Demons in Ancient Israel (Chapter 3)

Demons in Ancient Israel

No attempt is made in the Old Testament to formulate a doctrine of evil spirits … Nevertheless, in numerous passages of Scripture supernatural evil beings are referred to or described which, when examined, are found to correspond to demons among other peoples.1

‘Demon’ can be defined as a supernatural evil being that exists or op erates independent from Yahweh. Demons cause physical, mental and moral harm. They are not worshipped and do not receive sacrifice. Some scholars define the term this way, others do not give a definition but their understanding of ‘demons’ as evil is obvious. The problem therefore is that this word is applied to the Hebrew Bible. Such application carries the danger of imposing ideas, reading into the texts ideas that are not present.2

1 Introduction

What role did demons play in the worldview of Ancient Israel? How did the Israelite, male or female, think about demons? What place did the fear of de mons have in daily life? Such are the questions central to this chapter.

Answering these issues is not straightforward, as exegetes’ opinions differ sharply. Hence, we shall have to take a number of steps in this chapter in order to be able to answer the central question on demons. First, we will give a short description of the state of research with regard to demons in Old Testament scholarship (§2). Next, we will show from archaeological findings that the fear of demons played a not insignificant role in the daily life of Ancient Israel (§3). This raises the question of why it should be that the Old Testament provides relatively few references to or data on demons. Are we in fact using the right

1 E. Langton, Essentials of Demonology, London 1949, 35.

2 J.M. Blair, De Demonising the Old Testament An Investigation of Azazel, Lilith, Deber, Qeteb and Reshef in the Hebrew Bible (FAT 2,37), Tübingen 2009, 10–11.

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method, or is this taciturnity an artefact of the final redaction of the text? (§4). It has become clear from the foregoing chapter that the fear of demons was addressed particularly in familial religion. How, then, was that expressed in Israel? How are we to trace that familial religion? We shall be informed by Albertz’ thesis that we should be looking mainly at the Psalms, and in particu lar the psalms of lament by individuals; these are psalms in which enemies play a major role (§5). We shall then turn to study the Psalms on the basis of the same themes as the texts of Utukkū Lemnūtu from the previous chapter (§6). The chapter ends with a few conclusions (§7).

2

Demons: History of Research

How have demons been regarded over the history of Old Testament research? Opinions vary widely. This is not actually very surprising, since the issue con cerns not just texts and archaeological finds but also their interpretation in exegesis. Quite simply, texts and finds can be interpreted differently.

If we look at the earliest stage of Old Testament research, it is striking that the authors give an almost encyclopaedic treatment of texts and representa tions from the Old Testament that can be associated with demons. As early as 1880, De Visser published his thesis on the demonology of the Old Testament at Utrecht University.3 De Visser was interested in the question of to what ex tent the demonology of the New Testament was rooted in the Old. Researching Biblical representations around spirits and demons, he came to the conclu sion that belief in unclean spirits and demons was an essential element of Old Testament belief in God.

Conversely, Duhm is of the opinion that the Old Testament, compared with the New Testament and with Jewish writings of the New Testament era, con tains relatively few references to demons or demonic representations.4 While demons play a major role in the religions of the Ancient Near East, belief in demons did not have opportunity to develop in Israel. According to Duhm, this has on the one hand to do with the development of monotheism which instead of discerning demons everywhere brought events and threats into rela tion with yhwh (e.g. Ex. 4:24–26 and Am. 3:6)—and on the other hand it has to do with the Israelites’ sober view of the world and their naïve apprehension of

J.T. de Visser, De Daemonologie van het Oude Testament (dissertation), Utrecht 1880.

H. Duhm, Die bösen Geister im Alten Testament, Tübingen 1904.

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the divine.5 The references to demons that are found in the Old Testament, he argues, should be put down to Babylonian influences from the Exilic period.6 Like Duhm, Jirku also assumes that the representations of demons in the Old Testament derive from folk religion.7 It was the visceral experiences of sickness, the sudden death of a loved one, the darkness of the night or the ex perience of loneliness which induced Ancient Near Eastern man to relate these experiences to demons. Although the Old Testament absorbed various demon ic representations from the Ancient Near Eastern world, these did not substan tially influence monotheistic faith.8 How did Israelites ward off such demons? According to Jirku, Ancient Israelite cultic prescriptions contain a wealth of

5 Duhm, Bösen Geister, 31.

6 Duhm maintains a distinction between the pre- and post Exilic eras. In the pre Exilic pe riod, demons were typified as either theriomorphs (under which category fall the seraphs םיפרשׂ śerāpīm [Num. 21:4–9; Is. 14:29; 30:6; Deut. 8:15; Is. 6], the ץבר rōbēṣ of Gen. 4:7, and the serpent שׁחנ nāḥaš in Paradise [Gen. 3]); anthropomorphs (including the figure of the תיחשׁמ mašḥît [Ex. 12:23; II Sam. 24; etc.]; the evil spirit הער־חור ruaḥ rāʿâ haunting Saul [I Sam. 18:10; 16:23]; the apparition of Satan ןטשׂ śāṭān [Num. 22:22,32; I Sam. 29:4; II Sam. 19:23; I Kgs 5:18; 11:14,23,25; Job 1:6ff.; 2:1ff.; I Chron. 21:1; etc.]; the םידשׁ šēdīm [Deut. 32:17; Ps. 106:37]; and the souls of those violently robbed of life); or supernatural (the demonic powers of magic and divination [II Kgs 21:6] and unclean animals). After the Exile, we encounter references to cosmic and ominous demons, such as the apparitions of בהר rahab (Is. 51:9ff.), ןינת tannîn (Ezek. 29:3; 32:2; Ps. 91:13), ןתיול liwyātān (Is. 27:1), the םיאפר repāʾīm (Gen. 14:5; 15:20; Deut. 2:11; Job 26:5,6), astrological and other cosmological appa ritions, the םיריעשׂ śeʿîrīm (Is. 13:21; 34:14), the םידשׁ šēdīm (Deut. 32:17; Ps. 106:37), תיליל lîlît (Is. 34:14) and הקולע ʿalūqâ (Prov. 30:15). According to Duhm, out of those types of de mons, the following were integrated into Israelite religion: the angel of destruction תיחשׁמ mašḥît, the goat לאזזע ʿazāzēl (cf. Lev. 16) and the apparition of ןטשׂ śāṭān (Zech. 3:1–3; Job; II Sam. 24:1; I Chron. 21:1).

7 A. Jirku, Die Dämonen und ihre Abwehr im Alten Testament, Leipzig 1912, 15.

8 Jirku, Die Dämonen und ihre Abwehr, 45, 56, 95–96. The apparitions which Jirku names are: spirits of the dead (בוא ʾôb [cf. I Sam. 28] and ינעדי yiddeʿōnīm [cf. Lev. 19:31; 20:6,27; Deut. 18:11; I Sam. 28:3,9], the םיטא ʾittīm [cf. Is. 19:3] and םיאפר repāʾīm [cf. Is. 26:14,19]), nocturnal demons (Jirku here cites texts such as Gen. 32:23ff. and Ex. 4:24–26, where he holds that old Dämonensagen have been incorporated. In the later redaction of those texts, there is no place for other spirits besides yhwh , and the subject was ‘in frommen Eifer aus den Dämon einfach Jahve gemacht’, Jirku, Die Dämonen und ihre Abwehr, 23); demons of the des ert (such as לאזזע ʿazāzēl, םיריעשׂ śeʿîrīm, םייצ ṣiyyīm and םייא ʾiyyīm [Is. 13:21; 34:14; 50:39] and תיליל lîlît); spirits lurking in pits and trees (Is. 2:18–19 and Jg. 6:36ff. and Gen. 9); the šēdīm (cf. Deut. 32:17 and Ps. 106:37); demons causing possession and sickness (the lying spirit of I Kgs 22:19ff; and Ps. 91:5–6; Hos. 13:14, and II Kgs 4:18ff., where a Krankheitsdämon has prob ably caused an acute headache); and demons in animal appearance (under which category falls the serpent of Gen. 3 and references to serpent enchantment [Ps. 58:5ff.; Eccl. 10:11; Jer. 8:17]).

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elements which in their original Sitz im Leben possessed apotropaic power.9

Despite these influences from the Umwelt, Jirku is quite adamant that ‘Dieser Glaube an solche Dämonen ist aber der Jahvereligion völlig entgegengesetzt.’10

Whereas Duhm and Jirku answer in the affirmative that there are indeed traces of demons to be found in the Old Testament, Kaupel reaches the op posite conclusion: ‘Die alttestamentliche Religion ist weder im Glauben noch im Kultus von heidnischem Dämonismus beeinflußt.’11 Texts such as Deuteronomy 18:9–22 state that Israel was not permitted to become involved in this domain. Kaupel cannot deny that the peoples surrounding Israel were ‘Dämonenglaube und seinen Praktiken befangen’ and that belief in demons was widespread.12 Nevertheless, Israel rejected this pagan belief in demons, he argues: the Old Testament emphasises the sole reign of yhwh and rejects the existence of any other gods.13 Pagan belief sees ‘für jedes Übel, für jede Krankheit einen schädlichen Geist’,14 but Israel expressly rejected that identifi cation of sicknesses with demons and connected it all with yhwh .

What is most striking in these early studies? (1) Duhm, Jirku and Kaupel rely exclusively on the canonical text of the Old Testament. Although they

9 He mentions blood (the blood ritual of Ex. 4:24–26 and Ex. 12, and the many provisions of the sacrificial code in Leviticus), water (II Kgs 5 and Lev. 14; Num. 19:13, etc.), animals (the rites of Ex. 29 and Lev. 16, with the scapegoat playing a central role; Jirku sees paral lels here with Babylonian spell texts), plants (e.g. the magic power of hyssop and cedar (Ex. 12:22; Lev. 14; Num. 19)), images or depictions (such as those of mice and boils in I Sam. 6, about which Jirku remarks: ‘Die Darstellung der Krankheits- und Tierdämonen in den Formen, in denen sich die Krankheit äußerte, bzw. in welcher Tiergestalt der Mensch den Dämon zu sehen glaubte, war für diese Dämonen gleichsam eine “Schranke”, wie sich die Babylonier auszudrücken pflegt, durch die die Dämonen gehindert wur den, in ihrem gefährlichen Treiben fortzufahren’, 79; one could also mention the serpent of Num. 21 and the two pillars in I Kgs 7; and finally on this score, Jirku also mentions the door and threshold as the place via which demons prefer to enter people’s homes [Zech. 1:5; Zeph. 1:9; I Sam. 5:5; Gen. 4:7]), bells (the little golden bels on the priests’ appa rel [Ex. 28]), colours (particularly blue [Num. 15:38] and red [Ex. 28:6; 39:2; Josh. 2:18,21]) and magic embroidery (cf. the prophecy of Ezek. 13:17–23 against the false prophetesses).

10 Jirku, Die Dämonen und ihre Abwehr, 56.

11 H. Kaupel, Die Dämonen im Alten Testament, Augsburg 1930, 92.

12 Kaupel, Die Dämonen, 6, 25: ‘Als Zeugnis für die weite Verbreitung des Dämonendienstes unter dem Volke genügen allein die scharfen Verordnungen und Urteile über die dahinge henden Praktiken.’

13 Kaupel, Die Dämonen, 28: ‘[W]enn die legitime Religion die Wirklichkeit der heidnisch en Götter verneint, so hat sie die Existenz schädlicher Unterwesen von Standpunkt des entschiedenen Monotheismus noch weniger bejaht. Dieser Schluß scheint an Berechtigung noch durch den Hinweis darauf zu gewinnen, daß die Dämonen niemals nicht einmal vergleichsweise in der Poesie mit Jahve in Verbindung gebracht werden; Jahve heißt nie der Allherr der Seirim und Schedim.’

14 Kaupel, Die Dämonen, 3, 33.

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sometimes have regard for parallels with texts from the Umwelt, these parallels serve merely to illustrate the text of the Old Testament. The view presented by the Old Testament (official religion) is normative; views stemming from folk religion are resolutely rejected. Yet the Old Testament appears to be ambigu ous on this point, since these authors present differing views of demons on the basis of the same text.

(2) Their analysis of Old Testament texts very much bears the mark of dog matic presuppositions. They take as a given that from its outset, Israelite reli gion was monotheistic in nature; a nature that allowed no (Kaupel) or scarcely any (Duhm) scope for demons or demonic representations from the Umwelt. These authors, even with the differences between them, are shaped by the religious history school of the early twentieth century: demons are considered the relic of an earlier polytheistic phase. Under the influence of the proph ets, religion developed to attain a high level of ethical monotheism. Thus, they are sure that it can be stated in no uncertain terms that the ‘alte Jahvereligion relativ wendig dämonistische Elemente enthält’;15 and even if there were any question of a certain degree of influence, then a complete Umdeutung has taken place.16

In the early phase of Old Testament research, there was (still) little attention paid to diachronic analysis of the text and to iconographic material from the Umwelt. Might archaeological objects and amulets and iconographic images shed new light on the texts and the world of experience of Ancient Israelite (and Ancient Near Eastern) man regarding demons?

