br />
281 r I 19/20 = 8,2 p. 462,11 C A K A P A Υ Κ Α Ι :<br />
T A X A P O I<br />
L sak£rauloi kaˆ; kaˆ del. Groskurd.<br />
L quoque exhibent.<br />
22 = 8,2 p. 462,12 T O Υ T Ι Α Ξ A P T O Υ : L toà „ax£rtou.<br />
24 = 8,2 p. 462,13 C O Γ Δ O A N O Y C : L sogdianoÚj.<br />
We see here that <strong>the</strong> Strabo Palimpsest Vat. Gr. 2061 A (V 1 ) — folio 281, recto, column<br />
I, l<strong>in</strong>es 12–25 — very clearly shows <strong>the</strong> much-quoted sentence we are concerned<br />
with <strong>in</strong> this paper:<br />
Vat.Gr. 2061 A (V 1 ), 281, r I, 12–25:<br />
MAΛICTA / ΔEΓNωPIMOIΓEΓO /<br />
NACINTωNNOMA / ΔωNOITOΥCEΛΛH /<br />
NACAΦEΛOMENOI / THNBAKTPIANHN /<br />
ACIOIKAIΠACIANOI / KAITAXAPOIKAICA /<br />
KAPAΥKAIOPMHΘEN / TECAΠOTHCΠEPAI /<br />
ACTOΥTIAΞAPTOΥ / THCKATACAKACKAI /<br />
COΓΔOANOΥCHN / KATEIΧONCAKAI /<br />
Transcription:<br />
M£lista / d gnèrimoi gegÒ- /<br />
nas<strong>in</strong> tîn nom£- / dwn oƒ toÝj “Ellh- /<br />
naj ¢felÒmenoi / t¾n Baktrian»n /<br />
”Asioi kaˆ Pasianoˆ / kaˆ T£caroi kaˆ Sa- /<br />
karaàkai, Ðrmhqšn- / tej ¢pÕ tÁj pera…- /<br />
aj toà Tiax£rtou / tÁj kat¦ S£kaj kaˆ /<br />
SogdoanoÚj, ¿n / kate‹con S£kai.<br />
When we consider <strong>the</strong> fact that Strabo’s Geography rema<strong>in</strong>ed practically unknown<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first few centuries <strong>of</strong> its existence, we may well have here, <strong>in</strong> this palimpsest <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> fifth century CE, <strong>the</strong> well-preserved text <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> editio pr<strong>in</strong>ceps <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first century<br />
C E. If this assumption is correct, Strabo himself wrote Tiaxartes <strong>in</strong> place <strong>of</strong> Iaxartes<br />
<strong>and</strong> Sogdoanoi <strong>in</strong> place <strong>of</strong> Sogdianoi — mistakes which were corrected <strong>in</strong> later codices.<br />
We also see here that <strong>the</strong> correct <strong>Western</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> one tribe <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> great Saka<br />
Federation, located orig<strong>in</strong>ally beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes, was Sakaraukai < *saka rauka-.<br />
— 91 —
fective Sakarauloi back to Sakaraukai. A few modern authors understood this correctly.<br />
But GROSKURD <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century mistakenly deleted kai <strong>and</strong> kept Sakarauloi<br />
— <strong>in</strong> fact, he should have deleted -loi <strong>in</strong>stead, to get Sakaraukai. Trogus orig<strong>in</strong>ally<br />
must have had Sacaraucae — which name later copyists corrupted <strong>in</strong>to Sarancae.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese equivalent to Saka is Sai 塞 (ancient pronunciation sak) <strong>and</strong> for Saka-raukai<br />
it is Sai–wang (Sak–wang) 塞 王 .<br />
Later Strabo codices had shown Sakarauloi kai, constitut<strong>in</strong>g an effort to correct a de-<br />
But <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> greatest <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> palimpsest’s render<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> our terse, desperately<br />
important sentence is that Strabo orig<strong>in</strong>ally wrote, not Tocharoi, but Tacharoi. This,<br />
apparently, was no mistake, for all later codices <strong>in</strong>variably also show Tacharoi, as ALY<br />
states <strong>in</strong> his commentarius criticus, quoted above. It is very curious, <strong>the</strong>refore, that all<br />
modern editions (<strong>and</strong> all translations) <strong>of</strong> Strabo’s Geography just as unanimously<br />
seem to have Tocharoi: MEINEKE 1877: 718; JONES 1928: 260; LASSERRE 1975: 83; RADT<br />
2004: 340 are <strong>the</strong> ones I have before me here. <strong>The</strong> only explanation for this “falsification”<br />
I can th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>of</strong> is that <strong>the</strong> accepted name <strong>of</strong> later times was Tocharoi <strong>and</strong> Tocharistan.<br />
Today, <strong>the</strong>refore, we must take note aga<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> earliest <strong>Western</strong> representation<br />
<strong>of</strong> this important ethnic name was Greek TAXAPOI (Tachari). In this way,<br />
as <strong>the</strong> newly published Vatican Palimpsest shows, Strabo copied <strong>the</strong> name from Apollodoros’<br />
book. If so, <strong>the</strong> lost book <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roman historian Trogus, too, should have<br />
shown an orig<strong>in</strong>al Reges Tacharorum Asiani. Only later on, this name changed to Tochari/TOXAPOI.<br />
How very helpful it should be if Trogus’ magnum opus would surface<br />
somewhere — or at least <strong>the</strong> opusculum <strong>of</strong> Apollodoros.<br />
Under <strong>the</strong>se circumstances, it is <strong>of</strong> particular <strong>in</strong>terest to note that this change <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
