Jodok Troy

Classical Realism represents a science of politics that is distinct from the conventional understanding of science in International Relations. The object of Realist science is the art of politics, which is the development of a sensibility based on practical knowledge to balance values and interests and to make judgments. Realism's science and its object led to its tagging as "wisdom literature." This article illustrates that reading Hans Morgenthau's and Raymond Aron's work shows how their hermeneutic form of enquiry provides insights into the character of international politics, which conventional understandings do not. Following the example of Morgenthau, the article, first, illustrates how Realism, rather than providing a theory of practice, builds on a science with the purpose to judge knowledge. Realism's science analyzes the objective conditions of politics, theorizes them, and takes into account the requirements of political practice under contingencies and considerations of morality. The article, second, examines Aron's take on political practice in the context of the Cold War and politics that built on knowledge without experience to judge knowledge. Morgenthau and Aron's science helps to capture Realism's take on politics as an art, how to explicate Realism's epistemological foundation and value in studying international politics. Doing so, the article, third, contributes to practice theory by clarifying several aspects of Realism's science. In particular, it shows how Realism captures the art of politics by conceptualizing practice as a form of human conduct thereby offering a more coherent notion of practice than current practice theory.

There are several considerations of the papacy's vision of what global politics should be like. There are, however, few mappings of the papacy's actual concept of global politics, of how it evaluates the current state of global politics, understood as global political, social, and economic trends, patterns, actors and their relationships. This article delineates Pope Francis' conception of global politics and contextual-ises it within the papacy's trajectory of participating in global politics. Attending to a particular concept, of how the pope thinks about global politics, helps to better understand and place the papacy in the study of global politics. The article shows how Francis conceptualises global politics from below, from the periphery of society and politics, which leads him to unmask global inequalities. In particular, the article illustrates that Francis contests widespread assumptions of central hierarchic interstate relations and individualism, dominating the conceptual discourse about global politics.

From the beginnings of the UN Secretariat, its Secretaries-General reached out to a wide audience, considering themselves servants of peace beyond narrow organizational tasks. The article argues that it is the Secretaries-General perception as an international civil servant which led them to endeavour a more expansive role ever since. To unfold this argument, the article, first, traces the international civil servant roots of the Secretary-General. Second, the article illustrates that the themes and rhetorical details of the Secretaries-General inaugural addresses provide a lens to detect and trace the trajectory of the Secretaries-General self-understanding as international civil servants providing the grounds to expand their role. Secretaries-General as international civil servants always embraced the ideal of serving peace, thereby seeking to gain a political role. This international civil servant trajectory illustrates that the role of the UN Secretary-General transcends historical periodization of the UN and sheds light on the evolution of the UN’s global nature and mission.

This article argues that how the United Nations (UN) conceptualizes legitimacy is not only a matter of legalism or power politics. The UN's conception of legitimacy also utilizes concepts, language and symbolism from the religious realm. Understanding the entanglement between political and religious concepts and the ways of their verbalization at the agential level sheds light on how legitimacy became to be acknowledged as an integral part of the UN and how it changes. At the constitutional level, the article examines phrases and 'verbal symbols', enshrined in the Charter of the 'secular church' UN. They evoke intrinsic legitimacy claims based on religious concepts and discourse such as hope and salvation. At the agential level, the article illustrates how the Secretary-General verbalizes those abstract constitutional principles of legitimacy. Religious language and symbolism in the constitutional framework and agential practice of the UN does not necessarily produce an exclusive form of legitimacy. This article shows, however, that legitimacy as nested in the UN's constitutional setting cannot exist without religious templates because they remain a matter of a 'cultural frame'. Providing legitimacy is one the United Nations' (UN) core functions. Existing research of conceptual accounts of legitimacy and issues of legitimation are often steered by a liberal framework that views legitimacy 'as the product of aggregated consent'. 1 Such a framework assumes that 'contemporary power struggles and power relations generally operate outside any religio-ideological and ethical context'. 2 Concepts of legitimacy, however, are not only the result of procedural, apolitical matters. Concepts of legitimacy are also, in

Next to military means, causing disruption and interdiction, Western and local powers also relied on policies of containment to halt the expansion of the Islamic State’s territorial strongholds. Yet, a Cold War state-based strategy of containment seems not apt to counter a transformed Islamic State. This article, first, examines why containing the Islamic State was successful in the past. Second, the article argues that the Islamic State can still be contained if containment addresses the Islamic State’s hybrid nature rather than convulsively looking for the transferability of past containment aspects. In particular, this requires a focus on the struggle for power of the opponent and a foreign policy of restraint. Finally, the article proposes three angles to contain the Islamic State. Each angle exploits the persisting characteristics of the Islamic State as a revolutionary actor with internal contradictions and promulgating specific narratives which containment can engage.