With Gunkel, we enter a new stage in the history of research of the Psalms.17 Gunkel calls attention to the literary genre of the Psalms. In particular, he noted, there are relatively many enemies described in the psalms of lament by individuals. This theme would increasingly play a role in later research on de mons. The fact that in the individual lamentations, enemies are portrayed in a very vague (non concrete) manner has to do with the fact that these Psalms are derived from the cult. Consequently, the context of their creation has slipped into the background, and the psalm is left devoid of all individual features.18

15 Duhm, Die bösen Geister, 1; cf. Jirku, Die Dämonen, IV : ‘Daß Jahve zu allen Zeiten der erha bene Weltgott der Hebräer war, und nicht das Produkt einer Entwicklung von niederen Anfängen aufwärts’, and he remarks on p. 56: ‘Dieser Glaube an solche Dämonen ist aber der Jahvereligion völlig entgegengesetzt. Wir treffen ihn oft nur in Spuren, aus denen aber der ursprüngliche Sinn unschwer zu erkennen ist.’ For a rejection of the evolutionistic view of Israelite religion, cf. also Kaupel, Die Dämonen, 7, 28, 57 and 92.

16 Duhm, Die bösen Geister, 66–68.

17 Cf. especially the well known publication by H. Gunkel, Einleitung in die Psalmen, Göttingen 19662.

18 O. Keel, Feinde und Gottesleugner, Stuttgart 1969, 17.

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According to Gunkel, sickness is the most common cause and background of the psalms of lament.19 Ancient Near Eastern man sees demonic powers at work in disease and seeks to flee for fear of them.20 In the Psalms, these de monic powers play no role (any more). Illness is seen in the Old Testament as a consequence of sin and sometimes as a punishment from God. No longer are the enemies demons; they are now friends and acquaintances of the sick who shun him because of his illness.

Mowinckel, continuing Gunkel’s approach, sees the psalms of individuals as cultic songs, which were mainly used by sick and ritually unclean people to receive healing and cleansing.21 However, Mowinckel goes a step further: he states that the sick person, or the one affected by other calamities, owes his sorrow to sorcery and to a ‘krankheitwirkenden Fluch’.22 In the psalms of lament by individuals, disease is the work of wizards, and of demons as their sidekicks. Mowinckel connects the fear of sorcerers and demons found in lam entations with the expressions ןוא ʾāwen and ןוא ילעפ poʿalē ʾāwen, concepts that he consistently translates by ‘sorcery’ and ‘sorcerers’.23 This interpretation enables Mowinckel to explain why there are so many enemies found in the Psalms: the psalmists were surrounded by numerous invisible powers.24 These enemies make people ill through their active curses and magical rituals, as sisted by demons.25 For Mowinckel, a proof text for the merging of wizards and demons is Psalm 59:2–8 (a Hauptstelle).

19 H. Gunkel, Ausgewählte Psalmen, Göttingen, 19174, 46. According to Gunkel, at least six teen psalms of lament have sickness as the underlying need: 6; 13; 22; 27:7–14; 28; 30; 31; 35; 38; 42 with 43; 62; 63; 71; 88. That figure is contested in the exegetic literature: for instance, H.J. Kraus, Psalmen (BK 15), Neukirchen 19612, counts only the following Psalms in that category: 6; 22; 30; 38; 41; 69 and 88 as undoubted examples and 28; 35 and 71 as possible ones. See the commentaries for further discussion.

20 Gunkel, Einleitung, 206–207.

21 S. Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien I , II , III , IV, V, VI , Amsterdam 19612. For the arguments, cf. V, 14–18, 61–67; VI , 17–19, 28, 71. According to Mowinckel, the following Psalms fall within scope: VI , 28; I , 122–124, 125: 3; 4; 5; 6; 7; 9 with 10; 11; 12(?); 13; 16; 17; 22; 25; 26; 27; 28; 31; 35; 38; 39; 40b; 41; 42 with 43; 51; 52; 54; 55; 56; 57; 58; 59; 61; 62; 63; 64; 69; 70; 71; 86; 88; 102:1–12,24–28; 109; 119; 120; 130; 131; 139; 140; 141; 142; 143.

22 Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien VI , 28.

23 Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien I , Chapters 1, 2 and 3, 1–75.

24 Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien I , 97: ‘Wenn die Feinde keine mit den Augen und Sinnen vernehmbare, sondern unbekannte, einfach aus der Tatsache des Krankseins erschlos sene, gleichsam eingebildete, jedenfalls im Gehirne und in der Phantasie des Kranken ihr furchtbares Spiel treibende Zauberer und Dämonen sind, die wohl auch gelegentlich in Halluzinationen ihm als schauderhafte Wirklichkeiten bewußt geworden sind, so verste hen wir leicht, warum ihrer so viele sind.’

25 Cf. also Keel, Feinde, 22.

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2 Deliver me from those who work evil; from the bloodthirsty save me. 3 Even now they lie in wait for my life; the mighty stir up strife against me. For no transgression or sin of mine, O LORD , 4 for no fault of mine, they run and make ready. Rouse yourself, come to my help and see! 5 You, LORD God of hosts, are God of Israel. Awake to punish all the nations; spare none of those who treacherously plot evil. Selah 6 Each evening they come back, howling like dogs and prowling about the city. 7 There they are, bellowing with their mouths, with sharp words on their lips for ‘Who,’ they think, ‘will hear us?’ 8 But you laugh at them, O LORD ; you hold all the nations in derision. (NRSV 1989)

The ילעפ ןוא poʿalē ʾāwen are out to get the psalmist and seeking to kill him. In Babylon, witches, sorcerers and demons are portrayed in the same way as in this Psalm. ‘Der Verfasser dieses Psalms denkt tatsächlich an die Dämonen.’26

In his dissertation, Ridderbos critically contradicted Mowinckel’s central thesis.27 He is of the opinion that (1) nowhere in the Psalms are enemies seen as causes of disease; (2) images such as net, bow, arrow, pit, etc., can also be interpreted in a different (more literal) manner; (3) the enemies in the Psalms are portrayed in a very different way than in Babylonian texts, so that a ‘human’ interpretation rather suggests itself; (4) the terms ןוא ʾāwen en ןוא ילעפ poʿalē ʾāwen cannot bear the burden of the interpretation proposed by Mowinckel.28 Rather, Ridderbos states: ‘It is undeniable that the strong monotheistic tenden cies (to put it as mildly as possible) of Israel’s Psalms cannot be made congru ent with the pronounced polytheism of the Babylonian songs. This is closely related to the fact that the Israelite had a completely different idea of Yahweh than the Babylonian of his gods.’29 And even where in the Old Testament there are references to magical practices and representations recalling sorcery and belief in demons by other peoples, these are associated with Yahweh.30 Israel has learned by revelation to ascribe to the power that the neighbouring na tions ascribe to gods, demons, power filled actions and words, to yhwh . 31 In the Old Testament, we have to do with an ‘Allursächlichkeit Jahves’.32 Finally,

26 Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien I , 71.

27 N.H. Ridderbos, De Werkers der ongerechtigheid in de individuele Psalmen een beoordel ing van Mowinckels opvatting, Kampen 1939.

28 Ridderbos, De Werkers der ongerechtigheid, 22–45, 46–66, 67–157. Cf. also Keel, Feinde, 23.

29 Ridderbos, De Werkers der ongerechtigheid, 137.

30 Ridderbos cites the example of the rite in Num. 5:11–31 (the law of jealousy and the rite to confirm adultery) and suspects that this was known among other peoples besides, but ar gues that it took on a very different significance in Israel, De Werkers der ongerechtigheid, 137–138.

31 Ridderbos, De Werkers der ongerechtigheid, 173.

32 Ridderbos, De Werkers der ongerechtigheid, 173.

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Ridderbos approvingly cites Foerster: ‘Zusammenfassend ist zu sagen, dass das AT keine Dämonen kennt, mit denen es sich in Zauberei auch nur abweh rend einlässt.’33

Nicolsky, too, takes Gunkel and Mowinckel’s line of enquiry further.34 He acknowledges that the original Sitz im Leben of the Psalms has slipped into the background, owing to their use in the cult. A large number of psalms were originally individual songs. In his study, he discusses those psalms which he suspects have their origin in ‘magischen Literatur’ or in ‘Besprechungs- und Beschwörungsformeln’.35 Nicolsky distinguishes between the psalms of lament and psalms in which ‘Beschwörungsformeln’ occur. What is the difference? Psalms of lament are prayers in which the believer prays to yhwh ‘ihn von der Tücke der bösen Geistern oder Zauberer zu befreien, wobei er wahrschein lich bei der Gebetsprechung verschiedene Riten und Manipulationen ausfüh rte, welche im Grunde magischen Charakter tragen.’36 Psalms of incantation have a different character: ‘Sie unterwerfen sich den Willen des Dämons oder Zauberers, binden diese durch magische Worte und Manipulationen, wobei das gewünschte Resultat unbedingt eintreten muß.’37 The psalms of lament are the product of official religion, while the incantational texts are a creation of folk religion.

In which type of psalms are magical elements to be found, according to Nicolsky? He mentions, in this sequence, Psalm 91; 58; 141; 59; 109; 69; 35:1–10; and 7. Psalm 91 is the first psalm he discusses: a psalm whose ‘magischer Charakter sich sehr klar äußert’. The statement in verse 2, ‘My refuge and my fortress, my God in whom I trust’, is in his view a magical formula. Whoever confesses this places a magical circle around his environs and creates a safe space which evil spirits cannot penetrate and where sorcery has no influence.38 The believer is safe there from demonic beings such as רבד deber and בטק qeṭeb, who cause illnesses. Knowing and pronouncing the name of YHWH at the end of the psalm (verse 14) brings protection. This is a thought that, accord ing to Nicolsky, is characteristic of magic: ‘Hier handelt es sich um die in jeder Magie gebräuchliche Vorstellung von der geheimnisvollen Kraft des Namens der Gottheit, welche auch dem Glauben des alten Israel eignete.’39

33 Ridderbos, De Werkers der ongerechtigheid, 142. Cf. also W. Foerster, ‘δαίμων’ in: TWNT 2,

N. Nicolsky, Spuren magischer Formeln in den Psalmen (BZAW 46), Giessen 1927.

Nicolsky, Spuren magischer Formeln, 4.

Nicolsky, Spuren magischer Formeln, 7.

Nicolsky, Spuren magischer Formeln, 4.

Nicolsky, Spuren magischer Formeln, 16.

Nicolsky, Spuren magischer Formeln, 26.

We see that in this stage of research, much attention is given to the Biblical Psalms and to the enemies found in them. These authors also pay more at tention than before to what is happening in the Umwelt. They recognise the power of sorcery and magic and the role that demons play in it. Moreover, they more emphatically observe the distinction between official religion and folk religion. Demons, according to them, belong in the field of folk religion: in the official religion, they had no place (Gunkel, Ridderbos) or actually did have a place (Mowinckel and Nicolsky). These authors differ considerably among themselves as to the extent to which demons played a role in the Old Testament and in Ancient Israel. Methodically, however, these studies leave much to be desired. The Masoretic Text was regularly redacted in them, and the texts are pressed into a pre determined framework (for Mowinckel, these are the Zauberer, Zauber and Dämonen; for Nicolsky, the magische[n] Formeln). Should not the distinction between ‘the text itself’ and ‘the reality to which the text is supposed to refer’ have been more carefully delineated?40

In more recent times, two monographs have come out that explicitly deal with the representations of demons in the Ancient Near East and Ancient Israel. In 2007, Frey Anthes published a monograph on representations of demons in ancient Israel.41 Whereas previous studies were based mainly on the text of the Old Testament, Frey Anthes attempts to map out the imaginary world of demons from the primary sources of archaeology and iconography. She thinks the term ‘demon’ is not a suitable one to use, because too many different phe nomena are summarised under that concept: ‘Als “Dämonen” werden in die Ikonographie (bedrohliche) Mischwesen bezeichnet, in den Texten werden Krankheiten ebenso als “Dämonen” verstanden wie depotenzierte Götter, pe riphere Tiere, aus der Umwelt Israels über genommene Gestalten wie Lilit und Ašmodai sowie Grenzgänger und Mittlergestalten wie die Figur des Satans.’42 With that in mind, Frey Anthes uses formal criteria: what do demons look like? (Aussehen), where do they come from? (Herkunft) and what place are demons assigned? (Ort), and functional criteria: are demons mediators between gods and men? (Kommunikationsmittler), are demons noxious spirits? (Bedrohung), and are demons guardians? (Hilfe).43

40 J. Barton, Reading the Old Testament: Method in Biblical Study, London 20062, 220–222.

41 H. Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte und Schutzgenien, Antiwesen und Grenzgänger, Vorstellungen von “Dämonen” im alten Israel (OBO 227) Göttingen 2007.

