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The Injured Crucifix: The Emperor’s Conscience and Prisoners’ Defiance

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Suicide by Proxy in Early Modern Germany

Part of the book series: World Histories of Crime, Culture and Violence ((WHCCV))

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Abstract

Most cases of suicidal iconoclasm in Vienna from the late seventeenth through the mid-eighteenth century took place in Vienna’s prison-workhouse. This was a relatively new institution that opened for operation in 1673. It was located in the former Jewish quarter, the Judenstadt, now renamed Leopoldstadt after Emperor Leopold I. The Judenstadt had been founded in 1625 when Emperor Ferdinand II (r. 1619–1637) compelled Jews to move from the old city to a newly designated Jewish quarter in a marshy, sparsely populated suburb by the banks of the Danube northeast of the old city. The medieval Jewish quarter clustered around the Judenplatz in the heart of the old city had been destroyed when the host desecration trial of Enns sparked the Wiener Geserah in 1421, leading to the massacre of many of Vienna’s Jews and the banishment of the survivors. Jews began to resettle in Lower Austria and Vienna in the early sixteenth century.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    David Kaufmann, Die letzte Vertreibung der Juden aus Wien und Niederösterreich. Ihre Vorgeschichte (1625–1670) und ihre Opfer (Budapest: Athenaeum, 1899), 123–126.

  2. 2.

    Jüdische neue Zeitung vom Marsch aus Wien… (s.l., s.d) HMW, Inventar Nr. 199 198, M 791/1670, SN 23.225, Vertreibung der Juden aus Wien 1671 (Flugblatt).

  3. 3.

    Ivo Cerman, “Anti-Jewish Superstitions and the Expulsion of the Jews from Vienna in 1670,” Judaica Bohemia 26 (2000), 23.

  4. 4.

    Anton Reichsritter von Geusau, Geschichte der Haupt- und Residenzstadt Wien in Österreich, in einiger Verbindung mit der Geschichte des Landes; von den ältesten bis auf gegenwärtige Zeiten, vol. 4 (Vienna: Alberti, 1793), 52–53. According to Geusau the coin weighed thirteen Loth. According to Zedler’s Universal-Lexikon, one Loth equals half an ounce, so the coin weighed six to seven ounces. Zedler’s Universal-Lexikon, vol. 18 (Halle: 1738), Sp. 497. The inscription on one side of the coin dedicates the church to Jesus Christ and St. Leopold. The inscription on the other side reads:

    Augustiss. Imperator

    Leopoldus Austriacus

    Post ejectam Iudaeorum

    Perfidiam

    Abolito ex his aedibus

    Synagogae nomine

    Speluncam Latronum

    Mundavit in Templum Dei,

    Et. D. Leopoldo

    Austria Marchioni

    Ac Patrono

    Ritu catholico consecrari

    Fecit

    M.D.C.LXX

  5. 5.

    WStLA, Hauptarchivsakten, Privilegien 77.

  6. 6.

    On portrayals of Charity feeding or caring for young children, see Maria Wellershoff-von Thadden, Art. “Caritas”, Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte, vol. 3 (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1954), 351.

  7. 7.

    Cerman, “Anti-Jewish Superstitions,” 16–17.

  8. 8.

    Matthias Fuhrmann, Alt- und neues Wien, oder, Dieser Kayserlich- und Ertz-Lands-Fürstlichen Residentz-Stadt chronologisch- und historische Beschreibung, vol. 2 (Vienna: Johann Baptist Prasser, 1739), 955.

  9. 9.

    Art: “Adler,” Conversations-Lexikon für bildende Kunst, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Emil Graul, 1845), 72. The eagle is an attribute of the ruler in the iconography of apotheosis. Clemens Sommer, Art: “Apotheose”, Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1937), 847.

  10. 10.

    On gluttony, drunkenness, and vomiting, see B. Ann Tlusty, Bacchus and Civic Order. The Culture of Drink in Early Modern Germany (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2001), 62–67, 70–72.

  11. 11.

    By this time the yellow Jewish hat and badge imposed on Jews in late medieval and Renaissance sumptuary law were no longer used. Ze’ev Yeivin, Alfred Rubens, and Miriam Nick, “Dress,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, Vol. 6. 2nd ed. (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), 15. His hat also resembles the hats Jews are wearing in the illustration in Paul Christian Kircher, Jüdisches Ceremoniel oder: Beschreibung derjenigen jüdische Gebräuche…. (Frankfurt: Gerhard, 1726), frontispiece.

  12. 12.

    Rolf Wilhelm Brednich, “Rothaarig,” Enzyklopädie des Märchens. Handwörterbuch zur historischen und vergleichenden Erzählforschung, ed. Rolf Wilhelm Brednich, vol. 11 (2004). Elisabeth Tucker, “Farben, Farbsymbolik,” Enzyklopädie des Märchens, vol. 4 (1984), 802.

  13. 13.

    Jews were shown with red hair and beards in intentionally defamatory images as well as in more matter-of-fact descriptive illustrations. For an example of the latter see the water color of a Jewish man from Worms from the second half of the sixteenth century from the chronicle of the Heidelberg jurist Markus von Lamm, although even in a descriptive image of a Jew the moneybag as attribute was de rigeur. This image from about a century earlier than the water color in the imperial privilege shows the Jew wearing the yellow badge that still was required at this time. Frederick G. Crofts, “Visualizing Germanness through Costumes in the Sixteenth Century,” The Historical Journal 64 (2021): 1223.

  14. 14.

    “durch solches Mittel eine fuegliche Christliche Gelegenheit gewunnen wirdt allerhandt Laster und…ungehorsamb abzustöllen, und dargegen Tugendsambes leben, und Wandel einzupflanzen.” WStLA, Hauptarchivsakten, Privilegien 77, fol. 4v, 6r.

  15. 15.

    The barely legible inscription contains a number of abbreviations: “Leopoldo Imp[eratori] Pio Fel[ici] Aug[usto] [illegible] P[atri] P[atriae] Domitori Viciorum et Pauper[um] Protect[ori].” Thank you to Helmut Zäh for helping to decipher it. See also Stekl, Ősterreichs Zucht- und Arbeitshäuser, 1671–1920. Institutionen zwischen Fürsorge und Sozialdisziplinierung (Vienna: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1978), 295.

  16. 16.