first vowel from –a– to –o– is closely paralleled <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources. <strong>The</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu (i.e. <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Report) have Ta–hia/Daxia (Wade-Giles/P<strong>in</strong>y<strong>in</strong>) 大 夏 . In <strong>the</strong><br />
later Weishu, Beishi, Suishu <strong>and</strong> Tangshu, this name is changed to T’u–ho–lo/Tuhuoluo<br />
吐 火 羅 <strong>and</strong> a few close variants: Tangshu 221 <strong>in</strong>troduces <strong>the</strong> spell<strong>in</strong>gs Tu-ho-lo/<br />
Duhuoluo 吐 豁 羅 , 睹 貨 邏 , <strong>and</strong> T’u-hu-lo/Tuhuluo 吐 呼 羅 .<br />
In this, we have a firm additional pro<strong>of</strong> that Daxia 大 夏 is <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese transcription<br />
<strong>of</strong> Tacha( ra); <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> la t er Tuhuoluo 吐 火 羅 is <strong>the</strong> (improved) Ch<strong>in</strong>ese tran-<br />
scriptio n <strong>of</strong> Tochara. <strong>The</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese sources even give us a term<strong>in</strong>us ante quem for <strong>the</strong><br />
dist<strong>in</strong>ct change <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial vowel <strong>in</strong> this nam e: <strong>the</strong> Weishu, first <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
St<strong>and</strong>ard Histories to <strong>in</strong>troduce <strong>the</strong> new transcription T’u–ho–lo/ Tuhuoluo 吐 火 羅 ,<br />
narrates <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Wei Dynasty, i.e. history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> late fourth to <strong>the</strong> mid-sixth<br />
century CE.<br />
And <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>es 18–20 <strong>of</strong> column I, recto <strong>of</strong> folio 281, we have Strabo’s om<strong>in</strong>ous list <strong>of</strong><br />
four names: ACIOIKAIΠACIANOI / KAITAXAPOIKAICA / KAPAΥKAI — ”Asioi kaˆ Pasianoˆ<br />
kaˆ T£caroi kaˆ Sakaraàkai ... All four are said to be <strong>the</strong> names <strong>of</strong> those noriana<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Greeks: tîn nom£dwn oƒ toÝj “Ellhnaj<br />
madic peoples who took Bakt<br />
¢felÒmenoi t¾n Baktrian»n. And <strong>the</strong>y all are said to have broken loose, like an ava-<br />
lanche, from <strong>the</strong> far side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes: Ðrmhqšntej ¢pÕ tÁj pera…aj toà Tiax£rtou.<br />
With only this one sentence by Strabo<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> summaries <strong>of</strong> two <strong>of</strong> his books<br />
(chapters) by Trogus, we would be conv<strong>in</strong>ced that <strong>the</strong> Asii, Pasiani, Tachari, <strong>and</strong> Saca-<br />
Jaxartes, had <strong>in</strong>undated Sogdiana <strong>and</strong><br />
raucae had stormed forth from beyond <strong>the</strong><br />
Bactria like a tidal wave, <strong>and</strong> had flushed <strong>the</strong> Greeks out <strong>in</strong> one great sweep. In <strong>the</strong><br />
end, <strong>the</strong> Asii would rule over <strong>the</strong> Tachari, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae would be utterly annihilated.<br />
Not <strong>the</strong> slightest shadow <strong>of</strong> doubt would be cast over this scenario.<br />
<strong>The</strong> one rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g question would be: what had happened to <strong>the</strong> Pasiani ?<br />
Fortunately, we have no less <strong>the</strong>n seventeen bulky Ch<strong>in</strong>ese history books to sift<br />
through to f<strong>in</strong>d out what really happened. <strong>The</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation thus ga<strong>the</strong>red is a hundred<br />
times that collected from our meager <strong>Western</strong> sources — <strong>in</strong> quantity <strong>and</strong> quality.<br />
Those history books were composed by men <strong>of</strong> letters mostly <strong>in</strong> Chang’an <strong>and</strong> Luo-<br />
two great capitals near <strong>the</strong> Yellow River <strong>and</strong> thus very far away from Central Asia.<br />
yang,<br />
But <strong>the</strong>se far-away historians — Sima Tan, Sima <strong>Qian</strong>, Ban Biao, Ban Gu <strong>and</strong> many<br />
— 92 —
o<strong>the</strong>rs — could boast to have had an eyewitness on <strong>the</strong> scene, <strong>the</strong> great first Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
explorer to reach <strong>the</strong> Oxus River, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 129 BCE: <strong>the</strong>ir man <strong>in</strong> Daxia (Tachara),<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>.<br />
Yet, even with <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>’s Report to start from, it took <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese some seven to<br />
eight centuries to piece <strong>the</strong> full story toge<strong>the</strong>r on <strong>the</strong> Nomadensturm or nomadic irruption<br />
which swept away <strong>the</strong> Greek k<strong>in</strong>gdom <strong>of</strong> Sogdiana <strong>and</strong> Bactria, north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush<br />
