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- College of Europe, European Political and Administrative Studies, Faculty MemberUniversité libre de Bruxelles, Institut d'Etudes Européennes, Faculty Memberadd
- My research deals with conflicts over the social and economic dimension of European integration. I have conducted res... moreMy research deals with conflicts over the social and economic dimension of European integration. I have conducted research more particularly on following topics: Social Europe, EU economic governance, liberalisation and regulation of public services, the European Semester, just transition & the EU.edit
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This publication has been produced with the fi nancial support of the European Union. The information contained in this publication does not necessarily refl ect the position or opinion of the European Commission. SOLIDAR is a European... more
This publication has been produced with the fi nancial support of the European Union. The information contained in this publication does not necessarily refl ect the position or opinion of the European Commission. SOLIDAR is a European network of membership based Civil Society Organisations who gather several millions of citizens throughout Europe and worldwide. SOLIDAR voices the values of its member or ganisations to the EU and international institutions across the three main policy sectors; social affairs, lifelong learning and international cooperation.
Research Interests: Economics and Inequality
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This paper explains how strong resistance to Europe came to be crystallized in the French Socialist Party (PS) during the 2005 referendum campaign on the European Constitutional Treaty. From a historical and institutional perspective, it... more
This paper explains how strong resistance to Europe came to be crystallized in the French Socialist Party (PS) during the 2005 referendum campaign on the European Constitutional Treaty. From a historical and institutional perspective, it first shows that from the start of the integration project, resistance to European integration was to a degree part of a latent doctrinal identity of the party, which depended heavily of the balance of power among factions. The article then analyzes how other players on the left put pressure on the PS at the level of cognitive references and the dynamics of mobilization.
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CETA, the EU’s proposed free trade agreement with Canada, is currently being held up by opposition within the Belgian region of Wallonia, which could ultimately derail the agreement entirely if a solution cannot be reached. Amandine... more
CETA, the EU’s proposed free trade agreement with Canada, is currently being held up by opposition within the Belgian region of Wallonia, which could ultimately derail the agreement entirely if a solution cannot be reached. Amandine Crespy writes that the CETA case illustrates the problem in balancing free trade with sovereignty and democracy in Europe.
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Despite the multiple crises Europe currently faces, the salience of EU affairs in Belgium remains low and popular support for the EU above average. However, since the main party in the governing coalition, the Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie... more
Despite the multiple crises Europe currently faces, the salience of EU affairs in Belgium remains low and popular support for the EU above average. However, since the main party in the governing coalition, the Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA), decided to exit the long-standing Belgian pro-EU consensus by labelling itself Eurorealist, Belgium’s voice in EU affairs seems to be fading. The latent tensions between the governing parties lead to a crucial lack of ambition and impact on the debates on Brexit and on the future of European integration.
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Au milieu des années 2000, la ratification du Traité constitutionnel européen place les questions européennes au cœur de l’actualité politique. Les critiques à l’égard de l’Europe sont alors alimentées par la contestation du projet de... more
Au milieu des années 2000, la ratification du Traité constitutionnel européen place les questions européennes au cœur de l’actualité politique. Les critiques à l’égard de l’Europe sont alors alimentées par la contestation du projet de libéralisation poussée de toutes les activités de services dans l’Union européenne prévu par la directive dite « Bolkestein », du nom du Commissaire néerlandais pour le Marché intérieur. Pour la première fois dans l’histoire de la construction européenne, des mobilisations politiques et sociales de grande ampleur parviennent à infléchir, en s’appuyant sur le Parlement européen, la position de la Commission et des gouvernements avant que la législation ne soit adoptée. Afin de comprendre l’impact hors du commun des résistances à la libéralisation des services, Amandine Crespy a mené à Bruxelles, Paris et Berlin une enquête sur les rouages européens du conflit, au-delà de la polémique autour de la figure du « plombier polonais ». Elle montre comment les partis politiques de la gauche radicale et sociale-démocrate, ainsi que les organisations syndicales et altermondialistes, ont mobilisé des réseaux à l’échelle européenne et politisé la question des services par un discours commun invoquant la défense de l’Europe sociale. Les résultats de cette recherche nourrissent au final une réflexion plus large sur le rôle du conflit dans la démocratie et les conditions de légitimation d’un système politique européen qui se voudrait délibératif.info:eu-repo/semantics/published
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This edited volume brings together leading international researchers in an attempt to disentangle and understand the multiple conflicts of sovereignty within the European polity in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. While most... more
This edited volume brings together leading international researchers in an attempt to disentangle and understand the multiple conflicts of sovereignty within the European polity in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. While most research on sovereignty focuses on its international dimensions, what makes this volume distinctive is the focus on the mobilization of sovereignty discourses in national politics. Contrary to tired paradigms studying clashes between national and supranational sovereignty, the various chapters of the volume offer a provocation for the readers – what if these old vertical conflicts of sovereignty are increasingly complemented by horizontal conflicts between executives and parliaments at both the national and international level?