    The Latin plaque read: “Imperante Leopoldo et consule Daniele Lazaro Springer S.C.M.C. Disciplinarium hoc Senatus Populusque Viennensis errexit. MDCLXXIII.” Mathias Fuhrmann, Historische Beschreibung Und kurz gefaste Nachricht Von der Römisch. Kaiserl. und Königlichen Residenz-Stadt Wien, Und Ihren Vorstädten Part 2, vol. 2 (Vienna: Krauß, 1767), 721–721.

  17. 17.

    Stekl, Ősterreichs Zucht- und Arbeitshäuser, 88–89.

  18. 18.

    Zucht-Hauses Auffrichtung. [Leopoldus]. 12. Jan 1671. Franz Anton Gaurient, ed., Codex Austriacus: Das ist: Eigentlicher Begriff und Innhalt Aller Unter deß Durchleuchtigisten Ertz-Hauses zu Oesterreich; Fürnemblich aber Der Allerglorwürdigisten Regierung Ihro Röm. Kayserl. …Königl. Majestät Leopoldi I, Ertz-Hertzogens zu Oesterreich… Außgangenen und publicirten … Generalien (Vienna: Voigt, 1704), vol. 2, 546.

  19. 19.

    A decree from 1771 orders the shearing of the prisoners’ hair. Martin Scheutz, “‘Hoc disciplinarium…errexit.’ Das Wiener Zucht und Arbeitshaus um 1800—eine Spurensuche,” in Strafe, Disziplin, Besserung. Österreichische Zucht- und Arbeitshäuser von 1750 bis 1850, eds. Gerhard Ammerer and Alfred Stefan Weiss, 70, 89, fn. 55. A decree from October 14, 1707, forbidding the “discipline master” to sell inmates’ hair, indicates that such forced hair shearing was happening in the early eighteenth century as well. WStLA, Archivbehelfte 27/13 B. unpaginated, under heading Zuchthaus. It is unclear if both male and female inmates already had their heads shaved early in the century, as they would later. In the late eighteenth century, Emperor Joseph II ordered that inmates should have their hair shaved regardless of sex, an extremely stigmatizing measure. Emanuel Höggard, Die entehrende Tonsur für exemplarische Büßerinnen unter der Regierung Josephs des Zweyten (Vienna: C. Gerold, 1782).

  20. 20.

    Stekl, Ősterreichs Zucht- und Arbeitshäuser, 201–202.

  21. 21.

    Alfred Stefan Weiß, “‘Karbatsch=Streiche zur künftigen Besserung.” Das Klagenfurter Zucht- und Arbeitshaus 1755–1813,” in Strafe, Disziplin und Besserung. Osterreichische Zucht- und Arbeitshäuser von 1750 bis 1850, eds. Gerhard Ammerer and Alfred Stefan Weiß (Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2006), 176. Eckhardt Meyer-Krentler, Willkomm und Abschied: Herzschlag und Peitschenhieb: Goethe-Mörike-Heine (Munich: W. Fink, 1987), 39–54.

  22. 22.

    Scheutz, “Hoc disciplinarium,” 67. Sebastian G. Herrenleben, ed., Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze und Ordnungen: Wie solche von Zeit zu Zeit ergangen und publiciret worden …/[4]: … so viel deren vom Jahr 1721. Bis auf Höchst-traurigen Tod-Fall Der Römisch-Kayserlichen Majestät Caroli VI. aufzubringen waren (Vienna: Johann Thomas Trattner, 1752), vol. 4, August 16, 1723, “Errichtung des Zuchthauses,” 139.

  23. 23.

    Stekl, Ősterreichs Zucht- und Arbeitshäuser, 159.

  24. 24.

    Scheutz, “Hoc disciplinarium,” 66.

  25. 25.

    16 August 1723, Errichtung des Zucht-Hauses, in Herrenleben, ed., Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, vol. 4, 138.

  26. 26.

    Leopold Matthias Weschel, Die Leopoldstadt bey Wien. Nach Quellen und Quellenschriftstellern, in Verbindung mit einer Skizze der Landesgeschichte, historisch dargestellt (Vienna: A. Strauss, 1824), LXXXVII–LXXXIX.

  27. 27.

    Stekl, Ősterreichs Zucht- und Arbeitshäuser, 222.

  28. 28.

    16 August 1723, Errichtung des Zucht-Hauses, in Herrenleben, ed., Sammlung, 140.

  29. 29.

    WD, Nr. 1024, May 24–26, 1713, Theresia N.

  30. 30.

    Friedrich Hartl, Das Wiener Kriminalgericht. Strafrechtspflege vom Zeitalter der Aufklärung bis zur österreichischen Revolution (Vienna: Böhlau, 1973), 127.

  31. 31.

    ÖNB, Signatur 303.950-B Alt-Adl 9, Wohlverdientes Todtes-Urtheil einer Ledigen Manns-Person Nahmens Johann Georg H. (Vienna, [1752]). WD, Nr. 54, July 8, 1752. WB, Handschriften 18013, p. 30.

  32. 32.

    Today this is Bratislava, capital of Slovakia.

  33. 33.

    Urfehde meant literally “end of feud” (ur = away from; Fehde = feud). W. Sellert, “Urfehde,” in HRG, vol. 5 (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1998), 562–570.

  34. 34.

    This description of the ritual of Urfehde as practiced in Vienna is based on the surviving Urfehde of Nicolaus Stark on 20 April 1750. Nicolaus Stark was a fellow inmate of Hallman’s in the house of correction. Stark attacked a crucifix a few months before Hallmann tried to murder the twelve-year-old. Stark’s case is discussed below. Stark swore, “bey meinem cörperlichen Eid… [to place any injury he suffered] in ewige Vergessenheit stellen.” He would be prosecuted as a “meineidge urphed-brecher” if he broke his oath. This all Stark swore “nach…ihme ganz deutlich vorgehaltener urphed willig und gern.” WStLA, Handschriften A 17, fo. 6r–7v.

  35. 35.

    Karl Weiss, Geschichte der öffentlichen Anstalten, Fonde und Stiftungen für die Armenversorgung in Wien (Vienna: Selbstverlag des Gemeinderathes, 1867), 91–96.

  36. 36.

    ÖNB, Signatur 303.950-B Alt-Adl 9, Wohlverdientes Todtes-Urtheil einer Ledigen Manns-Person Nahmens Johann Georg H. (Vienna, [1752]). WD, Nr. 54, July 8, 1752. WB, Handschriften 18013, p. 30.

  37. 37.