42 Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 2, 10; cf. also final conclusions, 301–302, 304.

43 Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 21–29. Frey Anthes is basing herself here on texts (Old Testament and inscriptions) and images (amulets and seals from Syria and Palestine).

Pp. 31–35 set out the differences between these two sources and address the relationship between their contents. Although images and inscriptions tend to be regarded as primary

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The fact that demons frequently occur on seals and amulets shows that ‘die Umwelt und das Leben als gefährlich erfahren wurden’.44 Yet, although in the cultures around Israel demons are the cause of illness and calam ity, in Israel that idea is not common. Frey Anthes observes that in the Old Testament, רבד deber, בטק qeṭeb, and דרב barad perform a function similar to that of the utukkū lemnūtu (evil spirits) in Mesopotamian texts. However, in Mesopotamia these beings have an independent character, whereas in the Old Testament they are at the service of yhwh . Frey Anthes displays the same caution as concerns תיליל lîlît, the םיריעשׂ śeʿîrīm and לאזזע ʿazāzēl. Whereas lîlît was viewed in Mesopotamia as a demon and was associated with ‘(sex ueller) Gefährdung durch Tod und Krankheit’, in the Old Testament she left barely a trace.45 Likewise, the śeʿîrīm and ʿazāzēl are demonic beings but repre sent the ‘gegengöttliche’ and ‘gegenkultische Welt’.46 They are peripheral beings that stop at the edge of the civilised world. The Old Testament, then, has no elaborate demonology. The beings that are mentioned serve a literary function and ‘als Gegenfolie zu Jahwe’ they are at the service of the proclamation of the power and greatness of yhwh . 47

The second monograph is that of J.M. Blair.48 Her provocative title De Demonising the Old Testament makes no bones about what Blair is about: she seeks critically to evaluate all the supposed references to demons in the Old Testament and to expunge them from exegetical discourse. She focuses her studies on five terms which she considers representative of Old Testament research on demons: azazel, lilith, deber, qeteb and rešep. The history of re search shows that scholars have tried time and again to understand these con cepts from their etymology and from parallel texts from the Umwelt. Yet by sources, and texts as secondary, Frey Anthes argues that this distinction is to some extent an artificial one, because neither texts nor images are ‘selbstevident’ and because they ‘bilden nur bestimmte ausgewählte Ebenen religiöser Wirklichkeit ab’.

44 Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 67.

45 Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 183.

46 Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 241.

47 Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 12: ‘Selbst wenn die Bedeutung eines Glaubens an Dämonen für das alte Israel konstatiert wird, wird sie doch in den Bereich des Volks- oder Aberglaubens, der gegenüber einer postulierten Staatsreligion als illegitim bewertet oder marginalisiert wird, abgeschoben bzw. durch seine Theologisierung und Jahwisierung in das Bild vom reinen Jahweglauben eingepasst. Das gilt auch in der neueren Forschung, die dem Volk Dämonenglauben zubilligt, der offiziellen Theologie aber eine reinigende Funktion von magisch dämonischen Elementen zuschreibt.’

48 J.M. Blair, De Demonising the Old Testament

An Investigation of Azazel, Lilith, Deber, Qeteb and Reshef in the Hebrew Bible (FAT 2,37), Tübingen 2009.

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doing so, they have mistakenly projected the Ancient Near Eastern belief in demons onto the Old Testament terms.

In Leviticus 16, ʿazāzēl is not a demon but a personification of the forces of chaos and a symbolic counterpart to Yahweh.49 The term lîlît denotes not a demon but presumably a nocturnal bird.50 The term deber means ‘destruction, possibly by infectious disease’,51 and qeṭeb stands for ‘some kind of destructive force that comes of Yahweh as a punishment’.52 In Psalm 91:5–6, Hosea 13:14 and Habakkuk 3:5, deber and qeṭeb are thus not demons but angels of yhwh , possibly punishing angels. The co occurrence of rešep with deber and qeṭeb makes one suspect that it too denotes a ‘destructive force’, she argues, one that could best be rendered ‘plague’. With this approach, Blair thinks that she can de demonise the Old Testament: ‘The present study shows that contrary to for mer and current scholarship there is nothing in the texts to support the view that azazel, lilith, deber, qeteb and rešep are the names of “demons”. There is no evidence to suggest that there are mythological figures behind azazel, lilith or the personifications of deber and qeteb. In the case of rešep there is a possible connection to the Semitic deity Rešep. However, the mythological motifs are used merely as a poetic device.’53

Comparing these two studies, we note a remarkable agreement between them: both Frey Anthes and Blair see a great gap between (the text of) the Old Testament on the one hand and the Umwelt in which Israel lived and in which the Old Testament arose on the other hand. For instance, Frey Anthes bluntly states that ‘Texte und Bilder unverbunden nebeneinander [stehen]’.54 Blair opts for a form of close reading, because the Hebrew text of the Old Testament is the primary source ‘for understanding how the terms in question function in their context’.55 Now, while this methodological approach is understandable, its consequence is that the text is analysed in isolation from the external (his torical) circumstances to which the text refers or in which it originated. This basic assumption is problematic, however, because the Old Testament cannot be viewed separately from the context in which it originated.56 The result is that the world of the Ancient Near East is out of sight, but surely the people of Israel did not live in a cultural and religious vacuum! The text of the Old

Anthes,

Reading the

,

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Testament is understood as a semantically autonomous unit. The problem is that such autonomous text is by definition multi interpretable. Frey Anthes regularly points out parallels between the Biblical Psalms and incantational texts from Mesopotamia, but she does not wish to proceed any further than finding parallels and similarities. This is remarkable: since seals and amulets were used to protect against evil forces, the conclusion can be drawn that Ancient Near Eastern and therefore also Israelite man felt surrounded by evil forces. One cannot ignore this contextual information when studying the Old Testament.

Both Frey Anthes and Blair are aware that in ancient Israel there is a dif ference between the official religion and folk religion, or the religiosity of the common man and woman. In the former, there is no theological room for demons; in the latter, ghosts and demons play a role. Could not this distinc tion between elements of what Albertz called ‘religionsinterner Pluralismus’ (cf. Chapter 1, §3.2) be taken into account in analysis? Would the conclusions drawn, for example, by Frey Anthes regarding the official Israelite religion also apply at the level of personal piety?57

From the brief discussion of the history of research, it appears that the au thors find it difficult to arrive at a more comprehensive picture of the role that demons play in the Old Testament and in the life of Ancient Israelite man on the basis of the text of the Old Testament. In reviewing the first publications, we saw that authors such as Duhm, Jirku and Kaupel based their research on the text of the Old Testament and only used the parallels from the Umwelt as an illustration. Ridderbos also repeatedly came to the conclusion that in the Old Testament, demons did not play the role that Mowinckel had attributed to them. The recent publications by Frey Anthes and Blair are indicative of a great reluctance to link data from the Umwelt to the text of the Old Testament. The authors mutually agree, albeit with nuances and in different wordings, that on the basis of the text of the Old Testament they can state that demons have little or no significance to the life and worldview of Israel.

One can, with Duhm, argue that ‘[die] alte Jahvereligion relativ wenig dämonische Elemente enthält’ or can take Jirku’s view that ‘[d]ieser Glaube an

57 That Frey Anthes is well aware of this distinction is seen from the following quotation: ‘Der Endtext der Hebräischen Bibel repräsentiert damit in seiner literarischen Überlieferung und kanonischen Zusammenstellung mit der sog. “Offiziellen Religion” ein religiöses System, das nicht ohne weiteres einen allgemein gültigen Aufschluss über die sog. “Volksreligion” geben kann … Jedoch muss das Verhältnis zwischen Privatfrömmigkeit und offizieller Religion im Einzelnen sorgfältig herausgearbeitet werden.’ Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 35. Thus, Frey Anthes is conscious of the religiosity of the ordinary man and woman, but sadly does not elaborate upon it in her study.

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solche Dämonen ist aber der Jahvereligion völlig entgegengesetzt’.58 One can agree with Ridderbos that the monotheism of Israel is irreconcilable with the polytheism of Babylonia and that the practices, rites and representations that are reminiscent of the sorcery and demonic beliefs of other peoples are in the Old Testament related to yhwh . 59 We can support Frey Anthes’ conclusions that demons and other Unheilswesen serve merely literary functions in the Old Testament and act as a ‘Gegenfolie zu Jahwe’.60 We can take Blair’s line that the presence of mythological elements in a text is but a ‘poetical device’ and cannot be regarded as proof ‘for a living belief in demons or other mythical creatures’.61

However, (1) we cannot paint a complete picture of ghosts and demons in the world of experience of Ancient Israel on the basis of the text of the Old Testament alone. When interpreting the text, we have to take into account its Sitz im Leben

(2) Given that the texts of the Old Testament do not (or hardly ever) speak of demons, and since the texts from the Umwelt are well documented,62 this prompts the question of whether there might be a conscious view behind this presentation in the Old Testament of the world of spirits and demons. From a certain (theological and canonical) view, traces of and references to demons might have been filtered out or suppressed, or even deliberately not men tioned, because they might hardly or not at all have had a place in the view or belief system of the final authors or redactors. This could be an explana tion of why the Old Testament speaks so cautiously about spirits and demons. However, that does not detract from the legitimacy of the question as to why there is an absence of demons in the text of the Old Testament. We will have to give an explanation for this scant attention, taking into account the distinction between the text of the Old Testament and the religious world of experience of Ancient Israel.63

58 Duhm, Die bösen Geister, 1; cf. Jirku, Die Dämonen, IV ; H. Kaupel, Die Dämonen im Alten Testament, 7, 28, 57 and 92.

59 N.H. Ridderbos, De Werkers der ongerechtigheid, 137 and 138.

60 Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 305 and the final conclusions of Chapter 7.

61 Blair, De Demonising the Old Testament, 15.

62 Thus also M.L. Thomsen, ‘Witchcraft and Magic in ancient Mesopotamia’, in: B. Ankarloo, St. Clark (ed.), Witchcraft and Magic in Europe, Biblical and Pagan Societies, Philadelphia 2001, 4: ‘The field of witchcraft and magic, in particular, is documented by a large amount of incantations and instructions for rituals, providing much valuable information about this aspect of ancient life.’

63 Cf. remarks of Th.C. Vriezen, Hoofdlijnen der theologie van het Oude Testament, Wageningen 19744, 24–29.

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(3) Finally, we think that the distinction between official religion and folk religion (or, better expressed, familial (domestic) religiosity) mentioned in Chapter 1, §3.2 is of great importance. Texts from the circles of the court, the state or the king serve interests other than do texts which have to do with the world of the ancient man or woman. Even if the text of the Old Testament is largely written from the perspective of official theology, the question remains as to whether this also applied to religious conceptions in the family circle and to the religiosity of the ordinary man and woman.

3 Demons in Ancient Israel: Archaeological Findings (Context)

Before going further, we shall (briefly) illustrate that the Umwelt can also fur nish us with answers to the question of the role of demons in the life of Ancient Israel. This section will restrict itself to objects which we knew had an apotro paic function. Typically, these were mostly objects that served as an amulet and that were meant to ward off ‘evil forces and their harm’.64 What objects could be used as an amulet? We know that in the Ancient Near East, jewellery could fulfil that function, but so could cylinder seals,65 figurines, masks, bowls, commemorative plaques, stelae and statues. In fact, any object could in prin ciple be used as an amulet, as long as it was believed that supernatural power emanated from it a power often further emphasised by words uttered over the object.66 Sometimes, the objects were accompanied by inscriptions or cer tain incantations, serving additionally to underscore the protective function of the object. Amulets and other apotropaic objects could serve for personal protection and in that case were often worn on the body, or they were intended for the protection of the house, in which case they were hung on the wall or buried under the floor.

It is well known that jewellery in this era, in addition to being a sign of status and wealth, also served religious purposes. Jewellery is used to adorn the wearer, but it is known that it was also used as an amulet or lucky charm, which with its supposed magical powers was supposed to protect the wearer

64 W.C. Robertson, Drought, Famine, Plague and Pestilence: Ancient Israel’s Understandings of and Responses to natural catastrophes, Madison 2010, 131.

65 Often, an amulet type inscription or incantation was applied to a cylinder seal or scroll seal to protect its owner or user. Cf. E. Reiner, ‘Magic Figurines, Amulets and Talismans’, in: Monsters and Demons in the Ancient and Medieval World, A.E. Farkas, P.O. Harper, E.B. Harrison (ed.), Mainz 1987, 27.