Mounta<strong>in</strong>s. <strong>The</strong> first detailed <strong>in</strong>formation we collect from chapters 110 <strong>and</strong> 123<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiji <strong>and</strong> chapters 61, 94, <strong>and</strong> 96 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu; <strong>the</strong> last additions <strong>and</strong> amendments<br />
we f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong> Tangshu 221. We are told that four nomadic peoples were <strong>in</strong>volved to<br />
set this early historic Völkerw<strong>and</strong>erung <strong>in</strong>to motion:<br />
— <strong>the</strong> Xiongnu 匈 奴 ;<br />
— <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi (<strong>Yuezhi</strong>) 月 氏 ;<br />
— <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 ;<br />
— <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 .<br />
<strong>The</strong> Xiongnu <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun never crossed <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes. <strong>The</strong>y rema<strong>in</strong>ed practically<br />
unknown to classic <strong>Western</strong> historians like Trogus <strong>and</strong> Strabo. And <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏<br />
would have roamed around <strong>the</strong> lush pasture grounds <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> upper Ili Valley forever, if<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun kunmo or k<strong>in</strong>g had not developed an ardent desire to avenge his fa<strong>the</strong>r —<br />
who had been killed by <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 — <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> process had driven <strong>the</strong> 月 氏 across <strong>the</strong><br />
Jaxartes, shortly after <strong>the</strong> Saiwang 塞 王 , evicted from <strong>the</strong> Ili by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 .<br />
Thus, <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese historians tell us that only two nomadic peoples broke loose<br />
like an avalanche from <strong>the</strong> far side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes — <strong>and</strong> not toge<strong>the</strong>r, but <strong>in</strong> two<br />
dist<strong>in</strong>ct waves:<br />
— <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae/Sakaraukai/Saiwang 塞 王 (pushed by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi 月 氏 )<br />
— <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani/Asioi/Ruzhi 月 氏 (pushed by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>sun 烏 孫 ).<br />
<strong>The</strong>se clarifications we owe to <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese history books. <strong>The</strong>y contradict Strabo <strong>in</strong><br />
two crucial po<strong>in</strong>ts: <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> peoples <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> wrest<strong>in</strong>g Bactria from <strong>the</strong><br />
Greeks, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> stages it took to drive <strong>the</strong> Greeks south across <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush.<br />
Why, <strong>the</strong>n, did Strabo <strong>in</strong>clude <strong>the</strong> Pasiani <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tachari <strong>in</strong> his list ? <strong>The</strong>y do not<br />
belong <strong>the</strong>re. <strong>The</strong> Vatican Palimpsest, quoted above, suggests that <strong>the</strong> list <strong>in</strong> question<br />
<strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>the</strong> four names from <strong>the</strong> very beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g. But we know that both Trogus <strong>and</strong><br />
Strabo copied <strong>the</strong> <strong>Bactrian</strong> matters from Apollodoros <strong>of</strong> Artemita. S<strong>in</strong>ce Trogus names<br />
just <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani as conquerors <strong>of</strong> Sogdiana <strong>and</strong> Bactria, Strabo<br />
after him must have named just <strong>the</strong>se two peoples as well.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is one solution to this dilemma. Strabo, when he died, left his Geography <strong>in</strong><br />
an unpublished manuscript form. It was published some time after his death by an<br />
unknown editor who was at great pa<strong>in</strong>s to get <strong>the</strong> manuscript ready for publication.<br />
ALY, who studied Strabo’s live <strong>and</strong> work with exceptional care, writes <strong>in</strong> PAULY’s RE,<br />
1931: 76–154:<br />
Strabon von Amaseia, stoischer Philosoph, Historiker und Geograph ...<br />
Das Werk des Apollodoros, das hauptsächlich das östliche Asien nördlich des Tauros beh<strong>and</strong>elt<br />
hatte und vor 36 v.Chr. entst<strong>and</strong>en se<strong>in</strong> wird, sche<strong>in</strong>t Strabon selbständig benutzt<br />
zu haben ... Diese vielen und umfangreichen Entlehnungen aus Autoren der verschiedenen<br />
Zeitalter müßten bei Strabon den E<strong>in</strong>druck e<strong>in</strong>er e<strong>in</strong>heitlichen Komposition se<strong>in</strong>es<br />
Werkes empf<strong>in</strong>dlich stören, wenn diese nicht ohneh<strong>in</strong> fehlte ... Diese Unausgeglichenheit<br />
und die häufigen losen und unzusammenhängenden Anfügungen kurzer Notizen an das<br />