    “Er ließ Verzweiflungs-Geist in seinem Hertzen walten….” WB, 39975, Wohl-verdientes Todtes Urtheil Einer ledigen Manns-Persohn Nahmens Johann K, Catholischer Religion, und 22 Jhar alt, von hier gebürtig (s.l.: s.d.).

  38. 38.

    I take the expression “Christian ideal state” from Bernd Roeck, “Christlicher Ideal Staat und Hexenwahn. Zum Ende der europäischen Hexenverfolgungen,” Historisches Jahrbuch 108 (1988): 379–405.

  39. 39.

    Uwe Danker, Räuberbanden im Alten Reich um 1700. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte von Herrschaft und Kriminalität in der frühen Neuzeit (Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 1988), 172–173.

  40. 40.

    Kathy Stuart, Defiled Trades and Social Outcasts: Honor and Ritual Pollution in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 134.

  41. 41.

    B. Ann Tlusty, The Martial Ethic in Early Modern Germany: Civic Duty and the Right of Arms (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 60–61. “Salvegarde,” Zedler’s Universallexikon, vol. 33, (Leipzig: 1742), 1244–1245.

  42. 42.

    The decree ordered the city government “das Sye zu männigliches wissen, und offentlichen Zaichen selbigen orths Freyheit…einen ausgestreckten Manns Armben, in der Handt ein bloßes Schwerd führendt, mahlen und anschlagen lassen sollen.” Zuchthausprivileg 1671, WStLA, Hauptarchivsakten, Privilegien 77.

  43. 43.

    Spierenburg argues against Foucault’s “great confinement” thesis. Pieter Spierenburg, The Prison Experience: Disciplinary Institutions and their Inmates in Early Modern Europe (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1991), 10.

  44. 44.

    Ferdinandea, Article 59, § 7–8, in Gaurient, Codex Austriacus, vol. 1, 687.

  45. 45.

    Leopold II (1640–1705, r. 1658–1705).

  46. 46.

    On this process of judicial review, see Andrea Griesebner, “’In via gratia et ex plenitudine potetatis.’ Strafjustiz und landesfürstliche Gnadenakte im Erzherzogtum Österreich unter der Enns des 18. Jahrhunderts,” Frühneuzeit-Info 11 (2000): 13–27.

  47. 47.

    The bulk of early modern court records for Lower Austria were destroyed in a fire at the Palace of Justice (Justizpalast) that broke out during street fighting between Austrofascists and Social Democrats in 1927.

  48. 48.

    I am quoting here from an abridged version of the Compendio in Princeps that Rink includes in his biography of Leopold. Eucharius Gottlieb Rink, Leopolds des Grossen Röm. Käysers wunderwürdiges Leben und Thaten, vol. 1 (Cologne: s.n., 1713), 50. According to Rink, Leopold ordered the imperial librarian Peter Lambeck to have a new edition printed in 1668 (p. 44). This appeared as Princeps in compendio, hoc est, Puncta aliquot compendiosa, quae circa gubernationem Reipub. observanda videntur (Vienna: Cosmerovius, 1668). The German version reproduced by Rink (pp. 44–74), is entitled “PRINCEPS IN COMPENDIO, Oder einige Puncta So bey der Regierung eines Lands zu beobachten.”

  49. 49.

    Rink, Leopolds des Grossen, vol. 1, 171.

  50. 50.

    Rink, Leopolds des Grossen, vol. 1, 172.

  51. 51.

    Helga Schnabel-Schüle, Überwachen und Strafen im Territorialstaat. Bedingungen und Auswirkungen des Systems strafrechtlicher Sanktionen im frühneuzeitlichen Württemberg (Cologne: Böhlau, 1997), 128–129. One court preacher argued against a pardon, while the other recommended life-long imprisonment at forced labor as an alternative. The sentence was commuted.

  52. 52.

    J. E. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen aus dem Mittelalter (Neue Folge) (Vienna: Carl Gerold, 1842), vol. 2, 126–127.

  53. 53.

    Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 127.

  54. 54.

    Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 127.

  55. 55.

    The executioner botched her execution terribly. He had to strike four times before he completed her beheading. “…hat der freymann Hans Georg 4 mahl gehauet, Ihr Nahm war Anna Rosina hat ds Hochwürdige mit dem meßer zerschniten, in dem Zuchthaus.”. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 1, Nr. 1, 23 June 1702. A second Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead in the Wien Bibliothek records her crime and execution without mentioning the executioner’s failures. WB, Handschriften 18013, p. 1, 23 June 1702. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 127.

  56. 56.

    The report in the Wiennerisches Diarium does not make clear whether she was already an inmate in the house of correction. It identifies her as a nineteen-year-old unmarried woman. WD, Nr. 186, May 13, 1705. The “Protocol of the Confraternity for the Dead” identifies her as Maria Francisca Rosenburgerin. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 3, Nr. 16, 13 May 1705. The Stadtprotokoll cited by Schlager identifies her as Maria Rastenberger, 18, from Upper Austria. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 128.

  57. 57.

    A woman was beheaded for cutting the throat of a farm laborer’s child. WD, Nr. 257, January 19, 1706. The “Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead” identifies her as Sidonia. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 4, Nr. 22, January 19, 1706. Another woman was beheaded for strangling the daughter of a stockman on January 4, 1707. Anna Maria N., WD, Nr. 357, January 4, 1707. The “Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead” identifies her as Maria Susanna. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 4, Nr. 23, 4 January 1707.

  58. 58.

    WD, Nr. 370, 17 February 1707. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 4, Nr. 24, 17 [month missing] 1707. The Stadtprotokoll cited by Schlager gives her name as Chaterina Graf. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 128. None of these three sources mentions that she committed the deed within the prison. Since the records usually do mention that detail, it seems likely that this case of suicidal iconoclasm happened outside the prison.

  59. 59.

    “…welche sich zweymahl an got vergriffen….” The Protocol identifies her as Elizabeth. ÖNB, Cod 8363, addendum at end of volume, “pertinent ad Folium 5.” The Wiennerisches Diarium identifies her only as N.N. WD, Nr. 482, March 16, 1708. The Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager identifies her as Elisabeth Stainin. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 128.

  60. 60.

    WD, Nr. 611, 11 June 1709. The Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead gives his name as Hans Georg Fris. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 5, Nr. 33, 11 June 1709. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 128.

  61. 61.