66 G. Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt, Austin 1994, 105–106.

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and ward off evil spirits. For example, women would wear pendants and brace lets as ‘amulets and prophylactics to protect the wearer from the “evil eye” and every other sort of evil’.67

In particular, shiny metals such as iron had apotropaic force ascribed to them. Not only for women, but for babies too, there were pendants with a round piece of material, a kind of bead, made of glass, wood or precious stones, which served for protection.68

Figure 3.1 shows a Phoenician eye bead on which eyes are depicted, which are meant to ward off the ‘evil eye’. Similar beads have been found more than any other artefact in tombs in Israel and Judah. In virtually all Iron Age

P.J. King, L.E. Stager, Life in Biblical Israel, Louisville 2001, 277.

S. Dunham, ‘Beads for Babies’, ZA 83 (1993), 237–257.

cemeteries, anklets, bracelets, earrings and beads have been found, several of which were used as amulets.69

In an excavation in Tell Kedesh, in the far north of Galilee, amulet pendants were found of white earthenware, bearing an image of the Egyptian god Horus (see for an Egyptian example Fig. 3.2).70

69 W.C. Robertson, Drought, Famine, Plague and Pestilence, 133; P.J. King, L.E. Stager, Life in Biblical Israel, Louisville 2001, 277.

70 The images of the white amulet pendants with an image of the Egyptian god Horus, found in an excavation at Tel Kedesh and dating from the period 430–330 BCE , are no longer available (see for the original image: G.C. Vreugdenhil, Onheil dat voorbijgaat, Zoetermeer 2013, 124). Figure 3.2 shows a similar amulet hanger, originating from the Memphite re gion in Egypt.

Images of the falcon god Horus, with or without wings, were considered to be a powerful symbol of divine protection and can often be found as a motif in Syro Palestinian iconography.71 Amulets with an image of the Eye of Horus were also very popular in the Bronze and Iron Age and have been found repeat edly in tombs in Lachish and other major cities of that time (see Fig. 3.3).72

These amulets were meant to protect people from danger and to ward off evil forces.73 According to Andrews, the Eye of Horus was one of the most pow erful of all protective amulets.74

These last examples demonstrate how much Ancient Israel was under Egyptian influence. In addition to the Eye of Horus, the scarab was another animal frequently depicted on amulets. The scarab was considered a sacred animal in Ancient Egypt and was associated with Chepri, the god of the rising

71 Cf. J.M. LeMon, Yahweh’s winged Form in the Psalms: Exploring Congruent Iconography and Texts (OBO 242), Fribourg/Göttingen, 2010, 31–34, 74–83.

72 The image shown here is from Egypt, but has strong similarities with the image discussed in the text.

73 E.E. Platt, ‘Jewelry, Ancient Israel’, in: ABD 3, 823–834.

74 C. Andrews, Amulets from Ancient Egypt, Austin 1994, 10, 43.

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sun. Just as Chepri pushes the sun across the sky, the dung beetle rolls a ball of manure ahead of him. These beetles also seemed to be spontaneously born out of dung, because the Egyptians did not know that the beetle actually laid its eggs there. That is why the scarab was the symbol of life after death. The sun ‘dies’ every evening in the west (when it sets) and is born every morning in the east (when it comes up). Images of scarabs were often found in Egyptian tombs and were very popular as an amulet to ward off evil forces. In Israel, scarabs have been found at practically every excavation site, but especially in Lachish and Jericho (see Fig. 3.4).75

75 Cf. also W.A. Ward, ‘Scarabs’, in: Near Eastern Archeology: A Reader, S. Richard (ed.), Winona Lake 2003, 218–221. Cf. also S. Münger, ‘Amulets in Context: Catalogue of Scarabs, Scaraboids and Stamp seals from Tel Kinrot/Tell el-ʿOreme (Israel)’, in: In Bilder als Quellen Images as Sources. Studies on Ancient Near Eastern Artefacts and the Bible Inspired by the Work of Othmar Keel (OBO Special Volume), S. Bickel, S. Schroer, R. Schurte, C. Uehlinger (ed.), Fribourg/Göttingen 2007: 81–99. The image of figure 3.4 is to be credit ed to Associates for Biblical Research and Dr. Bryant Wood. The article in which the image

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Amulets and apotropaic objects flourished in Palestine, especially in the Persian era. Amulets have been found in Judah and Samaria and everywhere else in the country.76 What is striking in this period is once again the palpable great influence of Egypt. For example, images of the god Bes have been found on masks, vases and figurines, and small figures of that deity were also used as a chain pendant.77

The god Bes was often depicted with lion’s mane, ears and tail and with both hands on his hips (see Fig. 3.5).

This deity’s domain was the household. Sometimes, he was depicted with a drum or tambourine to scare off evil spirits by the sound.78 He averted evil with music, knives, or the sa sign as he watched over the occupants of the house. He was particularly protective of women and children from demons and other evil. Over time this responsibility gave him a role in some temples when there was a birth house for the deity. Thus, the Bes image was a popular amulet.

At Kuntillet ʿAjrud, large storage jars have been found during excavations on which it is probably the god Bes who is depicted.79 On one of the pithoi is seen a painted scene showing the god Bes in the center, another deity standing at his left and a seated woman playing the lyre at the right. The inscription reads: ‘X said to Y and to Z and to Yoʿasah and … [May you be blessed] by the Lord who guards us and his asherah’.

The image of Bes was often positioned at gates for protection and almost always appears outside of birth houses. Figure 3.6 shows a Jar from Egypt with a depiction of the god Bes, clearly intended to protect the contents of the jar. The Mesopotamian demon Lamaštu is known particularly to target pregnant women and children. To protect against her attacks, images of Pazuzu were

appears, says: ‘Three scarabs and a seal recovered from a cemetery northwest of Jericho. A scarab is a small, beetle shaped Egyptian amulet, inscribed on its underside, often with the name of a pharaoh. Shown clockwise from upper left are scarabs bearing the names of Tuthmosis III (c. 1504–1450 BCE ), Amenhotep III (c. 1386–1349 BCE ) and Hatshepsut (c. 1503–1483 BCE ) and the reverse side of a seal, lower left, of Tuthmosis III . The cemetery outside Jericho has yielded a continuous series of Egyptian scarabs from the 18th through the early-14th centuries BCE , contradicting Kenyon’s claim that the city was abandoned after 1550 BCE ’

76 E. Stern, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible 2: The Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian Periods (732–332 B.C.E. ), New York 2001, 479.

77 E. Stern, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 507–510.

78 C. Andrews, Amulets, 39–40.

79 Cf. A.D.H. Mayes, ‘Kuntillet ʿAjrud and the history of Israelite Religion’, in: Archeology and Biblical Interpretation, J.R. Bartlett (ed.), London en New York 1997, 51–66; Z. Meshel, ‘Kuntillet ʿAjrud’, in: ABD 4, 103–09; for discussion, cf. H. Shanks, ‘The Persisting Uncertainties of Kuntillet ʿAjrud’, BAR (2012) Nov./Dec. 2012; King, Stager, Life in Biblical Israel, 351–352.

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Figure 3 .5 Amulet of Egyptian god Bes, who was also highly popular in Israel. Egyptian, 21st–24th dynasty, 1070–712 bce

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

used (see fig. 2.1 and 2.2, chapter 2). In an excavation in the Judean lowlands of the Shefali Valley, an amulet was found with a small opening at the top, presumably meant to be hung in a room. Spells against Lamaštu are written on this amulet. Sometimes, these types of amulets were placed at the head of the bed on which the sick person lay, to protect him from evil spirits or demons.80

One should not omit to mention the amulet found at Ketef Hinnom, south west of the Old City of Jerusalem. In one of the rock tombs, two miniature

80 M. Cogan, ‘A Lamashtu Plaque from the Judaean Shephelah’, IEJ 45 (1995), 155–161.

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Figure 3 .6 Depiction of the god Bes on a two handled Jar and Lid, from Egypt ca. 1390–1352 BCE

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

silver scrolls were found in 1979, containing the priestly blessing of Numbers 6 (see Fig. 3.7).81

These little scrolls were meant to be worn around a neck on a chain or hang er and probably had a protective function. The text on the amulet is about pro tection against evil and it calls yhwh the ‘Rebuker of evil’. Smoak has pointed out that the combination of terms such as ‘guardianship’ and ‘protection’ is characteristic of apotropaic amulets, and he sees parallels with Phoenician

81 Cf. G. Barkay, A.G. Vaughn, M.J. Lundberg, B. Zuckerman, ‘The Amulets from Ketef Hinnom: A New Edition and Evaluation’, BASOR 334 (2004), 41–71.

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and Punic amulets of the Iron Age.82 He sees similarities with Psalm 12:7–9, where we read:

The utterances of yhwh are pure utterances, silver refined in a furnace in the earth, purified seven times. You, O yhwh , will guard them; you will protect him from this generation forever. On every side the wicked prowl, a vileness is exalted among humankind.

The reference to the melting of silver in the furnace and the connection with the pronouncements of yhwh fit well with the context of amulet like inscriptions.83 The reference to yhwh as the ‘Punisher of evil’ (hgʿr brʿ) has parallels with Old Testament texts such as Isaiah 17:13, Nahum 1:4, and Psalms 18:16 and 106:9. In Zechariah 3:2, yhwh is the reprover of Satan. Simi lar terminology is not unusual in later incantational texts and amulets.84 The bearer of the silver amulet viewed evil as a real power against which he had to be protected. In the world of the Ancient Near East, these powers were taken seriously. Evil in the form of demons was a lived reality. Whoever had an amu let around his neck with words from or related to the priestly blessing was as it were invoking God’s presence and protection over his life.

Finally, we should consider the magic bowls found in modern day Iraq and Iran (cf. Chapter 1, §2). These bowls are inscribed on the inside with a text in an Aramaic dialect, inscribed on the bowl in spiral form. These magic bowls were used by Mesopotamian Jews to protect the home against demons. Buried in the corner of a room or beneath the threshold, they were intended to keep ghosts and demons at bay.85

These amulets and other apotropaic objects indicate how Ancient Israelites dealt with the fear of evil and disaster and the threat of evil spirits and demons in their daily lives. If we are to go by to the many objects that have been found, many in Ancient Israel resorted on a personal level to the use of objects to which magical power was attributed. More than that, the fear of demons has

82 J.D. Smoak, ‘Amuletic Inscriptions and the Background of yhwh as Guardian and Protector in Psalm 12’, VT 60 (2010), 421–432.

83 Smoak, ‘Amuletic Inscriptions’, 422–432.

84 J.D. Smoak, ‘“Prayers of Petition” in the Psalms and West Semitic Inscribed Amulets: Efficacious Words in Metal and Prayers for Protection in Biblical Literature’, JSOT 36.1 (2011), 75–92; see also ‘May Yahweh Bless You and Keep You from Evil: The Rhetorical Argument of Ketef Hinnom Amulet I and the Form of the Prayers for Deliverance in the Psalms’, JANER 12 (2012), 202–236.

85 J. Naveh, S. Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls: Aramaic Incantations from Late Antiquity, Jerusalem/Leiden 1985; D. Levene, A Corpus of Magic Bowls. Incantation Texts in Jewish Aramaic from Late Antiquity, London 2003.

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also led the Jews of the second temple period to extensive speculation about their origins, their nature, and their activities, and to the development of a large set of antidemonic techniques and practices. Jews at that time practiced different types of exorcism, as Bohak extensively has shown.86 But it must be said that in the midst of all the developed exorcistic rituals and techniques, Scripture occupies a central place. There is a growing sensitivity to the apotro paic power of the Scripture’s words.87

The above mentioned examples are merely a small illustrative slice of how seriously people took the threat of mischief and evil in daily life in Ancient Israel. This, then, raises the question of how these data (from the life of Ancient Israel) relate to the text of the Old Testament, which is much more understated in its discourse of the realities of evil and demons, and especially sets them in negative contexts (Lev. 19:32; Deut. 32:17; II Kgs 21:6, etc.).

4 Interlude: Text, Context and Demons

The previous section ended with a tension: the text of the Old Testament speaks very understatedly about the reality of spirits and demons, yet the con text shows many examples of how people used everyday amulets and magical objects to protect themselves against evil powers.88 There must, therefore, be more of this reality to be found in the Old Testament after all. The question, though, is: how are we to detect this reality? In this section, by way of interlude

86 G. Bohak, ‘Jewish Exorcism Before and After the Destruction of the Second Temple’, in: Was 70 CE a Watershed in Jewish History? On Jews and Judaism before and after the Destruction of the Second Temple, D.R. Schwartz, Z. Weiss (eds.), (AJEC 78), Leiden 2012, 277–300. Bohak distinguishes three forms of exorcism: (1) exorcism through the use of naturally exorcistic substances, (2) exorcism by means of prayers and adjurations, and (3) exorcism performed by holy men by means of their innate powers. On page 290 he makes an interesting remark about apotropaic prayers and psalm 91: ‘Perhaps the clearest example is the continuous use of Psalm 91, which was used as an antidemonic psalm in the Second Temple period and became extremely popular … in early Christian amulets and exorcism; it remained quite popular (in the Hebrew original) among the Jews of late antiquity and the Middle Ages and continuous so to our own day’.