Ende besser ausgearbeiteter Abschnitte hat man dadurch zu erklären gesucht, daß Strabon<br />
se<strong>in</strong> Werk nicht endgültig überarbeitet habe. Daß letzteres tatsächlich nicht der <strong>Fall</strong><br />
war, pflegt man wohl zutreffend aus der Nichterwähnung Strabons bei Pl<strong>in</strong>ius u. a. zu<br />
schließen ...<br />
Während die ƒstorik¦ Øpomn»mata (Strabo’s earlier work) im 1. Jahrhundert gelegentlich<br />
benutzt werden (sicher von Josephus und Plutarch) beg<strong>in</strong>nt die Überlieferungsgeschichte<br />
der Geographie mit e<strong>in</strong>er großen Lücke. Sie ist nachweislich nicht von Ptolemaios<br />
— 93 —
enutzt ... Das Bild ändert sich erst, und zwar vollständig, als im 6. Jahrhundert Stephanos<br />
von Byzanz se<strong>in</strong> Lexikon Iust<strong>in</strong>ian widmet, <strong>in</strong> dem er Strabon reichlich benutzt ...<br />
Aus spätestens der gleichen Zeit stammt der vatikanische Palimpsest, der sich über<br />
Grotta Ferrata nach Unteritalien, wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich nach Rossano <strong>in</strong> Kalabrien zurückverfolgen<br />
läßt ... Von der von A. Mai 1844 entdeckten und seit 1875 von Cozza-Luzi und dem Verfasser<br />
zum großen Teil entzifferten Hs., die e<strong>in</strong>stmals aus ca. 460 Folien best<strong>and</strong>en hat<br />
und <strong>in</strong> 3 Kolumnen geschrieben ist, s<strong>in</strong>d bisher 68 Folien bekannt geworden, jetzt Vat. Gr.<br />
2061 A (V 1 ) und 2306 (V 2 ); 3 Blätter noch <strong>in</strong> Grotta Ferrata (V c ). Abgeschrieben ist Strabon<br />
<strong>in</strong> Unteritalien nicht. V dürfte mit der Eroberung Italiens dorth<strong>in</strong> gekommen se<strong>in</strong> ...<br />
Allgeme<strong>in</strong>er Zust<strong>and</strong> des Textes: Schon der Palimpsest ist nicht fehlerlos. Se<strong>in</strong>e Fehler<br />
beschränken sich jedoch auf ausgelassene Zeilen und oberflächliche Unzialverlesungen,<br />
zumal <strong>in</strong> den zahlreichen Eigennamen ...<br />
And aga<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> 1957: 17–21:<br />
Wenn man daran geht, Irrtümer aufzudecken, dann ist die E<strong>in</strong>sicht, wie sie entst<strong>and</strong>en<br />
s<strong>in</strong>d, der erste Schritt zu ihrer Widerlegung ...<br />
Was hat Strabon gewollt und was hat er auf Grund der se<strong>in</strong> Schaffen bed<strong>in</strong>genden Voraussetzungen<br />
ausführen können ? Dazu gehört natürlich die Frage nach der Vollendung<br />
und Publikation se<strong>in</strong>es Alterswerkes ...<br />
Wie <strong>of</strong>t ist ihm e<strong>in</strong>gefallen, <strong>in</strong> e<strong>in</strong>en fertigen Zusammenhang D<strong>in</strong>ge h<strong>in</strong>e<strong>in</strong>zufügen, die<br />
er <strong>and</strong>erswo nicht unterbr<strong>in</strong>gen konnte. Dann werden die Rückbeziehungen der Pronom<strong>in</strong>a<br />
zweideutig. Zusammenfassend kann man von dem Werke wie von dem Imperium, das<br />
es darstellte, sagen, dass es ›laborat mole sua‹. Der Verfasser war hochbetagt. Veröffentwird<br />
<strong>of</strong>t <strong>in</strong><br />
licht ist das Werk wahrsche<strong>in</strong>lich erst nach se<strong>in</strong>em Tode, und der Herausgeber<br />
Verzweiflung über Nachträge letzter <strong>Han</strong>d gewesen se<strong>in</strong>, die sich <strong>in</strong> den Text nicht e<strong>in</strong>fügen<br />
liessen. Alles das muss, soweit es beweisbar ist, dem Leser bei der Deutung und Beurteilung<br />
des Textes gegenwärtig se<strong>in</strong>.<br />
We see here that, <strong>in</strong> thirty years <strong>of</strong> Strabo studies, ALY developed <strong>the</strong> firm conviction<br />
that <strong>the</strong> old gentleman left an unpublished manuscript at his late death. His earlier<br />
work, <strong>the</strong> `Istorik¦ Øpomn»mata or “Historical Memoirs” — curiously, this title is<br />
a literal translation <strong>of</strong> Sima <strong>Qian</strong>’s book title Shiji 史 記 — <strong>in</strong> 47 books, narrat<strong>in</strong>g history<br />
ma<strong>in</strong>ly between 144 <strong>and</strong> 27 BCE, had been published possibly soon after <strong>the</strong> latter<br />
date, <strong>in</strong> any case <strong>in</strong> his life time. But his later work, <strong>the</strong> Gewgrafik£ or “Geographical<br />
Matters,” became his Alterswerk. When Strabo died high <strong>in</strong> his eighties, he left a<br />
manuscript which was f<strong>in</strong>ished, but to which <strong>the</strong> author had cont<strong>in</strong>ued add<strong>in</strong>g notes <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>s until close to his death. If this was so, it becomes easy to see what<br />
happened <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> Geography 11.8.2. When Strabo at first had read Apollodoros<br />
<strong>of</strong> Artemita’s book, his “list” <strong>of</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomadic nations conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> same<br />
two names which before him Trogus had copied from Apollodoros. But some time<br />
later, when Strabo got hold <strong>of</strong> a copy <strong>of</strong> Trogus’ work — likely, this happened shortly<br />