Religious actors and their political concepts are commonly assumed to be conservative, static, and aligned with the private contemplative world. Popes, however, regularly stand out from this narrative. The article contextualizes the papal human rights discourse since the 1940s and contributes a hitherto neglected perspective to the debate on human rights and religion in the international realm, illustrating that religious ideas and configurations change. The research, partially derived using discourse network analysis software, points out three key findings: First, John Paul II dominates the human rights discourse, which has gained traction since the end of the Second World War. Second, although Francis takes an outside role in the papal discourse, he does not differ in principle from the mainstream trajectory of the papal human rights discourse. Finally, third, from the first evocation of human rights by a pope, there has been a persistent trend stressing both individual and collective human rights. Moreover, the article illustrates that political and religious conceptions of human rights are relational, and even contingent on each other. The results offer ample reason to anticipate future papal political conduct based on the trajectory of the papal human rights discourse.

The unconventional nature of Holy See diplomats rests in the composite character of their ecclesiastical role as the Pope's representatives and their legal diplomatic status and commencement to ordinary diplomatic practice. Holy See diplomacy is a form of conduct created by a set of mixed secular and religious standards in which agents are guided by practices. I locate this argument within a classical English School and a conventional understanding of practice, diplomacy, and agency while incorporating understandings of the diplomat as a stranger. The article situates a Holy See diplomat's mode of agency as a hybrid one by nature, located at the intersections of political and religious modes of agency and substantial and relational conceptions of international politics. I probe this conceptual framework of hybrid agency by analysing episodes involving papal diplomats in turmoil-ridden historical episodes, and correspondence with informed agents.

In this article, I argue that there is a startling resonance between Hans Morgenthau's conception of the political and power and recent analyses of an urbanizing international realm. By making this connection clear, I depart from a mechanistic understanding of politics, which tends to inform both conventional International Relations views and some claims in urban studies pertaining to the rise of global cities as international actors. Turning to Morgenthau's conception of the political and power also has wider implications for International Relations studies of urbanization: it helps explain a tendency toward depoliticization caused by ignoring the conflictual character of the political. The emphasis on the political, on the other hand, serves as a bridge between International Relations and urbanization studies by creating conditions for the repoliticization of urban space. After illustrating the existential manifestation of the political and its violent outfalls, the remainder of this article turns to its relational and dialogical manifestation that points out the shortcomings of reading the political merely as an existential concept in the context of urbanization. Post-structuralists and critical international political theorists have long lamented the depoliticiza-tion of international politics. Depoliticization, critics contend, is the result of policies seeking mechanical causes of political problems in order to apply appropriate " instruments " to solve them in terms of both political practice and political analysis. 1 This is particularly the case where the fields of urban politics and international politics overlap. Indeed, a thriving research branch of International Relations contends with the politics of urbanization, but there is modest research on how urbanization affects the political. While there is an abundance of analysis about the politics of an urbanizing international realm, international studies often overlook the ramifications of " the political " such as the political's permeating empirical and normative features of politics and power. The political is different from an understanding of politics that is narrowly framed as a set of practices and institutions. 2 But what makes a matter a political one? To answer this question, I rely on the twentieth-century Realist Hans J. Morgenthau who defines the political as a site in which

This article argues that a combination of individuals in institutions leads to the evolution of the Pope and the UN’s Secretary General as instances of moral leadership. Comparing the pope and the Secretary General in terms of scope and aim of their agency and normative claims starts with the observation that their agency is influenced by institutions. If those individuals link responsibility and the agency granted by their institutions, they potentially can outgrow institutional constraints. Both individuals developed influence in terms of moral and executive leadership apart from internal constitutional foundations of their institutions and external structural constraints and demands.