    WD, Nr. 654, November 6, 1709. This was Emperor Joseph I. This episode is similar to the incident commemorated in the engraving discussed in Chap. 5. See Image 5.2: Emperor Joseph I Venerates the Sacrament, 1701. Engraving by Christoph Weigel (after Caspar Luyken). Albertina, Vienna. Historische Blätter Wien 8, Joseph I.

  62. 62.

    WD, Nr. 663, 10 December 1709. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 6, Nr. 34, 10 December 1709.

  63. 63.

    Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 129.

  64. 64.

    2 May 1710, Maria Anna N. WD, Nr. 704.

  65. 65.

    WStLA, B6-2, Decretenbuch 1703–1711, fol. 357r-v, 18. October 1710.

  66. 66.

    “ein Crucifix-Bild höchstvermessentlich und gottloser Weis zuverunehren sich unterfangen.” WD, Nr. 923, 7 June 1712. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 6, Nr. 44, 7 June 1713. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 129. It is unclear where he committed his blasphemous act.

  67. 67.

    “um selbige sich höchst vermessen in dem alhiesigen Zucht-Haus mit einem Crucifix-Bildnus vergriffen/ und solches zur Erden geworffen/ daß selbiges in etliche Stuk zerprungen.” WD, Nr. 933, 12 July 1712. The Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager gives her name as Katherina Köplflerin. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 129. The Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead in the ÖNB identifies her as Anna Köpflerin. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 7, Nr. 45, 12 July 1712. A second version of the protocol in the Vienna city library identifies her as Anna Catjherina. WB, Handschriften 18013, p. 10, Nr. 49, 12 July 1712.

  68. 68.

    “ein Crucifix-Bild höchstvermessen auf die Erden geworffen/ folgends mit Füssen darauf gesprungen.” WD, Nr. 947, 30 August 1712. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 7, Nr. 46, 30 [no month given] 1712. WB, Handschriften 18013, p. 10, Nr. 50, 30 August 1712. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 129. This case was also reported in Johann Xaver Meyer, Das Neueste von der Zeit Oder Allerneueste Nachrichten Von den vornehmsten und merckwürdigsten Begebenheiten (Frankfurt: Buggel u. Seitz, 1732), 185–186.

  69. 69.

    “um willen selbige sich dahin vermessentlich unterfangen… sich an einer Crucifix-Bildnus zu vergreiffen/ selbige zu zerschlagen/ über die Knye zu zerbrechen/ und sodan auf die Erden zu werffen.” The Wiennerisches Diarium identifies them as Maria Susanna N. and Maria Magdalena N. WD, Nr. 955, 27 September 1712. The Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead identifies them as Susanna Grallin and Maria Magdalena Zechirlin. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 7, Nr. 47, 27 September 1712. The Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager gives the names as Marai Magdalena Zechiellitz and Susanna Kralin. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 129. It is unclear whether they were workhouse inmates or not.

  70. 70.

    “ein Gottslästerliche That an einem Crucifix verübet.” WD, Nr 970, 17 November 1712. This case is not listed in either Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead or in the Stadtprotokoll.

  71. 71.

    “an einer Crucifix-Bildnus ein höchst Gottslästerliche That verübet/ nicht weniger/ als sie letztlich zum Heil. Nachmal gangen/ die hochheilige Hostie mit ihrem Fürtuch aus dem Mund genommen/ und solche zerrissen.” The Wiennerisches Diarium gives her name as Benigna Rosina N. WD, Nr. 972, 23 November 1712. The Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager identifies her as Rosina Weninger. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, p. 129. The case is not listed in either version of the Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead.

  72. 72.

    Wolfgang Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria: Popular Magic, Religious Zealotry and Reason of State in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 167.

  73. 73.

    Lyndal Roper, Witch Craze: Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), 25.

  74. 74.

    Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions, 167–168.

  75. 75.

    “…sovill nahrung, als zu erhaltung des lebens nöthig.” WStLA, Alte Registratur, 1.2.1.A1—Zusammengelegte Akten/1700–1759 92 ex 1712, A 1–18. 7. 8ber [October] 1712.

  76. 76.

    Maria Magdalena N., executed 8 February 1713. WD, Nr. 994. It is not clear whether this is the same woman as the one listed in the Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead, Barbara Weiglin, executed on the same day. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 7, Nr. 49, 8 February 1713. Under executions in 1713, the Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager lists the crucifix-breaker Barbara Weidlerin, eighteen, without specifying the date of her execution. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 130.

  77. 77.

    Stefan Maurer, 9 August 1713. WD, Nr. 1046. The Wiennerisches Diarium identifies him as Stafan N., 17. The Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead lists his execution under 8 August 1713, identifying him as Stefan Maurer. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 7, Nr. 51, 8 August 1713. The Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager identifies him as Stefan Maurer, 16. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 130. This case is also discussed in Johann Baptist Suttinger, Additiones Consuetitudinem Austriacarum Renovatae (Nuremberg: Martin Endter, 1718), 9–13, where he is identified as Stefan Maurer, 16.

  78. 78.

    The first was Maria Magdalena N., executed on February 8, 1713. WD, Nr. 994. It is not clear whether this is the same woman as the one listed in the Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead, Barbara Weiglin, executed on the same day. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 7, Nr. 49, 8 February 1713. Under executions in 1713 the Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager lists the crucifix-breaker Barbara Weidlerin, eighteen, without specifying the date of her execution. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 130.

  79. 79.

    “jedoch an der Hoch-Heiligen Hosty kein gewaltthätige Hand angeleget.” Anna Maria Elizabetha [Werthaim], 30 May 1713. The Wiennerisches Diarium identifies her as Anna Maria Elisabetha N. WD, Nr. 1025. The Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager identifies her as M. Anna Werhaim. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 130.

  80. 80.

    “Wie es mit Bestrafung des Kinder-Mords zu halten,” 22 March 1706, Codicis Austriaci III, 511–512.

  81. 81.

    Sebastian G. Herrenleben, ed., Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, und Ordnungem: Wie solche von Zeit zu Zeit ergangen und publiciret worden …/[3]: … So viele deren über die in Parte I & II Codicis Avstriaci eingedruckten bis auf das Jahr 1720. weiter aufzubringen waren (Leipzig: Zacharias Heinrich Eisfeld, 1748), 714–715.

  82. 82.

    Karl Vocelka, Glanz und Untergang der Höfischen Welt. Repräsentation, Reform und Reaktion im Habsburgischen Vielvölkerstaat (Vienna: Ueberreuter, 2001), 324.

  83. 83.