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Le terme de néolibéralisme désigne diverses théories et politiques économiques, basées sur des principes communs: propriété privée des moyens de production (Propriété), marché libre, système de concurrence effective avec réglementation... more
Le terme de néolibéralisme désigne diverses théories et politiques économiques, basées sur des principes communs: propriété privée des moyens de production (Propriété), marché libre, système de concurrence effective avec réglementation juridique et institutionnelle correspondante. Contrairement au libéralisme traditionnel, le néolibéralisme ne considère pas le marché comme une donnée naturelle, mais comme une construction politique. Les opinions sur le rôle de l'Etat divergent fortement, du laisser-faire à l'interventionnisme massif. A long terme, on part de l'idée d'une harmonie entre économie de marché et démocratie; mais, s'ils soutiennent la concurrence, les systèmes autoritaires ou dictatoriaux ne sont pas mal vus, leur système politique étant considéré comme une mesure transitoire. Ce qui importe vraiment, c'est l'opposition entre économie libérale et intervention de l'Etat (Etatisme), celle-ci pouvant aussi bien être le fait du communisme soviétique que du keynésianisme ou d'une autre forme démocratique. L'Etat social n'a pas de valeur en lui-même, mais peut être un facteur dans la concurrence.
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In the face of the coronavirus pandemic, the German government embraced a major shift towards a grants-based EU recovery fund relying on common European debt. How can we explain this impetus, especially in view of the reticent German... more
In the face of the coronavirus pandemic, the German government embraced a major shift towards a grants-based EU recovery fund relying on common European debt. How can we explain this impetus, especially in view of the reticent German fiscal stance in previous years and in the early stages of the pandemic? To elucidate this question, this paper provides a qualitative inquiry into German preference formation during the spring of 2020. Theoretically, it reconciles liberal intergovernmentalist and discursive accounts of preference formation in the context of EU politics stressing the intertwined nature and simultaneousness of preference formation in the national and European arenas. We hypothesise that, along with material self-interests, the construction and framing of the pandemic as a certain type of crisis was key. Examining the stances taken by the federal government, commercial groups and key EU actors such as France and the European Commission, our findings point to a rapid preference realignment in German political and economic circles. Overall, the analysis suggests that especially in times of crisis, assumed national preferences are subject to reconfiguration thus allowing for contingent political responses.
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One of the most common arguments during the Eurozone crisis was that states required greater levels of political integration to help stabilise their economies. However, as Arthur Borriello and Amandine Crespy write, the crisis also... more
One of the most common arguments during the Eurozone crisis was that states required greater levels of political integration to help stabilise their economies. However, as Arthur Borriello and Amandine Crespy write, the crisis also witnessed a shift toward more intergovernmental forms of decision-making centred on the European Council. They note that the EU is now caught between competing narratives which simultaneously advocate ‘less Europe’ and ‘more Europe’, and that with the refugee crisis generating similar paradoxical positions, it is time for national governments to articulate a consistent vision for the future of the integration process.