Targeted killing by drones is a systemic driven instrumental practice that overrides societal non-instrumental practices that are essential for international society. Doing so, targeted killing by drones is not simply another form of inflicting violence by technical means to political opponents. It also inflicts the agents applying this practice, tempting them to frame it as a permissible measure to preserve international society. The reliance on drones for targeted killing is a pursuit of non-societal practices that seek individual and retributive justice and anticipatory and preventive self-defence by means of force relying on technological advantage. Eventually, this practice permits military tactics to steer political strategy, mitigating standards and practices agreed on in international society's norms, rules of conduct, and institutions.

This article introduces the special issue’s question of whether and how the current transformation of targeted killing is transforming the global international order and provides the conceptual ground for the individual contributions to the special issue. It develops a two-dimensional concept of political order and introduces a theoretical framework that conceives the maintenance and transformation of international order as a dynamic interplay between its behavioral dimension in the form of violence and discursive processes and its institutional dimension in the form of ideas, norms, and rules. The article also conceptualizes targeted killing and introduces a typology of targeted-killing acts on the basis of their legal and moral legitimacy. Building on this conceptual groundwork, the article takes stock of the current transformation of targeted killing and summarizes the individual contributions to this special issue.

The article illustrates at the example of the use of the atomic bomb that it was in fact Harry S. Truman’s perception of an ethic of responsibility as set by his office which led him to act as he did. The autobiographic writings of Truman reveal his personal spirituality had only minor influence on why he made certain political decisions such as permitting the first use of the atomic bomb in a theatre of war and his course of containment after the Second World War. However, Truman turned to spirituality and used it as a concept to argue and defend his decisions. Truman’s spirituality only marginally correlated with his lived Weltanschauung.

Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass Religion, wie sie sich in politischen Konflikten präsentiert, so viele Ausprägungen hat, wie sich Menschen zu ihr bekennen und wie diese „ihre“ Religion in unterschiedlichen Kontexten interpretieren. Eine rein substantielle oder funktionale Konzeption von Religion greift somit analytisch zu kurz. Dies auch deshalb weil der Ursprung von Religion, anthropologisch und theologisch betrachtet, gewalttätiger Natur ist und der Unterschied zwischen religiösen und säkularen Identitätsmerkmalen ein gradueller, kein prinzipieller ist. Daraus ergib sich die Notwendigkeit alternativer Ansätze für ein Verständnis von Religion, Gewalt und Politik: Interpretative Ansätze; die Möglichkeit die mimetische Theorie für die Sozialwissenschaften fruchtbar zu machen; sowie der Umstand, dass Politische Theologie als eine Ergänzung politikwissenschaftlicher Analysen zu verstehen ist

The Catholic Church is the oldest and largest trans-governmental organization in the world and particular Pope Francis’ reign reveal some interesting puzzles for International Relations. Nevertheless, in social sciences it remains an underestimated and unexplored actor. As in terms of social theory, particularly in International Relations, it is hard to grasp “the” Church (e.g. body of believers, norm entrepreneur, state of the Vatican City, Holy See etc.) This article places the Catholic Church and its activities in international politics in a theoretical framework of International Relations. In doing so, it puts forward observations that help students of world politics understand and, consequently, explain this multifaceted actor beyond a mere description. Displaying first the different levels of analysis leads to approaching the Catholic Church from different theoretical angles. In doing so, the article provides an understanding of the Church on the individual (its members and their agency), unit (the institution), and international level (the Holy See participating in the international system and society).

Am Beispiel von Raymond Aron und dessen rationalem Ansatz in "Clausewitz, den Krieg denken" versucht René Girard, das Ende der Politikwissenschaft zugunsten der Anthropologie heraufzubeschwören. Wie sich im Folgenden herausstellt, zu unrecht. Denn wie Aron selbst betont: „nur die einfachen Gemüter lassen es bei der Alternative Apokalypse oder Passivität bewenden.“  Solange die Menschheit Politik betreibt, solange es Knappheit, Konflikt und Macht gibt, solange muss man im Kern „das Politische“ unter dem Aspekt der Vernunft zu verstehen versuchen.