    Fuhrmann, Alt- und neues Wien, vol. 2, 1330.

  84. 84.

    Fuhrmann, Alt- und neues Wien, vol. 2, 1338–1339. In fulfillment of this vow, St. Charles Church was constructed between 1716 and 1737.

  85. 85.

    See footnote 77 above.

  86. 86.

    “/und haben Ihre Kayserl. Majest. über den deroselben gehorsamst beschehenen Vortrag resolviert/das/soviel die von dem Stefan Maurer beschehene Verunehrung des Crucifix, and dardurch begangene Gottslästerung betrifft/ die ihme Maurer geschöpfte Urthel mit Abschlagung Kopf- und Hand/ auch Aufsteckung der hand an einer Stangen vollzogenen werden solle.” Suttinger, Additiones, 9.

  87. 87.

    Suttinger, Additiones, 10.

  88. 88.

    Theresia N. WD, Nr. 1052, 31 August 1713

  89. 89.

    “an einer Crucifix-Bildnus ein Gottslästerliche That verübet.” Anna Maria [Baumgartnerin], 26. WD, 1104. 2 March 1714. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 7, Nr. 53, 2 March 1714.

  90. 90.

    Maria Johanna [Weberin], WD, Nr. 1111, 24 March 1714. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 7, Nr. 54, 24 March 1714, Johanna Maria Weberin. The Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager identifies her as Maria Weberin from Swabia. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 130.

  91. 91.

    Maria Anna Justina [Ziereiter], WD, Nr. 1150, 8 August 1714. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 130.

  92. 92.

    UAW, AFMV VIII, fol. 345r–345v.

  93. 93.

    Andre N., WD, Nr 1216, 27 March 1715. The Protocol of the Confraternity of the Dead gives his age as 16. ÖNB, Cod 8363, pp. 7–8, Nr 58, 27 March 1715. He is identified as Andreas Mühlbacher, 17, in the Stadtprotokoll excerpted by Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 131.

  94. 94.

    Maria N. WD, Nr. 1218, 3 April 1715. The Totenbruderschaftsbuch identifies her as Maria Anna Wälnerin. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 8, Nr. 59, 3 April 1715. Annotations at the end of the protocol (unpaginated) indicate that her body was delivered for anatomical dissection. The Stadtprotokoll identifies her as Maria Waller. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 132.

  95. 95.

    It is not clear whether he was an inmate or not. Adam N., WD, Nr. 1239, 18 June 1715. The Stadtprotokoll identifies him as Adam Hirschbeck, 15. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 131.

  96. 96.

    The imperial patent of August 30, 1715, cites the Imperial Resolution of August 6, 1715. Herrenleben, Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, vol. 3, 801. The difference between the Imperial Resolution and Imperial Patent was that a Resolution might be limited to local decisions, whereas an Imperial Patent was widely publicized and distributed within Austria.

  97. 97.

    “absque animo Deum directe blasphemandi aut iniurandi.” Emphasis mine. 30 August 1715, Herrenleben, ed., Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, vol. 3, 801.

  98. 98.

    Legal commentaries use the Latin dolus and the German Vorsatz or vorsätzlich interchangeably. E. Kaufmann, “Vorsatz,” HRG, V (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1998), 1061–1066.

  99. 99.

    “ein dergleichen Ubelthäter, mann oder weiblichen Geschlechts, solle zu dem Tod, welchen er wünschet…nicht verurtheilet.” The use of the male pronoun results from the noun der Übelthäter, a masculine noun. Herrenleben, Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, vol. 3, 802.

  100. 100.

    “…praevia publica expiation sceleris…”, Herrenleben, Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, vol. 3, 801–802.

  101. 101.

    Herrenleben, Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, vol. 3, 802.

  102. 102.

    WStLA, Zusammengelegte Akten, 1700–1759, 106/1715, decree of 17. October 1716.

  103. 103.

    StiftAL, Criminalia 377, 1719 Joseph Zeitler, Gütiges Examen September 15, 1719. Zeitler testified to the physical blasphemy he committed in Vienna when he was tried for church robbery by the district court of the Upper Austrian Benedictine monastery of Lambach in 1719. The circumstances of Zeitler’s 1715 burglary are described in a letter from Vienna’s city court to the court in Lambach, 20. September 1719. More on Zeitler’s second criminal trial for church robbery below. On the sentence of deportation to Naples to row in the galleys, see Friedrich Maschek von Maasburg, Die Galeerenstrafe in den deutschen und böhmischen Erbländern Oesterreichs: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der heimischen Strafrechtspflege (Vienna: Manzsche k. k. Hof-Verlags- und Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1885).

  104. 104.

    The imperial decree that mentions these two prisoners does not give their exact ages and simply describes Plankhin as “younger” and “Frankenhauserin as “older.” WStLA, 1.5.1.B6-3 Decretenbuch 1712–1713, fol. 289, 13 August 1715. Plankhin’s age is given in a newspaper report of the same date. WD, Nr. 1305, 13. August 1715.

  105. 105.

    “das Selbe… mit einer starkhen malo hypochondriaco behafftet seye, mithin sie die Zerbrechung des Crucifix nicht ex malitia, sondern ex pusillanimitate wegen kontinuierlichen Miserien und äussersten Elend vorgenommen habe.” UAW, Med. 1.8., AFMV VIII, fo. 352r–352v. That Frankenhauserin was the daughter of a Viennese shoemaker is mentioned in a later criminal trial of her fellow inmate Joseph Zeitler. StiftAL, Criminalia 377, Joseph Zeitler, 1719.

  106. 106.

    WStLA, 1.5.1. B6-3 Decretenbuch 1712–1713, fo. 289, 13 August 1715.

  107. 107.

    Andre N., 16. WD, Nr. 1291, 13 December 1715. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 8, Nr. 60, 13 December 1715, Andre Frisch.

  108. 108.

    WStLA, 1.2.1. A1, Zusammengelegte Akten/ 1700–1759, 15/1716, 4 January 1716.

  109. 109.