87 D. Lincicum, ‘Scripture and Apotropaism in the Second Temple Period’, BN 138 (2008): 63–87.

88 Argued by e.g. K. van der Toorn, ‘The Theology of Demons’, in: Die Dämonen. Die Dämonologie der israelischen jüdischen und frühchristlichen Literatur im Kontext ihrer Umwelt Demons: The Demonology of Israelite Jewish and Early Christian Literature in Context of their Environment, A. Lange, H. Lichtenberger, K.F.D. Römheld (eds.), Tübingen 2003, 62: ‘By comparison with the wealth of documentation on demons from Mesopotamia, the Hebrew Bible has little to offer on Demons.’

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and illustration, we shall place a text in the interplay of text and context, tak ing into account an interaction between the Biblical text and its situational context.

Based on Genesis 4:7, we shall seek to show which exegetical questions and choices one is sometimes faced with when considering whether or not one can demonstrate demons or demonic traces in a passage.89 The Masoretic Text of the verse reads:

6 And yhwh said to Cain: Why are you angry and why is your face so fierce?

7 If you do good, is there not forgiveness? But if you do not do good, then sin is lying in wait90 at the door, whose desire goes out to you, but over whom you must have mastery.91

The words in these verses are addressed by yhwh to Cain because he had be come very angry that his sacrifice had not been accepted by God. Exegetically, we are now mainly concerned with the expression

(‘sin lies in wait at the door’). A few remarks follow about this phrase.92

89 The choice of Genesis 4:7 is explained by the fact that in our analysis of references to demons in Biblical texts we came across this example, because a link was suspected with the Babylonian demon rabiṣu. Other examples could have been chosen as well. For a re cent attempt to find references to the Canaanite god / demon Ḥoron, see M.C.A. Korpel, ‘A Subdued Demon in Exodus 15:7–8’, VT 69 (2019), 60–68. See for other examples: J.C. de Moor, ‘Converted Demons: Fallen Angels Who Repented?’, in: Hebrew Texts in Jewish, Christian and Muslim Surroundings, K. Spronk, E. van Staalduine Sulman (eds.), (SSN 69), Leiden 2018, 9–22.

90 In the Old Testament, root ץבר is usually translated ‘stretch oneself out, lie down, lie stretched out’, according to W.C. Williams, in: NIDOTTE , 3, 1044. This term is used of herd animals lying down to rest (Gen. 29:2), but can also be used of feral species lying in wait for prey (Gen. 49:9).

91 The author’s own translation. For discussion and interpretation of this text, the reader is referred to currently valid commentaries. Cf. also e.g. G.J. Wenham, Genesis 1–15 (WBC 1), Waco 1998, 104–106.

92 E.J. Van Wolde, Words Become Worlds. Semantic Studies of Genesis 1–11 (Biblical Interpretation Series 6), Leiden 1994, 52–55, discusses the passage in the literary context of the Cain and Abel narrative, yet gives no thought to any possible demonological inter pretation of this verse.

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(1) The expression ‘lie in wait at the door’ is without any parallel in the Old Testament. The verb ץבר has to do with herds (possibly with their shepherds) or with animals that lie down to rest (Is. 13:20; 35:7; 65:10; Ps. 23:1–2).93 What, however, should we imagine by the expression ‘sin lies at the door’? What sense does that have in this context?

(2) Grammatically, the gender of the feminine noun תאטח does not agree with the independently deployed masculine participle ץבר. 94 From the im mediate context, it is apparent that the two suffixes in the following phrase, וב־לשׁמת התאו ותקושׁת ךילאו, recapitulate ץבר and not תאטח, since these two suffixes are of the same gender. Consequently, the word תאטח in this sentence is to some degree separate from the context. What, then, are the status and function of תאטח in the verse? The exegete Duhm suggests that it might be an explanatory gloss.95

(3) Other authors point to the fact that the term ץבר appears to have paral lels in extra Biblical language. ‘The word for “crouching” (rōbēṣ) appears to be related to an Akkadian word that is based on the same stem (rbṣ) and refers to demons, particular those that guard entrances to buildings.’96 Barré points to the relationship between ץבר and rabiṣu in Akkadian and proposes to translate it by ‘one who lies in wait’.97 The term can be used in both positive and negative senses. It can be used to denote ‘human officials’, or conversely as an indication of ‘deities or demons’. As a ‘high official’, the rabiṣu was responsible for prepar ing the court hearings. After the judge, he was the second most important per son. When the term is used of the gods, it is the divine opposite of the human rabiṣu. It is the divine prosecutor who challenges guilty parties in court. Barré then points out that in the Ancient Babylonian period, the rabiṣu developed into a ‘malevolent demon, often qualified as lemnu, “evil”’. Perhaps this devel opment has to do with the fear which the human prosecutor instilled. As a demon, the rabiṣu, together with other evil spirits, is responsible for various forms of evil. Medical ailments can be the result of his actions. The texts also

93 E.J. Waschke, in: TDOT 13, 298–303.

94 As Wenham has rightly noted, participle ץבר must agree with תאטח in mood, number and gender. It is particularly on the issue of gender that debate is engaged. Here, ץבר is an independently deployed participle. Cf. Gesenius, §146u.

95 Duhm, Die bösen Geister im Alten Testament, Leipzig 1904, 9.

96 The position of S.H.T. Page, Powers of Evil a Biblical Study of Satan & Demons, Grand Rapids 19962, 74. Also: ‘A popular and attractive explanation of the figure of speech that sin is personified as a demon who lurks in entryways’, 74. Cf. Duhm, Die bösen Geister, 9; Jirku, Die Dämonen, 82, etc.

97 For consideration and discussion, cf. M.L. Barré, ‘rabiṣu’, in: DDD , 682–683.

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mention different types of rabiṣu, which ‘were thought to ambush their vic tims in various places’.98

(4) Another point should be made on this score. The text of Genesis 4:7 re fers to the חתפ petaḥ ‘door’ or ‘opening’. It is unclear whether petaḥ relates to the opening of a tent or to the door of a house. In any case, the חתפ petaḥ was the separation between two worlds: the outside world, with its menace, and the closed, safe, inner world of the house. In the world of the Ancient Near East, the door was the place that demons preferred to inhabit.99 Demons were expected to lurk at the door or opening of the house in order to attack a person in the manner of ‘von vorn anzugreifen oder ihn hinterrücks zu folgen und unvermutet sich auf ihn zu stürzten’.100 Other authors point to the threshold as the abode of evil spirits or demons.101 It is known that in the past, when building new buildings, particularly at temples, were inaugurated, certain rites were carried out to protect the building against demonic forces and diseases.102 Thus, certain figurines of protective gods were buried near the windowsill or in the foundations. On a figurine found in Aššur is a picture of the protective god Laḫmu. On his arms, the following words can be found: ‘Get out, evil demon!’ and ‘Come in, good demon!’103 Once could protect oneself against these de mons by reciting certain incantational formulas or by setting up a figurine of a repellent demon at the entrance of the house. It is known that the demon Pazuzu, for example, fulfilled this function.104

(5) Given these data from the Umwelt, the phrase ץבר תאטח חתפל takes on a new dimension. Barré’s proposal is very plausible: ‘The fact that this demon is said to lurk “at the (tent?) opening” fits with the character of the rabiṣu, namely to lurk in ordinary places to spring his ambush.’105

(6) How are we now to deal with these data? Have we now demonstrated that this text should be interpreted in this manner? No, that cannot be established in such terms. The text itself makes no such conscious identification with an

98 Barré, ‘rabiṣu’, in: DDD , 683.

99 Jirku, Die Dämonen, 81, 85.

100 Duhm, Die bösen Geister, 9.

101 Argued by e.g. Canaan, Dämonenglaube, 36. These data might shed light on other texts in the Biblical tradition where the threshold is featured; for instance, texts like Zeph. 1:9 and I Sam. 5:4–5; see also K.J. Cathcart, ‘The Phoenician inscriptions from Arslan Tash and some Old Testament texts: (Exodus 12; Micah 5:4–5[5–6]; Psalm 91)’, in: On Stone and Scroll: Essays in Honour of Graham Ivor Davies, J.K. Aitken, K.J. Dell, B.A. Mastin (eds.) (BZAW 420), Berlin 2011, 87–99, especially 91–92.

102 ‘Building rites and deposits’, in: GDS , 46–47.

103 GDS , 17, Fig. 9.

104 Cf. ‘Pazuzu’, in: GDS , 147–148.

105 Barré, ‘rabiṣu’, in: DDD , 683. See also Riley, ‘Demon’, in: DDD , 236.

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Ancient Near Eastern demon; we should certainly bear that in mind. There is undoubtedly a certain authorial view behind the wording. Nevertheless, on the basis of the considerations above, we can consider a ‘demonic’ interpretation of Genesis 4:7 likely. The reason for this lies in the fact that the word תאטח in verse 7 has a loose status grammatically. An explanation could be given for that from the above mentioned considerations. The term תאטח might have been interpolated into the text later, because (1) the term ץבר was no longer under stood in later times, or because (2) the author or editor deliberately sought to distance himself from the demonic associations evoked by the term.

(7) If we read Genesis 4:7 from this Ancient Near Eastern background, it seems likely that the writer or editor was using a well known image of his time to characterise the danger that Cain was placing himself in by his conduct. The image of a ‘demon that haunt the door’ throws particular light on Cain’s sulk: it connects this attitude with demonic forces that are keen to cause permanent harm to the human being or to incite him to evil. The demon desires to incite Cain to do evil.106

Nevertheless, the text also contains a very critical notion: Cain is instructed to rule over (לשׁמ) the demon. This verb probably encapsulated the specific message of Genesis 4:7, which distinguishes it from the Umwelt. The ץבר is no longer a ‘bloss physisch verderblicher Dämon’ that must be fought by incanta tions and magical acts, but rather Cain is called to act with moral rectitude.107 תאטח might have been added to the text in order explicitly to interpret the expression ץבר theologically. This way, the text would then reflect the

106 A.M. Kitz has a different opinion. In her article ‘Demons in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East’, JBL 135/3 (2016), 447–464, she states that neither in Akkadian texts nor in texts from the Hebrew Bible a detailed demonology can be found: ‘Demons as inherently evil subordinate supernatural beings did not exist in the ancient Near East’ (447). Analysis of the terms rabiṣu and rōbēṣ shows that are indeed supernatural beings, but not evil in the modern sense of demons. The beings are subordinate to the gods or to YHWH and only carry out their or His will. They are morally neutral and when they are called evil, it has to do with the negative task assigned to them by God or the gods. The Hebrew rōbēṣ in Gen. 4:7 is probably not a demon. The author’s views on demons in the Hebrew Bible and the Old East are, in our view, too one sided. Certainly, in the texts she discusses, the evil spirits are in the service of YHWH and carry out his will. However, there is more to say, the Old Testament also shows rebellion against God by divine beings, as for example Heiser has convincingly shown: M.S. Heiser, The Unseen Realm. Recovering the Supernatural Worldview of the Bible, Bellingham 2015, especially 73–124. Moreover, the large number of apotropaic texts shows that the fear of demons lived much more widely than she wants to be true to. They are not seen as an extension of the gods. On the contrary, the gods must offer protection against evil spirits. So Kitz goes too far in her conclusions.

107 Duhm, Die bösen Geister, 10, discusses the demon as a ‘moralisch böses Wesen’.

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theological ethical vision of later editors and perhaps of the entire Old Testament.

(8) One could go a step further and state that the text seems to be predicated upon a form of monotheism in which there was no more scope for representa tions of demons. In that case, the reinterpretation of ץבר shows us something of the way in which primary religious experiences involving demons were re defined by later, secondary religion or by theology with a view to a time when the world of demons was no longer viable or desirable.108

(9) Now, one can argue as to whether or not תאטח is a gloss and what its specific function is in the context of Genesis 4. Nevertheless, exegesis of the Old Testament texts has to be exegesis in an historical context. This means that the texts must be read in the light of the Ancient Near Eastern world in which they are written. We will not be able to avoid hypotheses and reconstructions of what the historical and cultural context of a text might be. The exegete will then make a proposal for interpretation of a certain text on the basis of argu ments: ones that will have to be weighed in the light of the knowledge of the text and its context. The only kind of exegesis that is plausible is one that is able to do justice to the most divergent data within the text itself.

Research on the Ancient Israelite view of demons commences with the canonical text of the Old Testament and from that point peers back into the reality behind the text, to the world of the ‘ordinary man and woman’ and tries to reconstruct it using data known from the Umwelt. At the same time, exegesis will seek to do justice to the text itself and to the view (including of demons) that is expressed in it. After all, historical diversity is subordinated to a given theological viewpoint; we will have to take that into account. That is the thinking with which we will continue our study. There is always a swing ing of the pendulum between text and context, and from context back to text (cf. Chapter 6, §2 for an elaboration of this double movement and its applica tion in Chapters 7 and 8).