Today, the Holy See has formal diplomatic relations with almost all states around the globe as well as with the United Nations (UN), where it holds the curious position of a Permanent Observer. Representing a universal sacred mission, the Holy See views the UN as one of the most important avenues in international relations for pursuing its aims. Vatican diplomats have thus been at the forefront of lobbying for human dignity at the UN in various conferences and popes have even directly addressed the UN's General Assembly. In examining relations between the Holy See and the UN, at least two issues are obvious and of primary importance. First, both institutions share a universal approach – the latter to represent all states of the world and the Holy See to represent all Catholics. Furthermore, both preach to their constituencies that they represent a universal idealist mission – to pursue peace and work towards the universalization of human rights. Second, the Holy See enjoys a Permanent Observer status within the UN and also a seemingly privileged status among all other religious communities. By adopting short studies of the Holy See's interventions in three dimensions of human rights advocacy at the UN, along with its supplement of the UN's mission in correcting capitalist development, the article concludes that the Catholic religion has returned in a role that reaffirms the possibilities of enhancing society on a globalist scale rather than merely reinforcing an international society of sovereign states.

Gerade weil der Heilige Stuhl keine hard power im traditionellen Verständnis besitzt, entwickelten sich insbesondere im Laufe des internationalen politischen Engagements während des 20. Jahrhunderts sowohl ausgeprägte soft power-Fähigkeiten als auch extensive diplomatische Aktivitäten. Dieses Engagement des Heiligen Stuhls findet dabei immer vor dem Hintergrund einer spezifischen Friedensvision statt. Dieser Beitrag deckt das Spektrum an soft power-Fähigkeiten auf und stellt es in den theoretischen Kontext der Englischen Schule – vor allem deshalb, weil der Heilige Stuhl die Verwirklichung seiner normativen Vorstellung von internationaler Politik durch soft power anstrebt, was am besten auf die Formel „von der internationalen Gesellschaft zur Weltgesellschaft“ gebracht werden kann. Since the Holy See has no capabilities in terms of traditional hard power, it has developed considerable soft power capabilities and extensive diplomatic ties in the course of the 20th century. The activities of the Holy See always take place against the background of a specific vision of peace. This article explores the set of soft power capabilities and puts it into the theoretical context of the English School. This is mainly because the normative conception of the Holy See regarding international politics—pursued through soft power—can best be described with the formula “from international to world society”.

Troy analyses how the understanding of religion in Realism and the English School helps in working towards the greater good in international relations, studying religion within the overall framework of international affairs and the field of peace studies.

Hans J. Morgenthau (1904-1980) gilt als einer der Gründerväter einer theoretisch-systematischen Analyse der Internationalen Politik. Sein machtzentrierter, aber auch machtskeptischer Ansatz wurde in Deutschland lange vernachlässigt oder einseitig interpretiert. Dieser Band ist der erste politikwissenschaftlich umfassende Sammelband im deutschen Sprachraum, der das vielseitige und komplexe Denken Morgenthaus abbildet und dabei auch sein Verständnis innerstaatlicher politischer Prozesse inkorporiert. Im Dialog mit den Disziplinen der Jurisprudenz, der Geschichte und Politik hat Morgenthau ein Gedankengebäude errichtet, das Machtskepsis einerseits und einen hohen normativen Anspruch an politische Herrschaft andererseits miteinander verbindet. In diesem Band werden die staatsrechtlichen Aspekte im Denken Morgenthaus, seine Kritik am Akteur Staat sowie seine Überlegungen zur Überwindung einer staatszentrierten internationalen Ordnung dargestellt.

This volume picks up a rather uninvested field of international relations theory: the influence of religion on Realism as well as the power of Realism to address religious issues in world politics. Although classical scholars of Realism rarely mention religion explicitly in their well-known work, this volume suggests that Realism offers serious ground for taking religion and faith into account as well as evaluating the impact of religion on its theoretical framework: how religion and religious worldviews influence and affect the theoretical framework of Realism, and how Realism approach religious issues in international relations as a relatively new field of international studies. Although international relations scholars now widely deal with issues of religion, large portions of the theoretical underpinning are missing. In addressing this lack, the volume illustrates the possibility of reform and change in Realism. Furthermore, the chapters reach out to normative statements. The contributors offer a theoretical view on religion in international relations in the context of Realism but always connect this with actual, real-world related political problems. The volume takes into account not only classical thinkers and approaches of Realism but also present-day authors dealing with ethical and normative questions of international relations in the aftermath of 9/11.