    Plankhin was still fifteen years old in February 1716. The Stadtprotokoll, giving only the year 1716, recorded: “Die Rosina Blankin, 15 Jahr alt, … vor das Schottenthor zu der Station der Schmerzhaften Mutter Gottes geführt umb allda Rey und Leyd ihrer begangenen Myssethat zu bekennen, hernach aber in das Zuchthaus gebracht.” Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 132. The decree granting imperial amnesty refers to Plankhin’s most recent sentencing two months earlier. Decree of 27 April 1716. WStLA, Zusammengelegte Akten, 1700–1759, 64/1716. The imprisoned suicidal iconoclasts were Eleonora Knollin, Polixana Helmin, Maria Anna Frankenhauserin, Eva Sabina Kraurassin, Rosina Plankhin (her second offense), and Joseph Martin Zeitler. The crown prince, Archduke Leopold Johann, lived less than seven months (April 13, 1716-November 4, 1716). http://www.kaisergruft.at/kaisergruft/leojohann.htm.

  110. 110.

    UAW, Med. 1.8, AFMV VIII, fo. 327r, 12. April 1714.

  111. 111.

    WStLA, 1.5.1. B6-3, Decretenbuch 1712–1716, fo. 331r–331v, 5 May 1716.

  112. 112.

    WStLA, 1.2.1. A1, Zusammengelegte Akten/ 1700–1759, 101/1716, 22 August 1716.

  113. 113.

    David Luebke, “Introduction. The Politics of Conversion in Early Modern Germany,” in Conversion and the Politics of Conversion in Early Modern Germany, eds. David M. Luebke, Jared Poley, Daniel C. Ryan, and David Warren Sabean (New York: Berghahn Books, 2012), 2. On the varying meanings of the word “Bekehrung” in early modern German usage, see Luebke’s introduction, and the entire volume.

  114. 114.

    WStLA, 1.2.2. A1—Zusammengelegte Akten, 1700–1759, 106/1715, decree of 17 October 1716.

  115. 115.

    WStLA, 1.2.2. A1—Zusammengelegte Akten, 1700–1759, 106/1715, decree of 17 October 1716.

  116. 116.

    WStLA, 1.5.1. B6-3, Decretenbuch 1712–1716, fo. 347r, 20 October 1716. The previous April, Zeitler’s prison sentence had already been shortened during the imperial group amnesty granted in celebration of the birth of a male heir. The remaining three and half years that remained of his original were shortened by one year. Decretenbuch, fo. 330r–330v, 27 April 1716.

  117. 117.

    “sie ein andere in dem Zuchthaus inhaftierte Weibs-Person zu der an einer Crucifix-Bildnus verübt-Gotteslästerlichen That angelernet.” WD, 25 October 1716.

  118. 118.

    Regina N., WD, Nr. 1530, 31 March 1718.

  119. 119.

    “Ihro Kayserl. Jetzt glorwürdigst-regierende Majestät Carolus Sextus seynd ein grosser Eiferer der Ehr Gottes/ und strenger Bestraffer der Gottes-Lästerer.” Johann Valentin Kirchgeßner, Tribunal Nemesis iuste iudicantis. Oder: Richter-Stuhl der recht richtenden Gerechtigkeit (Nuremberg: Johann Christoph Lochner, 1720), 358.

  120. 120.

    ÖNB, Cod 8363, unpaginated annotations at end of volume, “pertinent ad Fol. 9.”

  121. 121.

    UAW, Med. 1.8, AFMV VIII, fo. 476r–476v, 24. Sept 1725. This entry from 1725 refers to her earlier examinations “ex capite blasphemia realis” in 1714 and 1718.

  122. 122.

    WD, Nr. 1640, 19 April 1719. The report does not identify them by name but simply describes them as criminals (Missethäter).

  123. 123.

    “weilen sie Gott gelästert und dz Crucifix zerbissen.” ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 9, Nr. 74.

  124. 124.

    “eine ledige Manns-Person… um willen sich selbe bereits das andertemal mittels Zerbrechung eines Crucifix wider Gott lästerlich vergriffen/ anbey auch verschiedene andere Gottslästerliche Wort ausgestossen/ welch ein und anderes aber nicht aus einem Zorn/ oder Rach gegen Gott dem Almächtigen/ sondern damit er aus dem Zucht-haus/ alwohin er das erstemal verurtheilet worden/ gebracht werden möchte.” WD, Nr. XXI, 3 March 1722. The next issue reports his deportation and identifies him as Johann N., twenty-one, and emphasizes that the blasphemy happened “ohne eintziger Rach/ oder Zorn gegen Gott.” WD, Nr. XXX, 15 April 1722.

  125. 125.

    “Conclusit Facultas, hanc foeminam laborare delirio melancholico per certas periodos, praecipue circa lunae motum redeunte et arguit 1: ex constitutione ipsius hypochondriaco hysterica, 2do ex depravata victus ratione, et continuis ad D: Marcum tempore paroxismi habitis disturbijs, 3tio: ex pusillassimitate.” UAW, Med. 1.8, AFMV VIII, fol. 476r–476v.

  126. 126.

    StiftAL, Criminalia 377, Joseph Zeitler, 1719.

  127. 127.

    Otto Ulbricht, “Criminality and Punishment of the Jews in the Early Modern Period,” in In and Out of the Ghetto. Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany, eds. R. Po-chia Hsia and Hartmut Lehmann (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 59.

  128. 128.

    See Chap. 5.

  129. 129.

    OÖLA, Stadtarchiv Freistadt, Seyringer Rechtsgutachten, Hs. Nr. 1101, pp. 238–251, Joseph Zeitler, 24 October 1719.

  130. 130.

    Herrenleben, Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, vol. 4, 395.

  131. 131.

    Bratsch, Anweisungen, 148–150.

  132. 132.

    The section is entitled “Das verletzte Crucifix.” Bratsch, Anweisungen, 148–150.

  133. 133.

    WD, Nr. 57, 17 July 1728.

  134. 134.

    WD, Nr. 30, 15 April 1730.

  135. 135.

    WD, Nr. 54, 7 July 1731.

  136. 136.

    Their expiation took place on April 3, 1732. WD, Nr. 28, 5 April 1732.

  137. 137.

    “…wegen verdächtig herumziehen.” WStLA, Handschriften A 17, fol. 152r–153v.

  138. 138.

    WStLA, Handschriften A 17, fol. 152r–153v.

  139. 139.

    WB, Handschriften 18013, pp. 42–45.

  140. 140.

    Grimms Wörterbuch, vol. 31, 415.

  141. 141.

    On the significance of nicknames in the criminal milieu and in popular culture in general see Norbert Schindler, Rebellion, Community and Custom in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 48–92.

  142. 142.

    WStLA, Handschriften A 17, fol. 152r–153v. Another source describes him as twenty years old at the time of his sentencing for blasphemy, 20 April 1750. WStLA, Handschriften A 19, fol. 138r–v.