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This special issue deals with the institutionalization of neo-liberal ideas in European policy-making. The introductory article espouses the view that these policy ideas are not laid out at EU level and then implemented with variations at... more
This special issue deals with the institutionalization of neo-liberal ideas in European policy-making. The introductory article espouses the view that these policy ideas are not laid out at EU level and then implemented with variations at national level. On the contrary, the European policy process generates neo-liberal avatars, modifying and reshaping forms of neo-liberal policy solutions which have already been negotiated during the policy formation process. This article develops an approach emphasizing the political work of various actors in contrasting and evolving institutional settings in order to explain the different forms of European neo-liberal policies. This innovative approach is substantiated by the articles featuring in this issue, which deal with different EU policy sectors (monetary policy, energy, employment and higher education).
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The politics of public services regulation is one area where the dilemmas of a common European policy in the socio-economic realm have come to the fore. Since the mid-1990s, the promise of a more ‘social’ Europe — or of more positive... more
The politics of public services regulation is one area where the dilemmas of a common European policy in the socio-economic realm have come to the fore. Since the mid-1990s, the promise of a more ‘social’ Europe — or of more positive integration — seems to be farther away than ever. The term ‘services of general interest’ (SGI) coined in EU law and policy debates covers the provision of all public utilities and services including network industries (telecommunications, energy, transport, etc.), social services (healthcare, child and elderly care, aid to families and people in need), and services in the field of education and culture. Today, the provision of SGI accounts for about 26 percent of European GDP and occupies 30 percent of the European workforce (CEEP, 2010). Through national and European liberalization policies, they have been increasingly shifted from historical, public owned providers to the private sector. There is a large consensus on the idea that SGI are a cornerstone of European competitiveness and social cohesion, and that they constitute a crucial element in the debate on the modernization of the European welfare states. However, the balance between competition and freedom within the internal market, on the one hand, and national regulation protecting the public interest in the provision of utilities and services, on the other, has triggered contentious debates as to how much autonomy member states should enjoy vis-a-vis the European level.
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Since the 1990s, the EU has been a main advocate of a new agenda to bring forward services liberalization, notably in the framework of the GATS signed by member countries of the WTO. Europe’s comparative advantage in the realm of services... more
Since the 1990s, the EU has been a main advocate of a new agenda to bring forward services liberalization, notably in the framework of the GATS signed by member countries of the WTO. Europe’s comparative advantage in the realm of services is at the core of the European narrative about competitiveness. In times of slow growth and high unemployment, the further liberalization of trade was presented as the engine of Europe’s growth. Although, in theory, international trade agreements should not affect the provision of public services, the intricacies of WTO law (or provisions in bilateral and regional agreements), on the one hand, and EU law, on the other, have been conducive of the continuous marketization of welfare services. As an important number of welfare services have witnessed a certain degree of liberalization and marketization within the EU over the past two decades (e.g. utilities, postal services, transport), this has progressively enlarged possibilities for trading in policy sectors which have a general interest dimension. The EU Commission, upon whom was conferred by the treaties the exclusive competence to negotiate in the name of the EU in international trade talks, has consistently advocated reciprocal market opening in these sectors with non-EU partners. Through the connection between the internal market and external trade, EU policies have therefore acted as a catalyst for the marketization of SGI both within and outside of Europe. This has contributed to making the EU a ‘conflicted trade power’ (Meunier and Nicolaidis2006).