before his death — he wrote down <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>s, next to 11.8.2, two names not found<br />
<strong>in</strong> his own text:<br />
— ACIANOI (Asiani) as a Lat<strong>in</strong> variant to his own Greek ACIOI (Asii),<br />
— TAXAPOI (Tachari) as a name wholly new to him — it is mentioned nowhere else <strong>in</strong><br />
his Geography. His manuscript <strong>in</strong> this particular place may have looked like this:<br />
HACIANOI<br />
TAXAPOI<br />
MAΛICTAΔEΓNωPIMOIΓEΓONACIN<br />
TωNNOMAΔωNOITOΥCEΛΛHNAC<br />
AΦEΛOMENOITHNBAKTPIANHN<br />
ACIOIKAICAKAPAΥKAI<br />
OPMHΘENTECAΠOTHCΠEPAIAC<br />
TOΥTIAΞAPTOΥTHCKATACAKAC<br />
KAICOΓΔOANOΥCHNKATEIΧONCAKAI<br />
— 94 —
<strong>The</strong>se were just two <strong>of</strong> an untold number <strong>of</strong> similar additions or corrections found<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>s <strong>of</strong> his manuscript when Strabo died — before he himself found <strong>the</strong><br />
time to write <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al draft for publication. This tough <strong>and</strong> time-consum<strong>in</strong>g work was<br />
d one by a later editor who must have been an educated man. All <strong>the</strong> same, he must<br />
have had a hard time to decipher <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>writ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> more than octogenarian philo-<br />
especially when it came to <strong>the</strong> many unfamiliar names. This editor, we see,<br />
sopher,<br />
misread HACIANOI (“or Asiani”) as ΠACIANOI <strong>and</strong>, unsure what to do with this <strong>and</strong><br />
t he o<strong>the</strong>r strange name, f<strong>in</strong>ally resolved to <strong>in</strong>clude <strong>the</strong>m <strong>in</strong> Strabo’s “list” <strong>of</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g<br />
nomads. Are we go<strong>in</strong>g to blame him for <strong>the</strong> disastrous effects <strong>of</strong> his bona fide blunder ?<br />
I should like to note here that someth<strong>in</strong>g similar happened to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu. In <strong>the</strong><br />
capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Later <strong>Han</strong>, Luoyang, <strong>the</strong> book’s ma<strong>in</strong> author, Ban Gu 班 固 , died <strong>in</strong> prisn<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sixty-first year <strong>of</strong> his age (92 CE) before his great work had been f<strong>in</strong>ished. <strong>The</strong><br />
o<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese emperor <strong>the</strong>n ordered his widowed younger sister Ban Zhao 班 昭 by edict to<br />
cont<strong>in</strong>ue <strong>and</strong> complete <strong>the</strong> work (see Hou <strong>Han</strong>shu 114). This outst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g woman did<br />
this for <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> her life, or for some 20 years. SWANN 1932: 69: It is even possible<br />
that she revised <strong>and</strong> reedited <strong>the</strong> entire work.<br />
Strabo’s Geography was less fortunate than Ban Gu’s <strong>Han</strong>shu <strong>in</strong> that it was nei-<br />
composed nor f<strong>in</strong>ished <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital — let alone under imperial patronage — as<br />
<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>the</strong> “Book <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Han</strong>” was. <strong>The</strong> Geography saw <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> day far from Rome <strong>and</strong><br />
without any higher assistance. <strong>The</strong> exact time <strong>and</strong> circumstances <strong>of</strong> its publication we<br />
c an only guess from <strong>the</strong> contents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work itself — as ALY did. Pl<strong>in</strong>y <strong>in</strong> Rome did<br />
n ot excerpt from it <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first century CE, Ptolemy <strong>in</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>ria did not make use <strong>of</strong> it<br />
i n <strong>the</strong> second. <strong>The</strong> first to quote extensively from Strabo’s Geography was Stephanos<br />
i n Constant<strong>in</strong>opolis <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sixth century CE. <strong>The</strong> exceptionally early Strabo codex, now<br />
c alled <strong>the</strong> Vatican Palimpsest, had already been written by that time <strong>and</strong> probably <strong>in</strong><br />
t hat same city. Its European sections, extensively used, subsequently perished. But <strong>the</strong><br />
I nner Asian chapters, arous<strong>in</strong>g little <strong>in</strong>terest, survived <strong>and</strong> were later erased — <strong>the</strong><br />
well-prepared folios were actually written over twice. <strong>The</strong> rega<strong>in</strong>ed lowest text, <strong>in</strong> an<br />
elegant oblique uncial h<strong>and</strong>writ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> an early arrangement <strong>in</strong> three narrow columns,<br />
should be very close to that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al publication, early <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first century CE.<br />