  143. 143.

    Wohlverdientes Todtes-Urtheil einer Ledigen Manns-Person Nahmens Johann Georg H (Vienna: s.d). ÖNB, 303.950-B.Alt-Adl. 9.

  144. 144.

    WStLA, Handschriften A19, fol. 137–143.

  145. 145.

    Banishment for Austrian hereditary lands automatically conferred legal infamy. Constitutio criminalis Theresiana oder der Römisch-Kaiserl. zu Hungarn und Böheim … Majestät Mariä Theresiä … peinliche Gerichtsordnung (Vienna: Johann Thomas Edlen von Trattnern, 1769), 19, § 13.

  146. 146.

    Imperial decrees from 1736 and 1751 aimed to increase the information these brands communicated by including the initials of the territory from where the person had been banished, that is, someone branded in Vienna would be marked with the letters “A.I.” for Austria infra or Lower Austria in addition to the “R.” Bratsch, Anweisungen, 121–125. However, this refinement seems not to have been introduced in practice. Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 28–32.

  147. 147.

    WB, Handschriften 18013, fol. 42–43.

  148. 148.

    Stark’s execution is described in three Viennese execution protocols: WB, Handschriften 18013, fo. 42–43; WB, Handschriften 67116, 1757, 22. October, unpaginated. ÖNB, Cod 8363, p. 25, Nr. 150. His sentence was also published in an official execution announcement: Todes-Urtheil Einer ledigen Manns-person, Namens: Niclas St… Welches… den 22. Oct. 1757. allhier in Wien vollzogen wird ([Vienna]: 1757).

  149. 149.

    Constitutio Criminalis Theresiana, oder der Römisch-Kaiserl. … Majestät Maria Thersia, Erzherzogin zu Oesterrich, peinliche Gerichtsordnung (Vienna: Johann Thomas Edlen von Trattnern, 1769).

  150. 150.

    Edmund M. Kern, “An End to Witch Trials in Austria: Reconsidering the Enlightened State,” Austrian History Yearbook 30 (1999), 159–185. Fritz Byloff, Hexenglaube und Hexenverfolgungen in den österreichischen Alpenländern (Hamburg: Severus Verlag, 2011), 238–239. This is a new edition of Byloff’s classic survey of Austrian witch-hunts, first published 1934. On the role of judicial centralization in the decline of witch-hunting, see Brian Levack, “The Decline and End of Witchcraft Prosecutions,” in Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, eds. Bengt Ankarloo and Stuart Clark (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 13–19.

  151. 151.

    Theresiana, Art. 56, § 1, p. 162.

  152. 152.

    Richard van Dülmen, Theatre of Horror: Crime and Punishment in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1990).

  153. 153.

    Theresiana, Art. 56, § 9, p. 164–165.

  154. 154.

    Theresiana, Art. 38, pp. 115–116. The illustrations are included in the appendix (Beylagen), XIII-XLVIII.

  155. 155.

    Geheime Anmerkungen ad Constitutionem nostrum criminalem Theresianam, oder zu Unser neuen peinlichen Gerichtsordnung für Unsere Teutsch-erbländische Malefiz-Obergerichten, und die mit peinlichen Gerichtsbarkeit begabte unmittelbare Länderstellen, p. 1. I am citing a text bound with a copy of the Theresiana, digitized by google: http://books.google.com/books?id=1HyVyBDaP0YC&pg=RA1-PA1#v=onepage&q&f=false.

  156. 156.

    Geheime Anmerkungen, 19.

  157. 157.

    Geheime Anmerkungen, 1.

  158. 158.

    Geheime Anmerkungen, 2.

  159. 159.

    “In Betreff der aus Ueberdruß des Lebens beschehenen Gotteslästerung.” Geheime Anmerkungen, 18–19.

  160. 160.

    Holger’s report, dated March 16, 1781, is reprinted in the appendix of Gerhard Ammerer, Das Ende für Schwert und Galgen? Legislativer Prozess und Offentlicher Diskurs zur Reduzierung der Todesstrafe im Ordentlichen Verfahren unter Joseph II (1781–1787) (Vienna: Studienverlag, 2010), 445–484, quotation, 460–461. See also Ammerer’s discussion of this report, 138–139.

  161. 161.

    Ammerer, Ende für Schwert und Galgen, 138–139. On Holger’s career, 117–118.

  162. 162.

    “Von den Verbrechen, die zum Verderbnisse der Sitten führen.” Allgemeines Gesetz über Verbrechen, und derselben Bestrafung (Vienna: Johann Thomas Edlen von Trattnern, 1787), § 61–66, 109–111. Siegfried Leutenbauer, Das Delikt der Gotteslästerung in der Bayerischen Gesetzgebung (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1984), 225–226.

  163. 163.

    Suzanne Hehenberger, “Entfremdung von Gott? Gotteslästerung und Kirchendiebstahl vor weltlichen Gerichten im 18. Jahrhundert,” in Ermitteln, Fahnden und Strafen. Kriminalitätshistorische Studien vom 16. bis 19. Jahrhundert, eds. Andrea Griesebner and Georg Tschannett (Vienna: Erhard Löcker Gmbh, 2010), 141–163.

  164. 164.

    Bratsch, Anweisungen, 151–152.

  165. 165.

    WD, Nr. 84, 19 October 1731.

  166. 166.

    Ernst von Kwiatkowski, Die constitutio criminalis Theresiana; ein Beitrag zur theresianischen Reichs- und Rechts- Geschichte (Innsbruck: Wagner, 1904), 46.

  167. 167.

    Georg Joseph Kögl von Waldinutzy, De iure civili, et criminali Austriaco-bellico tractatus practicus…., vol. 1 (Pressburg: Johann Michael Landerer, 1772), 95.

  168. 168.

    Thomas Winkelbauer, Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht. Länder und Untertanen des Hauses Habsburg im konfessionellen Zeitalter (Vienna: Ueberreuter, 2003), 281.

  169. 169.

    Kern, “End to Witch Trials in Austria.”

  170. 170.

    Georg Schindler, Verbrechen und Strafen im Recht der Stadt Freiburg im Breisgau von der Einführung des neuen Stadtrechts bis zum Übergang an Baden (1520–1806) (Freiburg: Kommissionsverlag der Fr. Wagnerschen Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1937), 207–211.

  171. 171.