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This book started with the—somewhat gloomy—observations on the effects of the recent financial crisis on welfare services (or SGI) to suggest that, in order to understand how we got there, we need to look at the trends towards the... more
This book started with the—somewhat gloomy—observations on the effects of the recent financial crisis on welfare services (or SGI) to suggest that, in order to understand how we got there, we need to look at the trends towards the recommodification of welfare services which have been ongoing over the past two decades. This chapter reiterates the idea that, indeed, marketization and austerity are two sides of the same coin: as public resources have become increasingly scarce, marketization is seen as an alternative in order to curtail public expenditure by shifting costs from the government to users recast as consumers. It is also widely believed that marketization results in more efficient management of such services hence allowing for cost containment. A consensus among European decision makers on austerity—that is, fundamentally, the ‘reduction of public spending’ (Blyth 2013)—prevailed long before the financial crisis hit USA and unfolded as a crisis of sovereign debt in Europe. This is because a central principle of the EMU as it was conceived in 1992 is that ‘sound’ public finance is the cornerstone of monetary integration. The so-called Maastricht convergence criteria enshrined in the Stability and Growth Pact of 1997 limits government deficit to 3 % of GDP and public debt to 60 % of GDP. Hence, the ‘Brussels–Washington’ consensus existed long before it became the ‘Berlin–Washington’ consensus on the need for austerity policies (Fitoussi and Saraceno 2013). More or less explicitly, and along with labour market reforms, cuts in welfare services have been understood as part of ‘structural reforms’. In a study from 2002 on public sector reforms in ten European countries, Hemerijk and Huiskamp (2002) found that the road to EMU put public finance under pressure for future member countries (as well as for those which had not yet decided). This translated into the stabilization or slow, but steady, decrease of expenditure for the public sector in a context characterized by increased needs in numerous sectors, not least education and healthcare. While decentralization allowed for change in employment regimes and industrial relations, internal and external privatizations were meant to raise efficiency (for the former) and generate state revenue rapidly (for the latter) in a context where capital mobility has increasingly brought about fiscal competition and the decline of tax revenue. The crisis which has affected the EU as a result of the global financial crisis originating in the USA in 2008 has only reinforced the ideational and institutional strength of austerity, thus putting welfare services in the eye of the storm.
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Resistance to marketization and liberalization is one way to understand the contentious politics of welfare services in the EU. Another way to analyse this issue is to study endeavours to promote the re-regulation of welfare services at... more
Resistance to marketization and liberalization is one way to understand the contentious politics of welfare services in the EU. Another way to analyse this issue is to study endeavours to promote the re-regulation of welfare services at the EU level as a counterbalance to negative integration. Where pro-market policies could not be avoided, another way for pro-regulation actors to tackle the negative backlash effects on welfare services has been to promote the adoption of market-correcting policies. In other words, in order to determine whether the EU is bound to be neoliberal, it falls short to demonstrate that resistance to negative integration was not strong enough to stop the pro-market agenda. It is also crucial to understand why alternatives failed. Ironically, although the notion of ‘social market economy’ was only recently introduced into EU primary law with the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU has never been so far from embodying this notion. When the treaty entered into force in December 2009, the EU had just entered the post-financial crisis era. The euro crisis, that is a financial and bank crisis leading to a crisis of the Eurozone and to a larger economic and social crisis in the EU, apparently only constitutes a critical juncture. In fact, the crisis has only served to accentuate the existing trends and asymmetries within the EU. In that sense, it confirms a departure from the Delorsian project of building a supranational social market economy (Crespy and Menz 2015b). While it never excluded integration through the market, the political project of a ‘social Europe’ embodied a social democratic concept of integration rooted in regulated capitalism differing distinctly from the neoliberal project for Europe (Hooghe and Marks 1997).
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Due to the failure of political integration as early as the 1950s—notably with the rejection of the European Defence Community by France in 1954—the European Community has been mainly geared towards economic integration. This was... more
Due to the failure of political integration as early as the 1950s—notably with the rejection of the European Defence Community by France in 1954—the European Community has been mainly geared towards economic integration. This was reflected in the nature of the Treaty of Rome adopted in 1957 with the establishment of the ‘four freedoms’ (circulation of goods, services, capital and people) as the cornerstone for building a common market. Insofar, the genealogy of European integration is intrinsically liberal (Gillingham 2003; Denord and Schwartz 2009). As explained in the previous chapter, liberalization policies have been at the heart of the re-launch of EU integration since the adoption of the Single European Act in 1986. The opening of national markets to foreign competitors and the end of national monopolies has been particularly evident in sectors which have a general interest dimension (energy, transport, post, etc.) and had been protected from competition under the regime of mixed economies in the post-war era. Originally, liberalization only affected the industrial segments of markets and infrastructures. Progressively, however, the scope of liberalization has been extended to services to the wider public. This has gone hand in hand with the acceleration in the 1990s of treaty revisions extending the scope of EU competences, on the one hand, and the rise of the politicization of EU matters, on the other. According to N. Jabko, the process of market integration re-launched in the late 1980s can be seen as a ‘quiet revolution’, while ‘market reform reached deep into economic and social structures’ (2006, p. 6). As Jabko deals with the consensus on market making among national governments, resistance within societies is overlooked. This leads him to overemphasize the consensual nature of EU politics and neglect the genuinely conflict-laden nature of integration through the market.