In our context, this means that an obvious corruption <strong>in</strong> sentence 11.8.2 <strong>of</strong> Strabo’s<br />
Geography can be traced back to <strong>the</strong> editio pr<strong>in</strong>ceps where an unknown editor was<br />
faced with <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g an abundance <strong>of</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>al notes <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong><br />
text — most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> time succeed<strong>in</strong>g ra<strong>the</strong>r smoothly, we may assume, but <strong>in</strong> a number<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stances committ<strong>in</strong>g smaller or greater mistakes.<br />
That <strong>in</strong> Strabo’s “list” <strong>of</strong> four conquer<strong>in</strong>g nomadic peoples <strong>the</strong> name ΠACIANOI<br />
(Pasiani) was a corruption <strong>of</strong> HACIANOI (À 'Asiano…: “or Asiani”) — <strong>and</strong> thus could be<br />
deleted from <strong>the</strong> list — was recognized early <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 18th century by VAILLANT <strong>and</strong> LON-<br />
GUERUE. That <strong>the</strong> TOCAROI (Tochari), <strong>the</strong> earliest version <strong>of</strong> this name be<strong>in</strong>g TACA-<br />
ROI (Tachari), did not belong onto that list ei<strong>the</strong>r, was half guessed by ALTHEIM <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
20th century, but he was unable or unwill<strong>in</strong>g to substantiate this l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g (see<br />
above, p. 76).<br />
Our firm Gewährsmann or <strong>in</strong>formant here, <strong>and</strong> sole eyewitness known by name, is<br />
<strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>. In his lost first-h<strong>and</strong> Report, epitomized by Sima <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>in</strong> Shiji 123, he describes<br />
<strong>the</strong> Daxia 大 夏 as <strong>the</strong> native population <strong>of</strong> a country <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same name, well<br />
settled <strong>the</strong>re s<strong>in</strong>ce long — <strong>and</strong> he describes <strong>the</strong>m as recently subjugated by <strong>the</strong> Ruzhi<br />
月 氏 . To this, Ban G u adds <strong>in</strong> <strong>Han</strong>shu 96A that, just before, <strong>the</strong> Daxia had been ruled<br />
briefly by <strong>the</strong> Saiwa ng 塞 王 — as early as 1893<br />
po<strong>in</strong>ted out by XU SONG 徐 松 , repr<strong>in</strong>ted<br />
<strong>in</strong> 1900 by WANG<br />
XIANQIAN 王 先 謙 , but overlooked by HULSEWÉ/ LOEWE <strong>in</strong> 1979.<br />
With this, <strong>the</strong> wh ole problem centers around <strong>the</strong> decisive question whe<strong>the</strong>r or not<br />
we are entitled to eq uate Ch<strong>in</strong>ese D axia 大 夏 with <strong>Western</strong> Tacha(ra), i.e. <strong>the</strong> Daxia<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> with <strong>the</strong> TACAROI (Tachari) <strong>of</strong> Strabo, <strong>the</strong> Tochari <strong>of</strong> Trogus, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
prov<strong>in</strong>cial name Tachar <strong>in</strong> present-day nor<strong>the</strong>astern Afghanistan. If this question can<br />
be answered <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> positive, <strong>the</strong> Tachari / Tochari have been <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>habitants <strong>of</strong> Tachara /<br />
— 95 —
Tochara or <strong>Eastern</strong> Bactria <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y have been well settled <strong>the</strong>re s<strong>in</strong>ce long. <strong>The</strong>y have<br />
never been nomads <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y have not come from beyond <strong>the</strong> Jaxartes a short time<br />
before. Like <strong>the</strong> phantom Pasiani, <strong>the</strong>y can be deleted from Strabo’s “list” <strong>of</strong> conquer<strong>in</strong>g<br />
nomads. This leaves just two names on Strabo’s vexed list: <strong>the</strong> Sacaraucae/Sakaraukai/Saiwang<br />
塞 王 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiani/Asioi/Ruzhi 月 氏 — confirmed by Trogus, follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Apollodoros, <strong>and</strong> also confirmed by <strong>the</strong> Shiji / <strong>Han</strong>shu. <strong>The</strong> second <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se nomadic<br />
nations kept chas<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> first — <strong>in</strong>termittently, i.e. <strong>in</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> stages — from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ili River <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second century BCE to <strong>the</strong> Indus <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first century CE. In this process,<br />
a first climax is <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al subjugation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sakas <strong>in</strong> Bactra by <strong>the</strong> self-styled<br />
Ru<br />