Der «Krieg aller gegen alle» ist ein beinahe inflationär verwendetes Zitat. Der moderne neuzeitliche Staat sollte diesen Naturzustand zwischen den Menschen beenden. Die Folge war das staatliche Gewaltmonopol. Angesichts des ausbleibenden dauerhaften Friedens nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges und der vielen innerstaatlichen Gewaltkonflikte stellt sich die Frage nach der Effektivität dieses staatlichen Gewaltmonopols. Vielerorts ist der Staat nicht mehr in der Lage oder auch erst gar nicht legitimiert, dieses aufrecht zu erhalten. Zurück zum «Krieg aller gegen alle» scheint daher oft die Folge zu sein. Lange wurden unbequeme Fragen in diesem Kontext ausgespart. In einer interdisziplinären Herangehensweise widmet sich dieser Band den Fragen nach herrschaftlicher (staatlicher) und privater Gewalt in europäischer, internationaler und ideengeschichtlicher Perspektive.

2011 jährte sich der Todestag Dag Hammarskjölds, des zweiten Generalsekretärs der Vereinten Nationen, zum 50. Mal. Der vorliegende Band dreht sich nicht um die bis heute ungeklärten Umstände, unter denen Hammarskjöld in der Nacht vom 17. zum 18. September 1961 nach einem Flugzeugabsturz auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Sambia ums Leben kam. Vielmehr geht es um eine kritische Würdigung der facettenreichen Persönlichkeit und des mannigfachen Schaffens Hammarskjölds aus der Perspektive des beginnenden 21. Jahrhunderts.

Dementsprechend werden zunächst zwei Eckpunkte beleuchtet, die Hammarskjölds Denken und Handeln entscheidend geprägt haben: einerseits seine schwedischen Wurzeln, seine Jugend und familiären Bindungen in Uppsala und sein beruflicher Aufstieg in Stockholm, andererseits das Amt des UN-Generalsekretärs und damit des »ersten Bürgers« der Vereinten Nationen, das Hammarskjöld zwar unverhofft zugefallen war, in dem er aber dennoch seine spezifische Berufung als Diener der internationalen Gemeinschaft sah.

Einer der Schwerpunkte der Untersuchung stellt das Wirken Hammarskjölds als UN-Generalsekretär und Staatsmann dar. Hammarskjöld verstand es, in geschickter und nachhaltiger Weise das im Generalsekretärsamt angelegte politische Potenzial zu realisieren und sich dergestalt gegenüber den Großmächten als relevanter Akteur auf der Bühne der Weltpolitik zu etablieren. Dies machte auch entscheidende Innovationen möglich, z.B. in Form der Schaffung friedenserhaltender Missionen.

Parallel dazu wird auch der Mensch und Mystiker Dag Hammarskjöld in den Blick genommen, wie er der Nachwelt namentlich in seinem posthum veröffentlichten Tagebuch Zeichen am Weg entgegentritt. In seinem Ethos des bewussten Einsatzes insbesondere für die Machtlosen und Vergessenen spielen religiöse Motive eine gewichtige Rolle. Erst die Ergänzung des äußeren Bilds des Pragmatikers und »UN-Generals« Hammarskjöld um die innere Dimension macht eine Würdigung dieser schillernden, ja bisweilen widersprüchlichen Persönlichkeit komplett.

In den Jahren 2009/2010 hatte Österreich zum dritten Mal die nicht-ständige Mitgliedschaft im Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen inne. Der vorliegende Band ist eine Einführung in die Thematik „Österreich und die Vereinten Nationen“. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf Österreichs Mitgliedschaft im Weltsicherheitsrat, als deutlicher Ausdruck für Österreichs Engagement im Rahmen der Vereinten Nationen, aber auch für sicherheitspolitische Aktivitäten in dessen Rahmen. Für einen (neutralen) westlichen Kleinstaat wie Österreich, dessen primäres nationales Interesse den grundsätzlichen Interessen der Europäischen Union folgt, ist es notwendig und konsequent, sich in den und für die Vereinten Nationen zu engagieren. Wissenschaftler aber auch Politiker und Diplomaten geben hier einen Überblick über Österreichs Engagement in den Vereinten Nationen.