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Connecting the relevant literature in sociology, political theory and European studies with original empirical research, this article calls for a reappraisal of conflict when addressing the issue of the democratic legitimacy of the... more
Connecting the relevant literature in sociology, political theory and European studies with original empirical research, this article calls for a reappraisal of conflict when addressing the issue of the democratic legitimacy of the European Union. It offers a critical account of rationalistic and consensus-based deliberative democracy both in the classical theories of deliberative democracy and in the practices institutionalised in the EU. Drawing on the model of ‘discursive democracy’ theorised by John Dryzek, it provides an account of the contentious debate over the EU Services Directive (also known as the Bolkestein Directive). It is argued that the EU can function as a polity where democratic legitimacy is granted by deliberation. However, this holds only under two conditions. First, deliberation must be conflict based; that is, it must allow for the voicing of dissent and its channelling into political institutions. Second, supranational institutions and decision making can onl...
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L'Union européenne est embourbée depuis une dizaine d'années dans une crise de légitimité majeure. Ce livre analyse les tensions permanentes qui travaillent le continent unifié. "Objet politique" non identifiable par bon... more
L'Union européenne est embourbée depuis une dizaine d'années dans une crise de légitimité majeure. Ce livre analyse les tensions permanentes qui travaillent le continent unifié. "Objet politique" non identifiable par bon nombre de citoyens ordinaires et loin de susciter une adhésion générale, son mode de fonctionnement et son orientation politique sont souvent contestés par le mouvement altermondialiste, par les organisations syndicales et une frange non négligeable d'élus au Parlement européen. L'intégration à l'Union européenne continue d'être perçue comme un horizon politique désirable
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Over recent years it has become increasingly clear that the European Union is falling short of its promise to enhance social cohesion across the continent. Welfare state modernization has been at the centre of divisive debates over the... more
Over recent years it has become increasingly clear that the European Union is falling short of its promise to enhance social cohesion across the continent. Welfare state modernization has been at the centre of divisive debates over the redistribution of wealth and imbalances between a wealthy European core and its peripheries. Some see the policies and governance of the EU as part of the problem, others rather as the solution.
This book examines the key issues facing the EU's social policy-making. Each chapter focuses on a single challenge and explores the arguments and considerations that coalesce around it. The book helps students and researchers alike to understand how the EU operates and shapes social policy on multiple levels, and to better assess the EU's role in supporting social cohesion.
This book examines the key issues facing the EU's social policy-making. Each chapter focuses on a single challenge and explores the arguments and considerations that coalesce around it. The book helps students and researchers alike to understand how the EU operates and shapes social policy on multiple levels, and to better assess the EU's role in supporting social cohesion.
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Loin d’être un État-providence européen en devenir, l’Europe sociale se présente aujourd’hui sous les traits d’une gouvernance parcellaire des politiques sociales en Europe. Dans un climat de malaise politique et de remise en cause des... more
Loin d’être un État-providence européen en devenir, l’Europe sociale se présente aujourd’hui sous les traits d’une gouvernance parcellaire des politiques sociales en Europe. Dans un climat de malaise politique et de remise en cause des droits sociaux, elle soulève des questions fondamentales pour les citoyens comme pour les chercheurs. L’Union européenne a-t-elle atteint un statut quo réglementaire ? Quel est le bilan des politiques de libéralisation des services publics ? Le dialogue social européen a-t-il affaibli la cause des travailleurs ? La redistribution via le Fonds social européen est-elle remise en cause ? Faut-il durcir la coordination des politiques nationales ? Que sait-on de l’Europe sociale après trois décennies de recherche ? À travers un état des lieux à la fois analytique et critique, cet ouvrage explique comment l’Union européenne agit dans les domaines du droit du travail, de l’emploi, de la santé, de la lutte contre la pauvreté, des discriminations. On comprendra également quels sont les principaux acteurs en présence, leurs modalités d’action et les conflits qui les opposent. En replaçant les évolutions de l’Europe sociale dans leur contexte historique et politique, l’auteure discute les aspects qui sont aujourd’hui les plus problématiques.