zhi 月 氏 k<strong>in</strong>g Kujula Kadphises 丘 就 卻 , a good time after <strong>the</strong> Lugdunum aurei <strong>of</strong><br />
Tiberius went on circulation (see above, p. 52), <strong>and</strong> before <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Periplus<br />
(above, p. 64), i.e. some time between 30 <strong>and</strong> 60 CE.<br />
PAUL BERNARD, first to recognize <strong>the</strong> historic showdown between <strong>the</strong> Sakas <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ruzhi 月 氏 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> wall friezes <strong>of</strong> Khalchayan — unear<strong>the</strong>d <strong>and</strong> pieced toge<strong>the</strong>r by <strong>the</strong><br />
renowned Russian archaeologist GALINA PUGACHENKOVA a short distance north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Oxus River <strong>and</strong> published by her 1965–1971 —, writes as quoted above (p. 40):<br />
Ces nomades nous ont d’abord été connus par quelques allusions des textes classiques,<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>cipalement une phrase de Strabon ... Les sources ch<strong>in</strong>oises, le Si-Ki, le <strong>Han</strong> Shou et le<br />
Hou <strong>Han</strong> Shou parlent, elles, du peuple des Yüeh-chih, à l’exclusion de toute autre.<br />
<strong>The</strong> second statement, we have seen above, is now to be modified. But <strong>the</strong> famous<br />
French Archaeologist — who excavated Ai Khanum, located <strong>in</strong> modern Afghan Tachar<br />
prov<strong>in</strong>ce, which thus preserves <strong>the</strong> ancient name Tachara / Daxia 大 夏 to <strong>the</strong> present<br />
day — cont<strong>in</strong>ues :<br />
Ces trouvailles nous <strong>of</strong>frent aujourd’hui une vision <strong>in</strong>comparablement plus riche et plus<br />
diversifiée de la culture des deux peuples que nous considérons avoir été les acteurs pr<strong>in</strong>cipaux<br />
de la conquête de la <strong>Bactrian</strong>e grecque, les Yüeh-chih au centre et à l’est, les Saces<br />
ou Sacarauques à l’ouest.<br />
Here, BERNARD is <strong>in</strong>tuitively stat<strong>in</strong>g a historic fact <strong>of</strong> importance: as established <strong>in</strong><br />
this study, our age-old <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Western</strong> sources unanimously confirm that only<br />
two nomadic nations were <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> end<strong>in</strong>g Greek rule north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H<strong>in</strong>dukush —<br />
<strong>the</strong> Royal Sakas/Saiwang 塞 王 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> A(r)sii/ÅrÝi/(A)ruzhi 月 氏 .<br />
Berl<strong>in</strong>, May 2008<br />
Chris M. Dorn’eich<br />
— 96 —
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CHAVANNES, ÉDOUARD: ›Les pays d'Occident d'après le Heou <strong>Han</strong> chou‹,<br />
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DEGUIGNES 1759 ..............<br />
DEGUIGNES 1756 ..............<br />
DONG ZUOBIN 1960 ...........<br />
DORN’EICH 2002 ...............<br />
DORN’EICH 2000 ...............<br />
DORN’EICH 1999 ...............<br />
DORN’EICH 1998 ...............<br />
DUBS 1938–55 ..................<br />
ENOKI 1999 ......................<br />
FÃ XIÃN ...........................<br />
First Four Histories ........<br />
FRANKE 1934 ....................<br />
FRANKE 1930 ....................<br />
FRANKE 1920 ....................<br />
FRANKE 1918 ....................<br />
FRANKE 1904 ....................<br />
FUSSMAN 1991 ...................<br />
FUSSMAN 1980 ..................<br />
GARDNER 1886 .................<br />
GARDNER 1877 .................<br />
GRENET 2007 ...................<br />
GUTSCHMID 1888 ...............<br />
HALOUN 1937 ....................<br />
HALOUN 1926 ....................<br />
<strong>Han</strong>shu ............................<br />
HARMATTA 1994 ................<br />
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前 四 史 <strong>in</strong> 4 vols.: Vol. I: Sh¯–jì 史 記 ; Vol. II: Hàn–shø 漢 書 ; Vol. III: Hòu Hàn–shø<br />
人 名 地 名 索 引 ,<br />
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BÅN GÙ (PAN KU) 班 固 (32–92): Hàn–shø 漢 書 (›Annals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> [Former] <strong>Han</strong> Dynasty‹),<br />
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— 99 —
HENNING 1960 ...................<br />
HENNING 1949 ...................<br />
HENNING 1938 ...................<br />
HERRMANN 1937 ................<br />
HERRMANN 1922 ................<br />
HERRMANN 1920 .................<br />
HERZFELD 1931/1932 ...........<br />
HIRTH 1917 ........................<br />
HOANG 1910 .......................<br />
Hou <strong>Han</strong>shu......................<br />
HULSEWÉ 1979 ..................<br />
HUMBOLDT 1843 ................<br />
JULIEN 1846 .....................<br />
JUNGE 1939 ......................<br />
JUSTINUS (RUEHL) .............<br />
JUSTINUS (SEEL) ...............<br />
KAHARMAN 2000 ................<br />
KARLGREN 1957 .................<br />
KARLGREN 1940 .................<br />
KARLGREN 1923 .................<br />
KARLGREN 1915–1926 .........<br />
KINGSMILL 1882 ................<br />
KLAPROTH 1826 ................<br />
KLOTZ 1952 ......................<br />