5 Family and Household Religion, Enemies and Demons

So far, we have seen that in order to answer the question of what role demons play in the life of Ancient Israel, observing the distinction between familial and official religion is of great importance. It makes a great difference whether it is an individual or a group that is speaking about God, gods or demons in

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given texts.109 Texts from the circle of the state or the king serve different inter ests than do texts that have to do with the world of Ancient Near Eastern man or woman. If we are looking to detect personal piety or familial religiosity, we must use texts that come from that environment.110 Which texts are eligible? Albertz et al. have pointed out that we have to look to the individual psalms of lament for this purpose.111

As regards the fear and the role of demons, there are parallels between incantational texts from Mesopotamia and individual lamentations from Ancient Israel. From Gunkel onwards, a distinction has been made between two theoretical Gattungen: lament and praise, both of the individual and of the people.112 Obviously, we shall be able to find personal piety more clearly through the individual psalms of lament. ‘Die Klagen des Einzelnen gehören in eine eigenständige religiöse Begehung im Familienkreis, damit weisen sie in das Milieu, in dem ich die persönliche Frömmigkeit lokalisiert hatte und kön nen als Quellen für sie in Anspruch genommen werden’, Albertz argues.113 It is

109 R. Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit und offizielle Religion, Stuttgart 1978, 23: ‘Denn sie be deutet doch niet weniger als dies: Daß es für das Geschehen zwischen “Mensch” und Gott nicht gleichgültig ist, ob ein Einzelner oder eine große Gruppe darin zu Wort kommt. Denn verschiedene Gattungen bedeuten verschiedene “Sitze im Leben”.’; Frey Anthes, Unheilsmächte, 302. Cf. Also Chapter 1, §3.2.

110 Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 21: ‘Die persönliche Frömmigkeit kann primär nur aus Texten gewonnen werden, die aus dem sozialen Milieu dieser Frömmigkeit selber stammen.’

111 See for background the more recently published book: R. Albertz, R. Schmitt, Family and Household Religion in Ancient Israel and the Levant, Winona Lake 2012, 21–56; E.S. Gerstenberger, ‘Theologies in the Book of Psalms’, in: The Book of Psalms: Composition and Reception (VTS 99), P.D. Miller. P.W. Flint (eds.), Leiden 2004, 603–625; Der bittende Mensch: Bittritual und Klagelied des Einzelnen im Alten Testament (WMANT 51), Neukirchen 1980; K. van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life (SHCANE 7), Leiden 1996.

112 Cf. H. Gunkel, Einleitung in die Psalmen, Göttingen 19662. Cf. also studies by scholars in cluding C. Westermann, ‘Struktur und Geschichte der Klage im Alten Testament’, ZAW 66 (1954), 44–80.

113 Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 27. Albertz reckons the following Psalms to belong to the category of lamentations by individuals: 3; 5; 6; 7; 13; 17; 22; 25; 26; 27,7–14; 28; 31; 35; 38; 39; 41:5–13 (individual psalm of praise); 42; 43; 51; 54; 55; 56; 57; 59; 61; 63; 64; 69; 70; 71; 86; 88; 102; 109; 120; 130; 140; 141; 142; 143. The following Psalms are associated with that group and are regarded as psalms of confidence which bear signs of influence by psalms of individual lament: 4; 11; 16; 23; 27:1–6; 62; 73:26; 91:2,9; 94:22; 114; 119. H. Vörlander be lieves that many of the psalms of lament originally had conjurors or demons in mind when speaking of enemies, and in this regard names the following Psalms: 3; 6; 7; 9/10; 11; 17; 22; 27; 31; 35; 38; 42/43; 55; 56; 57; 59; 64; 69; 71; 86; 109; 120; 140; 142; and indeed 91, in: Mein Gott, Die Vorstellungen vom persönlichen Gott im Alten Orient und im Alten

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in lamentation that existential need and fear of disaster most evidently appear. After all, lament is the mirror of the soul.114 What substantial differences are there between individual psalms of lament and the complaint of the people?115

(a) In the individual’s lament, personal faith in God is central; in the lament, the emphasis is more on the historical acts of God;

(b) The individual’s lament focuses more on the past, present and future of the person in question; the political history of the people is more central in the people’s lament;

(c) In the lament of the people, we have to do with ‘unser Gott’; in the lament of the individual, it is ‘mein Gott’;

(d) In the people’s lament, reference is made to yhwh ’s victory over the pri mal chaotic powers, whereas in the individual’s lament the threatened one entrusts himself to his Creator. ‘Das intime, persönliche Vertrauen sverhältnis zwischen dem einzelnen Menschen und seinem Gott gründet letztlich in seinem Geschaffen Sein’;

(e) In the people’s lament, there is a direct relationship between the need of the people and a sense of being abandoned by God: God rejects his people in anger. In the individual’s lament, the poet feels abandoned by God and given over to Todesmächte. This difference in perception can be expressed in terms of verwerfen (in the lament of the people) versus verlassen (in the lament of the individual);

(f) In the people’s lament, the enemies are often existing political and mili tary enemies. The enemies in the individual’s lament, on the other hand, are: ‘ursprünglich neben den spottenden Nachbarn und Freunden dämonische Mächte. Sie spiegeln die Gebrechlichkeit und Todesbed rohtheit der menschlichen Existenz.’

On the basis of the above mentioned differences, the conclusion seems justi fied that the genre of the individual’s lament is a distinct genre from that of the people’s lament. If we wish to gain more insight into the role of demons in

Testament, Neukirchen Vluyn 1975, 265. We shall here drop discussion of which Psalms belong to which genres, restricting our scope to the analysis made by Albertz.

114 The study of G. Glas, Angst Beleving, structuur, macht, Amsterdam 2001, analyses fear of death or existential terror. This is the fear for one’s existence that people experience when worried that they might be killed or are afraid of continuing to live. We may reasonably assume that we shall detect that fear more copiously and with greater clarity in lament than in praise. Albertz also points out that in the Psalms belonging to the genre of praise, the boundaries between the individual and the community are more fluid. For discussion, cf. Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 24.

115 For discussion, cf. Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 23–49.

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personal and familial religiosity, we will therefore have to consult the psalms of individual lament.116 The differences between the two genres may be most striking of all on the matter of enemies. However, this is also one of the most controversial themes.117 ‘The identity of the enemies in the individual laments has been the subject of investigation, discussion, and disagreement by many scholars in the field.’118 Birkeland, for example, is of the opinion that the en emies in the individual psalms of lament are identical with the enemies in the people’s lament: they are ‘foreign political enemies’.119 Westermann, on the other hand, notes that individual psalms of lament are about an individual suffering, and not a group, and that the danger which he is struggling with is of a different order. The enemies in the individual’s lament are not foreign attackers; they are much closer at hand.120 In his study of personal imagina tions of the divine in the Ancient Near East and Israel, Vorländer points to the similarity in the images used of enemies in the Ancient Near East and Israel: an approaching army;121 the hunt;122 wild animals.123 Vorländer draws all this to the conclusion: ‘Nun spricht aber die Gleichartigkeit der Bilder, Begriffe und Vorstellungen, die für die “Feinde” in den Psalmen einerseits, für Dämonen und Zauberer in mesopotamischen Texten andererseits gebracht werden, mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit für die Deutung der “Feinde” als Zauberer bzw. Dämonen.’124 According to Kraus, the enemies are undoubtedly people. They

116 Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 49: ‘Diese Unterschiede in den Klagegattungen weisen damit auf tiefgreifende Differenzen zwischen der Gottesbeziehung des Einzelnen und des Volkes.’

117 Cf. the extensive excursus ‘Enemies in the Psalms’ in: M.E. Tate, Psalms 51–100 (WBC 20), Waco 1990, 60–64; J. Ridderbos, ‘De vijanden in de individuele psalmen’, in: De Psalmen I (COT ), Kampen 1955, 392–408; H.J. Kraus, Psalmen (BKAT 15,1), Neukirchen 1978, 112–117.

118 Tate, Psalms 51–100, 62.

119 H. Birkeland, Evildoers in the book of Psalms, Oslo 1955, 9.

120 C. Westermann, Praise and Lament in the Psalms, Atlanta 1981, 193.

121 Numerous texts from Israel and the Ancient Near East express the sentiment or experi ence of one in need, in which the speaker feels surrounded by a large army of enemies encircling him and trying to bring him down. They bear swords, bows and arrows; they are innumerably many. Cf., for instance, Ps. 3:7; 11:2; 27:3; 62:4; 140:2–3; 57:5; 59:8; 69:5. In Umwelt texts, this image is often found in a demonic context, according to Vorländer, Mein Gott, 249, 252–253.

122 The enemies seek to capture the one in danger, using nets and traps. Cf. e.g. Ps. 31:5; 35:7; 38:13. According to Vorländer, these images are ‘ursprünglich im magischen dämonischen Bereich beheimatet’, Mein Gott, 254.

123 Particularly with lions, bulls, dogs and serpents. Cf. e.g. Ps. 7:3; 22:13–14,17; 35:17; 59:7–8,15–17; 140:4. Cf. also 58:5; Mein Gott, 253. Cf. also Keel for his discussion the animal metaphors in the Psalms and in Ancient Near Eastern texts, Feinde, 201–206.

124 Vorländer, Mein Gott, 253.

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think, speak and act like evil people. Even so, he is forced to admit that in some texts, this human image of the enemy is transcended into a ‘Bild maximaler Gottlosigkeit und böser Machtentfaltung’, or even into an ‘Urtyp, Urbild des Bösen, Menschen Zerstörenden, die Schöpfung Korrumpierenden und von Jahwe Trennenden’. Moreover, elsewhere he acknowledges that the enemies are sometimes depicted in ‘mythisch dämonisch’ shades.125 There is a certain tension in Kraus’ description. On the one hand, the enemies are people’ on the other hand, the image of the enemy bears mythical and demonic features. Is the step actually that great from an image of the enemy which has mythical and demonic traits to an actual identification of the enemies with demons?

Finally, we point to the study by Keel on enemies in the individual psalms of lament.126 According to Keel, it is clear that demons played a major role in the world of the Ancient Near East. In the Ancient Near Eastern awareness, one was surrounded by ‘gefährlichen Mächten und Wesen aller Art’. Illness, depression, fear and aggressiveness are traced back to evil minded spirits of the deceased and to the demonic practices of sorcerers.127 Keel repeatedly points to parallels between Old Testament texts and texts from Mesopotamia and Egypt. Both speak of enemies who ‘verfolgen und bedrängen’, who ‘lauern auf und stellen Fallen’, who are out for the ‘Tod des Beters’; enemies compared with ‘gefährlichen Tieren’. Yet there is one difference: ‘Im Gegensatz zu den mesopotamischen und ägyptischen Dämonenvorstellungen mit ihren grau sigen, mischgestaltigen Wesen bleiben die Tiervergleiche in den Pss immer Vergleiche und Metaphern, mit deren Hilfe der Beter seine Erleben mit den Frevlern und Gottlosen zum Ausdruck bringt. Diese sind keine Dämonen, aber als Einfallstor alles Bösen tragen sie doch stark dämonische Züge.’128

The overview above reveals a certain hesitation among exegetes to identify enemies directly with demons. Could we take this finding a step further? In what way are the enemies typified in the individual psalms of lament? Albertz has shown that in these psalms, the enemies fall into two groups.129

125 H.J. Kraus, Psalmen (BKAT 15,1), Neukirchen 1978, 113, 116.

126 O. Keel, Feinde und Gottesleugner Studien zum Image der Widersacher in den Individualpsalmen, Stuttgart 1969.

127 Keel, Feinde, 67, 91.

128 Keel, Feinde, 205–206. Cf. also 60: ‘Der konsequente Jahwismus hat durch seine Entdämoniserung der Natur die Feinde humanisiert’, and 64: and ‘In Israel werden seiner Glaubenswelt entsprechend die Dämonen auf die Frevler umgedeutet.’

129 Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 44.

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Michael

The first group concerns people with whom the threatened person shares his life.130 They are mostly neighbours and acquaintances.131 These acquain tances become enemies when the complainant become ill. As a result of his sickness, they separate themselves from him and pour derision over him.132 Illustrative are the words from Psalm 41:

5 My enemies wonder in malice when I will die, and my name perish.

6 And when they come to see me, they utter empty words, while their hearts gather mischief; when they go out, they tell it abroad.