    Todesurtheil einer verheuratheten Mannsperson, Namens Melchior G…., welches…den 24. September 1772 allhier in Wien vollzogen wird. (s.l., s.d.). This was the penalty set for church robbery in both the Ferdinandea and the Theresiana. At least thirteen people were executed for church robbery in Vienna between 1703 and 1750. Susanne Hehenberger, “ ‘Die beleidigte Ehre GOttes auf das empfindlichste zu rächen, in allweg gesonnen.’ Blasphemie und Sakrileg im 18. Jahrhundert,” in Wien und seine WienerInnen. Ein historischer Streifzug durch Wien über die Jahrhunderte. Festschrift für Karl Vocelka zum 60. Geburtstag, eds. Martin Scheutz and Vlasta Valeš (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2008), 187.

  172. 172.

    Owen Davies, Witchcraft, Magic and Culture, 1736–1951 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 100, 101–106.

  173. 173.

    WStLA, 1.2.3.3. A1, Untersuchungen und Verurteilungen/ 1797–1850, 11 Z 1846 (Anna Zotter). Friedrich Hartl, Wiener Kriminalgericht, 349.

  174. 174.

    Helmut Bräuer, “…und hat seithero gebetlet.” Bettler und Bettelwesen in Wien und Niederösterreich während der Zeit Kaiser Leopolds I (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1996), 82–86.

  175. 175.

    Lack of sources makes it difficult to establish the sex ratio of inmates in early modern prison-workhouses generally. Numbers are available for late seventeenth and early eighteenth-century Danzig, where women made up 27% of workhouse inmates. Dariusz Kaczor, “Herrschaft und Verbrecher. Der Danziger Strafvollzug in der frühen Neuzeit,” in Kulturgeschichte Preussens königlich polnischen Anteils in der Frühen Neuzeit, eds. Sabine Beckmann and Klaus Garber (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2005), 154.

  176. 176.

    John Howard, The State of the Prisons in England and Wales, with Preliminary Observations, and an Account of Some Foreign Prisons, 3rd edition. (Warrington: Cadell, 1784), 103.

  177. 177.

    Richard van Dülmen, “Wider die Ehre Gottes. Unglaube und Gotteslästerung in der Frühen Neuzeit,” Historische Anthropologie 2 (1994): 34.

  178. 178.

    Soili-Maria Olli, “Blasphemy in Early Modern Sweden—An Untold Story,” Journal of Religious History 32 (2008): 466.

  179. 179.

    Alain Cabantous describes soldiers and sailors as “emblematic swearers.” Blasphemy: Impious Speech in the West from the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Centuries (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 81–96.

  180. 180.

    Schwerhoff, Zungen wie Schwerter, 282.

  181. 181.

    Schwerhoff, Zungen wie Schwerter, 265.

  182. 182.

    Maureen Flynn, “Blasphemy and the Play of Anger in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” Past and Present 149 (1995): 49, 53.

  183. 183.

    Andrea Griesebner, Konkurrierende Wahrheiten. Malefizprozesse vor dem Landgericht Perchtoldsdorf im 18. Jahrhundert (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2000), 55–56.

  184. 184.

    The 1713 edict refers to “junge Leute, beyderley Geschlechts.” The 1715 edict refers to “ein dergleichen Übelthäter, mann- oder weiblichen Geschlechts.” Herrenleben, Sammlung Oesterreichischer Gesetze, vol. 3, 714–715, 801–802.

  185. 185.

    Joos de Damhoudere, Praxis rerum Criminalium. Gründliche und rechte Underweysung Welcher massen in Rechtfertigung peinlicher Sachen … zu handeln (Frankfurt am Main: Johannes Wolffius, 1571), 102v. Damhouder, Praxis (Frankfurt am Main: Nicolaus Basseus, 1581), 92. On Damhouder, see Rik Opsommer and Jos Monballyu, “Damhouder, Joos de.” Lexikon zur Geschichte der Hexenverfolgung, eds. Gudrun Gersmann, Katrin Moeller and Jürgen-Michael Schmidt, in: historicum.net, URL: http://www.historicum.net/no_cache/persistent/artikel/1588/. That Damhouder’s Praxis was used in criminal prosecutions in Vienna is evident in a late seventeenth-century anonymous commentary on the Ferdinandea that discusses Viennese and Lower Austrian cases. The Praxis is cited as an authoritative legal source. WStLA, Handschriften, A 320, fol. 2v.

  186. 186.

    On iconoclasm as a male practice, see Christian von Burg, “’Das Bild vnsers Herren ab dem esel geschlagen.’ Der Palmesel in den Riten der Zerstörung,” in Peter Blickle and André Holenstein, eds., Macht und Ohnmacht der Bilder: reformatorischer Bildersturm im Kontext der europäischen Geschichte. (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2002), 117–141, and Lee Palmer Wandell, “Bildersturm im Elsaß,” in ibid., 165–175, p. 165. Lucas Burkart, “Aus der Fastnacht in den Bildersturm: Knaben und junge Männer schänden und verbrennen das Kruzifix aus dem Basler Münster,” in Cécile Dupeux, Peter Jezler and Jean Wirth, eds., Bildersturm. Wahnsinn oder Gottes Wille? Austellungskatalog. (Zürich, NZZ Verlag, 2000). Puritan iconoclasm in England was also “largely a male activity.” Julie Spraggon, Puritan Iconoclasm During the English Civil War: The Attack on Religious Imagery by Parliament and Its Soldiers. (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2003)., xii. Dutch iconoclasm also grew out of a “cultural world of male sociability,” according to Peter J. Arnade. Even when women were involved in iconoclastic crowds, Arnade finds “ a gendered division of labor in iconoclasm …. In which men do the physical destruction and women pilfer the goods.” Peter J. Arnade, Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008), 110–112.

  187. 187.

    Schlager, Wiener Skizzen, 126–127.

  188. 188.

    Article 59 of the Ferdinandea, the “Landesgerichtsordnung für Osterreich unter der Enns,” in Codicis Austriaci …, Das ist: Eigentlicher Begriff und Innhalt/ Aller Unter deß Durchleuchtigsten Ertz-Hauses zu Oesterreich … ausgegangenen …Generalien, vol. 1 (Vienna: Leopold Voigt, 1704), 687–688.

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Stuart, K. (2023). The Injured Crucifix: The Emperor’s Conscience and Prisoners’ Defiance. In: Suicide by Proxy in Early Modern Germany. World Histories of Crime, Culture and Violence. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25244-0_6

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