KONOW 1934 .....................<br />
KONOW 1933 ......................<br />
KONOW 1929 ......................<br />
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KONOW 1920 ......................<br />
KOSHELENKO/SARIANIDI<br />
1992<br />
KRUGLIKOVA 1977 ..............<br />
KUWABARA 1916 .................<br />
LASSEN 2 1867–74 ...............<br />
LASSEN 1847–61 ................<br />
LASSEN 1838 .....................<br />
LEBEDYNSKY 2003 .............<br />
LEUZE 1935 .......................<br />
LÉVI 1896–97 ....................<br />
LIU 2001 ...........................<br />
LONGUERUE 1732 ..............<br />
LULOFS 1929 .....................<br />
LYONNET 1998 ...................<br />
MÃ DUÅN-LÍN ....................<br />
MÄNCHEN-HELFEN 1945 .....<br />
MÄNCHEN-HELFEN 1938 .....<br />
MANNERT 2 1820 ..................<br />
MARICQ 1958 .....................<br />
MARQUART 1901 .................<br />
MCGOVERN 1939 ................<br />
MITCHINER 1975-76 ............<br />
MÜLLER 1918 .....................<br />
MUKHERJEE 1970 ..............<br />
NARAIN 1957 ......................<br />
NEUMANN 1837 ..................<br />
NEUMANN 1833 ..................<br />
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——— : ›Études sur l'Asie Centrale d'après les historiens ch<strong>in</strong>ois‹, pp. 317–350 <strong>in</strong>:<br />
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— 103 —
STAËL-HOLSTEIN 1914 .......<br />
STRABO (RADT) ................<br />
STRABO (LASSERRE) ..........<br />
STRABO (JONES) ...............<br />
STRABO (MEINEKE) ...........<br />
STRABO (GROSKURD) ........<br />
Suishu ............................<br />
Tangshu .........................<br />
TARN 1938–51 ....................<br />
THIERRY 2005 ...................<br />
THOMAS 1906 ...................<br />
TSCHERIKOWER 1927 .........<br />
VAILLANT 1725 ..................<br />
VAN WINDEKENS 1941 ........<br />
VASCONCELLOS 1883 .........<br />
VIVIEN DE SAINT-MARTIN<br />
1850<br />
WANG GUOWEI 1923 ..........<br />
WANG XIANQIAN 1900 ........<br />
WANG YUEZHEN 1877 ........<br />
WATSON 1993 ...................<br />
WATSON 1969 ...................<br />
WATSON 1961 ...................<br />
WATSON 1956 ...................<br />
WATSON 1886 ..................<br />
Weishu ..........................<br />
WYLIE 1881-82 ..................<br />
XU SONG 1893 ..................<br />
STAËL-HOLSTEIN, A. VON: ›Koþano und Yüeh-shih‹, pp. 643–650 <strong>in</strong>: Sitzungsberichte der<br />
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XUÁN ZÀNG (BEAL) ...........<br />
YARDLEY 2003 ..................<br />
YASUMA 1932 ....................<br />
Yizhoushu .......................<br />
YULE 1873 ........................<br />
ZEJMAL' 1992 ...................<br />
ZEJMAL' 1983 ...................<br />
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YASU’MA YA’ICHI’RÕ 安 馬 彌 一 郎 : ›Gesshi no seihô-idô ni tsuite‹ 月 氏 の 西 方 動 に<br />
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Shigaku zasshi 史 学 雑 誌 (Tokyo) 43, 1932<br />
A Concordance to <strong>the</strong> Yizhoushu 逸 周 書 逐 字 索 引 (<strong>The</strong> ICS Ancient Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Text<br />
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which some Previous Geographical Identifications are Reconsidered‹, pp. 92-120 <strong>in</strong>: <strong>The</strong><br />
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——— : ›<strong>The</strong> Political History <strong>of</strong> Transoxiana‹, pp. 232–262 + pl. 19–24 <strong>in</strong><br />
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Parthian <strong>and</strong> Sasanian Periods, Cambridge 1983<br />
— 105 —
— 106 —
Fig.1 Letter envelope <strong>in</strong> memory <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>'s mission.<br />
Fig.2 Map <strong>Han</strong>zhong to Chenggu, with location <strong>of</strong> <strong>Zhang</strong> Qiuan's grave.<br />
— 107 —
Fig.3 <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> receives his <strong>of</strong>ficial emblem, <strong>the</strong> staff <strong>of</strong> an envoy, from <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong>.<br />
Fig.4 <strong>The</strong> k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Da-Yuan holds a reception for <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> at his court <strong>in</strong> Fergana.<br />
— 108 —
Fig.5 <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> <strong>in</strong> audience with <strong>the</strong> queen <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Arsi</strong> (<strong>Yuezhi</strong>) on <strong>the</strong> shores <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oxus.<br />
Fig.6 <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong> writ<strong>in</strong>g his report to <strong>Emperor</strong> <strong>Wu</strong> after his return from Bactria.<br />
— 109 —
Fig.7 Map show<strong>in</strong>g Central <strong>and</strong> East Asia, with <strong>the</strong> empires <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Yuezhi</strong>, Xiongnu <strong>and</strong> <strong>Han</strong>.<br />
Fig.8 Modern Ch<strong>in</strong>ese newspaper article on <strong>Zhang</strong> <strong>Qian</strong>, <strong>the</strong> founder <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Silk Road.<br />
— 110 —