7 All who hate me whisper together about me; they imagine the worst for me.

8 They think that a deadly thing has fastened on me, that I will not rise again from where I lie.

9 Even my bosom friend in whom I trusted, who ate of my bread, has lifted the heel against me NRSV

These words show what can happen when someone falls ill. Illness brings a person into social isolation. In the Old Testament, only the family remains as a circumscribed social living space for the sick person.133

Yet one cannot explain all the texts of the individual’s lament regarding en emies by reference to the category of social isolation. There is also a second group of Psalms in which the individual human being is at the mercy of en emies who threaten his life in such a way that the question is justified as to whether this can still refer to an interpersonal reality. We encounter enemies in this category who swarm in great numbers upon the threatened person. They are numerous134 and surround the lamenter.135 They have a death wish for him.136 They chase him down.137 In the words of Psalm 56:7: ‘They stir up strife, they lurk, they watch my steps. As they hoped to have my life.’138 These

130 Cf., for example, Ps. 22:7–9; 31:13; 69:12.

131 Ps. 31:12; 38:12; 88:9,12.

132 Ps. 27:10; 35:15; 41:6–10.

133 Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 44.

134 Ps. 3:2,7; 25:19; 38:20; 69:5; cf. Ps. 91:7.

135 E.g. Ps. 3:7; 17:9; 22:17.

136 E.g. Ps. 54:5; 86:14.

137 E.g. Ps. 7:2; 31:16; 35:3; etc.

138 Cf. Ps. 59:4; 140:3.

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Michael

enemies are extremely active: they set traps and nets,139 dig pits,140 they tram ple him underfoot,141 they seek to kill,142 they wish to tear their human victim apart like wild animals,143 want to gobble him up144 and ultimately wish to vaunt over him.145 These images and motifs used in this group of psalms are of such intensity that the question arises of whether real, social conflicts in Israel are conceivable within which these representations could have arisen. Albertz answers this question in the negative and concludes: ‘Dann kann man sich dem Schluß nicht entziehen, daß in dieser zweiten Gruppe von Feinden dämonische Mächte gemeint sind.’146 Although this conclusion is not readily accepted by all,147 Albertz does have a point here. It therefore seems plausible to us that in all those cases where the image of the enemy transcends social frameworks in the psalms of individual lament, a demonic menace is most likely what is being described.

6 Demons in Ancient Israel: Psalms of Individual Lament

In this section, we shall focus on the enemies featured in the individual psalms of lament. In Chapter 2, §2, we have seen that in the texts of Utukkū Lemnūtu the threat by demons concentrated in the following areas: (1) in the inner world of the house, (2) in lonely and inhospitable places, (3) in dealing with

139 Ps. 25:15; 31:5; 35:7; 57:7; 64:6; 140:6; 142:4; cf. 38:13.

140 Ps. 35:7; 57:7.

141 Ps. 56:2; 57:4.

142 E.g. Ps. 35:4; 54:5; 63:10; 70:3.

143 E.g. Ps. 7:2–3; 17:12; cf. Ps. 22:14.

144 E.g. Ps. 27:2; cf. 59:16, etc.

145 E.g. Ps. 13:3,5.

146 Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 45. Albertz indicates his preference for the term dämonische Mächte and would rather refrain from speaking of Dämonen, since the men ace expressed in the Psalms can sometimes also be expressed in impersonal terms. In this connection, he cites water and mud as terms used, e.g. in Ps. 69:2–3, and to the realm of the dead, as in Ps. 86:13. In the present study, we prefer to use the term ‘demons’, because as the foregoing has made evident they are acting ‘entities’ in the experi ence of Ancient Near Eastern man. Of course, this does not exclude many other motifs being experienced as menacing besides. The representations expressed in the Psalms are greatly diverse.

147 Cf., for instance, the monograph by D. Dhanaraj, Theological Significance of the Motif of Enemies in selected Psalms of Individual Lament (OBC 4), Glückstadt 1992, 18–23; cf. also Tate, Psalms 51–100, ‘Excursus: Enemies in the Psalms’, 64: ‘Each of these hypotheses has its merits, and there is no need to choose one to the exclusion of the others’; and G.W. Anderson, ‘Enemies and Evildoers in the Book of Psalms’, BJRL 48, 1965, 29: ‘We must then allow for a wide range of interpretation’.

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other people and (4) in the context of sickness and death. We will now analyse the psalms on the basis of these four categories, seeking to gain more insight into the question of whether and to what extent the fear of and menace by de mons plays a role in these psalms. In determining the identity of the enemies, it is only comparison with texts from the Umwelt that can be decisive. We shall also pay attention to the similarities and differences found.148

6.1 The Closed Inner World of the Home

In a world that is full of menace, it might be expected that Ancient Near Eastern man should feel safe in the closed inner world of his house. Yet this thought is an illusion. The Psalms clearly show how much man is beset by his enemies in his house. Of course, it is not always clear at first sight where the threatened one is located. The titles above the Psalms sometimes give very different in dications. Nevertheless, we can infer from some Psalms that the threatened person has also been attacked at home. In Psalm 6, this is explicitly described:

I am weary with moaning, every night I flood my bed with tears, I drench my couch with my weeping. My eyes waste away because of grief; they grow weak because of all my foes.

Ps. 6:6–7

Not just when he is on his bed, but particularly in the night, the Israelite feels threatened. It seems that the opponents are more numerous at night and that their shadow is enlarged. In the words of Psalm 3:

O Lord, how many are my foes! Many are rising against me; many are say ing to me, ‘There is no help for you in God.’ Ps. 3:1–2

These words are pronounced in a psalm in which the protagonist is lying down on his bed and going to sleep:

I lie down and sleep; I wake again, for the lord sustains me. I am not afraid of ten thousands of people who have set themselves against me all around.

Ps. 3:5–6

148 Cf. W.W. Hallo, ‘Compare and Contrast: The Contextual Approach to Biblical Literature’, in: The Bible in the Light of Cuneiform Literature, Scripture in Context III (ANETS 8), W.W. Hallo (ed.), Lewiston/Queenstown/Lampeter 1990, 1–30.

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The large numbers suggest that this is a reality that goes beyond the histori cal and social contexts of Israel. Especially in the night, when man is trying to get to sleep, the threat of enemies comes to him in great numbers.149 A good illustration is the prayer of Psalm 17. In verse 3, we read of the night (הליל laylâ) and in the final verse 15 about waking up (ץיק qîṣ). In between, we find many statements about opponents who overpower the psalmist, surround him and seek to destroy him lion like (Ps. 17:8–12). All this takes place at night. Here, again, the suspicion arises that the threatened person did not feel safe in his own home. Things that occupy a person’s mind during the day can come back to haunt him again and even more forcefully in the night, now that he is inside.

We encounter the same theme in Psalm 59. The statements about the enemies in this psalm do not disguise that. The enemies are seeking the life of the protagonist. They want to attack him and they rise up against him (Psalm 59:3–4). The enemies are compared with dogs who return in the eve ning (ברע ʿereb) and walk around the city (Psalm 59:6,14). Barking dogs evoke fear, so it is not surprising that in the Ancient Near East dogs are sometimes a metaphor for demons.150 This might also be the case here, if we consider the description given of the dogs in Psalm 59:

Each evening they come back, howling like dogs and prowling about the city. There they are, bellowing with their mouths, with sharp words on their lips.

Ps. 59:6–7; cf. Also 14–15

With the reference to the mouth and lips, the merely metaphorical character of the description is abandoned. After all, the dog’s mouth is simultaneously the mouth that speaks curses and tells lies (v. 13). It seems that Ancient Israelite man felt besieged by voices: voices surrounding him (בבס sābîb) and refusing to leave him alone. Again, we see that menace and assault are concentrated in the night time. As soon as morning arrives, the psalmist can gives him for the protection he has received from God (v. 16). In Psalm 63, we again encounter again someone who is being kept awake in fear during the night hours. He seeks protection from yhwh against those who seek to destroy his life (v. 9).

149 On numerous enemies, cf. also Ps. 4:7; 31:14; 55:19; 56:3. In Psalm 4, we also find enemies mentioned in a nocturnal context (verses 7 and 9). 150 Keel, Feinde, 201–206. Cf. especially Keel’s remark on p. 202: ‘Besonders die Hunde in Ps 22 (V.17 und 21) und die Feinde, die wie Hunde heulend und gierig, auf der Suche nach Fraß die Stadt umkreisen, (Ps 59,7, 15) rufen immer wieder die Erinnerung an Dämonenschilderungen wach.’

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Michael

The fact that we here read of a bed and of night watches (v. 6) suggests that the speaker here feels threatened in his own environment.

The various aforementioned Psalms agree in the imagery they offer. In the night hours, when the Israelite is at home and is on his bed, he feels threat ened by enemies. Especially during the night, when everything is dark, this threat is felt all the more keenly (cf. Ps. 6:6). When reviewing these data and the images that used, we can well imagine why exegetes have proposed a de monic interpretation (§2 above). Enemies can be physical people, but the de scription seems to go further than that in these texts. Might it be possible that Ancient Near Eastern and Israelite man saw in the enemies a suitable image that helped him to express the fear and perceived threat and thus enabled him to give them a place in his existence? Are enemies an image for demonic men ace, a metaphor with demonic connotations?

We also see in the aforementioned Psalms that the threatened one seeks refuge from yhwh . In the words of Psalm 59:

But I will sing of your might, I will sing aloud of your steadfast love in the morning. For you have been a fortress for me and a refuge in the day of my distress. O my strength, I will sing praises to you, for you, my God, are my fortress, the God who shows me steadfast love. Ps. 59:16–17

As soon as the first rays of dawn pierce the night, one can breathe a sigh of re lief. The threat is over; normal life can resume. But what happened when man left his home?

6.2 Travelling through Lonely Places

As we have already seen, Ancient Near Eastern man lived an existence threat ened from all sides. This threat is particularly evident when one leaves the rela tively closed and secure world of the home and sets out in the open air to the field or to a neighbouring settlement. People are especially vulnerable on the road, since they have left the shelter of the home and gone into open country. Now, it is true that not everyone will have suffered from unheimlich feelings or have been afraid of loneliness or lonely places. Matters change, however, if the person is ill, has problems or is anxious. When such a person leaves his front door, his perception of the environment is different. He who sets out must pass by lonely places and travel through inhospitable hills. Then, a sudden sense of fear may overtake people. The hollows in the rocks are watching him. The sounds of birds and other animals sound ominous. The traveller is alone and

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seemingly at the mercy of his assailants. Ancient Near Eastern man often felt uncomfortable in these lonely places. This fear, this sense of the unheimlich, is also expressed in the Psalms. There are assailants. They do not leave man alone, but pursue him (ףדר rādap) wherever he goes. This fear of the pursuers is aptly expressed in Psalm 7: save me from all my pursuers, and deliver me, or like a lion they will tear me apart; they will drag me away, with no one to rescue … then the enemy [might] pursue and overtake me.

Ps. 7:1b–2,5

The association of pursuers with a lion is one that we also encounter in Psalm 10. Although this psalm is not reckoned among the genre of the indi vidual’s lamentation, the psalm is illustrative of the fear that one experiences when taking to the road. Here, again, we encounter the image of a lion lying in wait:

They sit in ambush in the villages, in hiding places they murder the in nocent. Their eyes stealthily watch for the helpless; they lurk in secret like a lion in its covert; they lurk that they may seize the poor; they seize the poor and drag them off in their net.

Ps. 10:8–9151

In the Ancient Near East, there was a preference for depicting demons in the shape of a lion.152 However, not every reference to a lion has demonic connota tions, of course, but it is true that combination with other images can some times point in that direction.

Some Psalms evoke the image of an enemy keeping close tabs on someone while travelling (Ps. 56:7). Enemies lurk in lonely spots. They have set up their traps (תשׁר rešet) and nets (שׁקומ môqēš, חפ paḥ) to catch the traveller, as ex pressed in Psalms 140 and 142.

151 Cf. also Ps. 17:12; 22:14.

152 O. Keel, Die Welt der altorientalischen Bildsymbolik und das Alte Testament, Darmstadt 19843, 75–78; Keel, Feinde, 201.

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The arrogant have hidden a trap for me, and with cords they have spread a net, along the road they have set snares for me (Ps. 140:5).153 And: In the path where I walk they have hidden a trap for me. Look on my right hand and see there is no one who takes notice of me; no refuge remains to me; no one cares for me.

Ps. 142:3b–4

In his experience, the traveller is not safe. We can also consider Psalm 121 in this regard. The pilgrim faces an uncertain journey: his foot might slip in the mountains. There is evil that lurks on all sides (Ps. 121:6).154 This evil takes on personal shades in other Psalms. There are attempts to knock the traveller off his feet (Ps. 140:4). His enemies seek his life (Ps. 54:4) and try to trample him underfoot (Ps. 56:1–2; 57:3). They make snares (Ps. 38:12) to trip him up or stum ble him (Ps. 38:16–17). And if the bow is not enough, they dig a pit:

They set a net for my steps; my soul was bowed down. They dug a pit in my path … Ps. 57:6

It is hardly surprising that one should not feel safe here. Here, too, the image arises of someone roaming restlessly given over to the vicissitudes of his as sailants (Ps. 55:2; 56:8). In Psalm 57, we encounter someone who is on the run. Again, his enemies are compared with lions:

I lie down among lions that greedily devour human prey; their teeth are spears and arrows, their tongues sharp swords … Ps. 57:4

The images come thick and fast: human children, lions, teeth and tongue, spear, arrows and sword. So intense are the threat and fear that enemies pose! Because the traveller is on a journey, there are times when he has to seek ref uge. After all, the road is long. However, even in the cave, he does not feel safe. He wants to be up before dawn (v. 8), because when the sun rises, night is

153 Cf. also Ps. 31:5 and Ps. 124.

154 Cf. B.E.J.H. Becking, ‘God Talk for a Disillusioned Pilgrim in Psalm 121’, JHS 9 (2009), 1–12. Becking writes of the mountains: ‘This implies that “the mountains” could symbolize the threats that a pilgrim had to endure during his journey. Against these threats humans are powerless. Following this view, the mountains are symbols of doom.’