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This book explores the European welfare model, arguing that the rollout of European policies for welfare services has led to increased marketization. The author argues that the rise of profit-making in utilities, transport, child and... more
This book explores the European welfare model, arguing that the rollout of European policies for welfare services has led to increased marketization. The author argues that the rise of profit-making in utilities, transport, child and health care is exacerbating rather than reducing inequalities among citizens, demonstrating how the marketization of European welfare has taken place over successive rounds of policymaking for European integration.
These rounds have motivated national level public services reform, as well as contestation over these measures from civil society groups. The study traces the developments of policymaking at EU level since the late 1980s, offers in-depth studies of contentious debates which have sealed the fate of welfare services at the turn of the century, and offers insights on the problems involved with prolonged austerity in Europe. This book therefore shows how European integration is provoking a democratic challenge to what kind of Europe citizens want.
These rounds have motivated national level public services reform, as well as contestation over these measures from civil society groups. The study traces the developments of policymaking at EU level since the late 1980s, offers in-depth studies of contentious debates which have sealed the fate of welfare services at the turn of the century, and offers insights on the problems involved with prolonged austerity in Europe. This book therefore shows how European integration is provoking a democratic challenge to what kind of Europe citizens want.
Manuel mettant en évidence les méthodes et méthodologies propres à la science politique, avec des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche.
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Au milieu des années 2000, la ratification du Traité constitutionnel européen place les questions européennes au cœur de l’actualité politique. Les critiques à l’égard de l’Europe sont alors alimentées par la contestation du projet de... more
Au milieu des années 2000, la ratification du Traité constitutionnel européen place les questions européennes au cœur de l’actualité politique. Les critiques à l’égard de l’Europe sont alors alimentées par la contestation du projet de libéralisation poussée de toutes les activités de services dans l’Union européenne prévu par la directive dite « Bolkestein », du nom du Commissaire néerlandais pour le Marché intérieur. Pour la première fois dans l’histoire de la construction européenne, des mobilisations politiques et sociales de grande ampleur parviennent à infléchir, en s’appuyant sur le Parlement européen, la position de la Commission et des gouvernements avant que la législation ne soit adoptée.
Afin de comprendre l’impact hors du commun des résistances à la libéralisation des services, Amandine Crespy a mené à Bruxelles, Paris et Berlin une enquête sur les rouages européens du conflit, au-delà de la polémique autour de la figure du « plombier polonais ». Elle montre comment les partis politiques de la gauche radicale et sociale-démocrate, ainsi que les organisations syndicales et altermondialistes, ont mobilisé des réseaux à l’échelle européenne et politisé la question des services par un discours commun invoquant la défense de l’Europe sociale. Les résultats de cette recherche nourrissent au final une réflexion plus large sur le rôle du conflit dans la démocratie et les conditions de légitimation d’un système politique européen qui se voudrait délibératif.
Afin de comprendre l’impact hors du commun des résistances à la libéralisation des services, Amandine Crespy a mené à Bruxelles, Paris et Berlin une enquête sur les rouages européens du conflit, au-delà de la polémique autour de la figure du « plombier polonais ». Elle montre comment les partis politiques de la gauche radicale et sociale-démocrate, ainsi que les organisations syndicales et altermondialistes, ont mobilisé des réseaux à l’échelle européenne et politisé la question des services par un discours commun invoquant la défense de l’Europe sociale. Les résultats de cette recherche nourrissent au final une réflexion plus large sur le rôle du conflit dans la démocratie et les conditions de légitimation d’un système politique européen qui se voudrait délibératif.