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over. It is striking that this psalm also speaks of people who spit flames and of the sharp sword of the tongue. These images are connected to our next circle, where enemies try to catch people under their net of lies, curse and magic.

6.3 Caught in the Net of Magic and Sorcery

Not only at home or on the road, but also in interpersonal encounters we come across enemies. They are false speakers and men of deceit (Psalm 5:6). Venom oozes from their mouths:

For there is no truth in their mouths; their hearts are destruction; their throats are open graves; they flatter with their tongues.

Ps. 5:9

Again and again, this is the complaint expressed in the Psalms: lying and deceit.155 The enemies are planning evil things in their hearts. ‘They have sharpened their tongue like a serpent, adder’s venom is under their lips’ (Psalm 140:3). Quite frequently, we come across the image of the snake and the poison of the viper, as in Psalm 58:

They have venom like the venom of a serpent, like the deaf adder that stops its ear, so that it does not hear the voice of charmers or of the cun ning enchanter.

Ps. 58:4–5

In the Ancient Near East, the snake is also a frequent image for demons.156 The tongue of these evildoers is like a sword; they speak sharp and bitter words (Psalm 64:3). What comes out of their mouths cannot stand the light of day, it is a lie.157 It is clear that words spoken with the wrong intent can cause much pain. Yet the description of what the enemies do and say frequently sur passes the frameworks of human social traffic, as, for example, in the words of Psalm 109:

155 On cursing, cf. Ps. 10:7; 62:5; 109:17–18,28.

156 Keel, Feinde, 202: ‘Dafür erscheinen theriomorphe Dämonen in Mesopotamien und Ägypten mit Vorliebe in Gestalt von Löwen, Hunden, Schlangen und Stieren.’ Consider also the role played by the serpent in Gen. 3.

157 Cf. Ps. 4:3; 7:15; 59:13; 140:10, inter alia.

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Do not be silent, O God of my praise. For wicked and deceitful mouths are opened against me, speaking against me with lying tongues. They beset me with words of hate, and attack me without cause.158

The person concerned is surrounded and besieged by enemies who are utter ly hateful. With their words and their cursing, they fight the persecuted man (vv. 16–17). Does this represent a real experience, is it a form of hyperbolic language, or should we conclude that a demonic interpretation is likelier here?

6.4 Infected by Sickness and Threatened by Death

Finally, we reach our fourth circle, in which we encounter a sick person who is attacked by his enemies on every hand. It is in this category that we encounter by far the most textual references. In Psalm 6, we meet someone in danger of death. He feels that his powers are ebbing away (v. 2). Because his life force is flowing out of him (v. 6), he is coming within reach of death (v. 5). He is terri fied (vv. 2, 3) and his tears flow copiously at night. In this situation of dire need, we again encounter enemies. They have made him weak (v. 7). He is deprived of the last of his life force by them. Who are these enemies? Their identity is unknown. Yet there must be many of them, since they are only mentioned in the plural (v. 6: יררצ ṣōreray ‘my oppressors’; v. 7: ןוא ילעפ poʿalē ʾāwen ‘those who do unrighteousness’; v. 10: יביא ʾōyebay ‘my enemies’). The threat was of such a nature that only the plural form was deemed sufficient to describe them.

What we see in this psalm is that there are enemies in the context of sick ness. It seems that the enemies know that a form of physical weakness makes one easy prey. Hereby, the enemies reveal their ‘devilish’ face: they are out to render life impossible for people. We encounter this pattern in a great many Psalms. Time and again, we see that illness and enemies are mentioned in the same breath.

In Psalm 38, we meet again someone afflicted by a serious illness.159 Because of his illness, he goes through a dark valley. He has suppurating wounds (v. 5). Nothing is left healthy anywhere on his body (vv. 3, 7). He is exhausted and

158 Ps. 109:1–3. Cf. also Ps. 120:2. Cf. remarks by Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit, 45: ‘Dann muß man nüchtern zugeben, daß keine realen sozialen Auseinandersetzungen in Israel denkbar sind, in der diese Vorstellungen entstanden sein könnten.’

159 In discussing this psalm, we shall not consider what was the inherent nature of Israelite religion as regards illness and death. This psalmist interprets his sickness as divine pun ishment and beseeches God for redemption and healing. Our concern here is solely with the description of sickness and the role played therein by enemies.

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completely broken; he is bedridden (v. 8). His life force has left him (v. 10). And thus he is an easy prey for his enemies. These are drawn using various images: they wish to kill him (שׁפנ שׁקב biqqēš nepeš), lay traps (שׁקנ nāqaš), seek his hurt (הער שׁרד dāraš rāʿâ), and speak of ruin and deception (תווה ורבד dibberū hawwôt, v. 12). In this psalm, again, we have to do with enemies in plural. In the words of the psalm:

Those who are my foes without cause are mighty, and many are those who hate me wrongfully.

Ps. 38:19

The hatred with which they act against the sick one reveal what the enemies essentially are: opponents (ןטשׂ śāṭān, v. 20). They have made the sick person their prey. Weakened by his illness, abandoned by his friends, acquaintances and relatives (v. 11), he can no longer defend himself (v. 14). It has become dark all around him (v. 6).

Both psalms are illustrative of the link between disease and enemies. In many Psalms that are included in the category of the individual’s lamentation, this theme is found. The images and terms used may differ, but the common thread is that enemies are present in large numbers at times when the Israelite is sick and weak. A number of examples will serve to clarify this commonality.

In Psalm 22, we encounter a man who has lost his strength and is facing death (v. 15). He complains about his enemies in very bold terms:

12 Many bulls encircle me, strong bulls of Bashan surround me; 13 they open wide their mouths at me, like a ravening and roaring lion…. 16 For dogs are all around me; a company of evildoers encircles me. My hands and feet have shrivelled; 17 I can count all my bones. They stare and gloat over me …

Ps. 22:12–13,16–17

In the experience of this human, he (or she) is completely surrounded by en emies. There is no escape. They have surrounded him like a choking cordon. His illness has rendered him defenceless. The open mouthed mule not only symbolises the menace and fear that have taken possession of the sick person but also represents the words they utter. Psalm 41 particularly homes in on this aspect. The enemies speak maliciously of the sick and look forward to the day of his death (v. 5). Their words, far from being encouraging, dispel any hope of recovery:

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5 My enemies wonder in malice when I will die, and my name perish.

6 And when they come to see me, they utter empty words, while their hearts gather mischief; when they go out, they tell it abroad. 7 All who hate me whisper together about me; they imagine the worst for me.

8 They think that a deadly thing has fastened on me, that I will not rise again from where I lie. 9 Even my bosom friend in whom I trusted, who ate of my bread, has lifted the heel against me.

Ps. 41:5–9

Although the sick person protests at this and seeks to defend himself against their reproaches, he can see that his efforts are futile. He is falling deeper into the pit and sinking into the mud. From the depths, he calls out to his God.

3 I am weary with my crying; my throat is parched. My eyes grow dim …

4 More in number than the hairs of my head are those who hate me with out cause; many are those who would destroy me, my enemies who ac cuse me falsely. What I did not steal must I now restore? … 15 Do not let the flood sweep over me, or the deep swallow me up, or the Pit close its mouth over me … Draw near to me, redeem me, set me free because of my enemies. 19 You know the insults I receive, and my shame and dishon our; my foes are all known to you. 20 Insults have broken my heart, so that I am in despair. I looked for pity, but there was none; and for comforters, but I found none.

Ps. 69:3–4,14–15,18–20

He who falls into the pit or sinks into the mire is close to death. When his life force falls away, a person becomes equal to someone who is descends into the realm of the dead (Ps. 88:2–3,17).160 In Psalm 102, vivid language depicts how one is liable to be at one’s wits’ end:

For my days pass away like smoke, and my bones burn like a furnace. 4 My heart is stricken and withered like grass; I am too wasted to eat my bread.

5 Because of my loud groaning my bones cling to my skin. 6 I am like an owl of the wilderness, like a little owl of the waste places. 7 I lie awake; I am like a lonely bird on the housetop. 8 All day long my enemies taunt me; those who deride me use my name for a curse.

Ps. 102:3–8

160 Cf. also Ps. 142:7; 143:3–4,7.

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Michael Heiser

The enemies have only one aim, and that is the downfall of the sick one. He will not be granted a moment’s rest. Day and night, they are busily engaged in ruining him. In the closed world of the house, in particular of the sickbed, the sick person is doomed. Although people were protected in the domestic atmosphere and space, enemies were sometimes able to penetrate this inner circle and do their destructive work there too, in word and deed. This takes us back to the outset: the Israelite, like others, lives in a world in which he (or she) can be threatened from all sides at home, on the road or in interper sonal dealings. Enemies lurk on every hand. Without protection, he (or she) is doomed.

7 Conclusion

Comparing the texts of Utukkū Lemnūtu with the individual psalms of lament, we are able to observe that:

(1) the role played by enemies in individual lament broadly matches the role played by demons in the world of the Ancient Near East;

(2) the images used for demons and enemies also concur quite substantially; (3) in the four domains in which demons are at work in the Mesopotamian texts, enemies are also found in the Psalms. Enemy activity is visible (a) in the closed world of the house; (b) when on a journey; and (c) in interpersonal dealings. Above all, however, we find enemies (d) in the context of sickness and death. Wherever a person is powerless and de fenceless, enemies pop up in large number.

Nevertheless, there are also differences to be identified:

(1) In the Mesopotamian incantational texts, demons are identified by name or by their area activity; in the Psalms, however, demons are not identi fied by name.161 Nowhere do we see a direct identification of enemies with demons.

(2) In the texts of Utukkū Lemnūtu, a multiplicity of gods and divine names are named and called upon; in the Psalms, it is invariably the God of Israel. The person who is threatened addresses yhwh alone as in Psalm 142:

161 Keel, Feinde, 100, reaches the same conclusion: ‘Dämonennamen … fehlen’.

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Save me, O LORD , from my enemies; I have fled to you for refuge … For your name’s sake, O LORD , preserve my life. In your righteousness bring me out of trouble. In your steadfast love cut off my enemies, and destroy all my adversaries, for I am your servant.

Ps. 143:9,11–12162

(3) Another difference can be found in the interpretation of the need that man experiences. In Mesopotamian texts, illness, evil and calamity are attributed to demons. They are considered responsible for the suffering that befalls a person. In the Psalms, on the other hand, the need is very often seen as punishment from God, as an expression of his anger. In Psalm 6, we hear someone say:

O LORD , do not rebuke me in your anger, or discipline me in your wrath. Be gracious to me, O LORD , for I am languishing; O LORD , heal me, for my bones are shaking with terror.

Ps. 6:1–2; 38:1–2; etc.

Here, disease is connected with the wrath of God. There may well be more dif ferences besides.

These differences admonish us to take into account the individual char acter and theological framework of the Biblical Psalms. We must be careful not to use simplifications that are insufficient if formulated as ‘all enemies in the individual lamentations are demons’ or ‘these enemies are no more than human adversaries’. Precisely because archaeological artefacts and texts from the Umwelt clearly show how much Ancient Near Eastern man sensed a fear of demons, it is probable that (1) the people of Ancient Israel also experienced this fear; and (2) owing to the correspondence between the individual lam entations and texts from the Umwelt, in cases where the image of the enemy transcends the historical and social frameworks of Ancient Israel, a demonic interpretation of the enemies is likely.

For our research, this means that the analysis of Psalm 91 must take into account the combination of both text and context. Psalm 91 originated, was preserved and was passed down in a specific historical, cultural and religious context, and the words and images that the psalm uses originate in that Ancient Near Eastern world. In that world, they have meaning and are used for definite purposes. Equally, we can assume that a text is not written for no reason, but

162 Many such examples could be mentioned: Ps. 7:2,7; 17:8–9,13–14; 22:21,22; 31:2–3,16–17; etc.

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has a concrete message for the context of certain listeners or readers. The text contributes to enrichment, to a more profound understanding or to changing the context. In Chapter 6, we will develop a method that will be mindful of both of these movements, and from that vantage point we shall look again at Psalm 91. This will prevent us from overlooking demonic representations or from missing the Old Testament’s inherent view and theological grasp of the world of spirits and demons.

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