Περιεχόμενα Για την Όλγα Κατσιαρδή-Hering For Olga Katsiardi-Hering 11 Δημοσιεύματα Όλγας Κατσιαρδή-Hering. Δημήτριος Μ. Κοντογεώργης (επιμέλεια) The Publications of Olga Katsiardi-Hering. Dimitrios M. Kontogeorgis (ed.) 19 Α. ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ, ΒΕΝΕΤΟΙ, ΟΘΩΜΑΝΟΙ, ΧΡΙΣΤΙΑΝΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΜΟΥΣΟΥΛΜΑΝΟΙ (13ος-19ος αι.): ΘΕΣΜΟΙ, ΣΥΝΥΠΑΡΞΗ, ΥΛΙΚΟΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΣ, ΕΞΕΓΕΡΣΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΗ Α. GREEKS, VENETIANS, OTTOMANS, CHRISTIANS AND MUSLIMS (13th-19th CENTURIES): INSTITUTIONS, COEXISTENCE, MATERIAL CULTURE, UPRISINGS AND REVOLUTION Phokion Kotzageorgis, The Formation of the Christian Society in Thessaloniki after the Ottoman Conquest (ca. 1430-1530) 31 Antonis Anastasopoulos, Veroia-Thessaloniki: The Administrative Relationship between a Local and a Regional Centre in the Eighteenth-Century Balkans 41 Γιώργος Τζεδόπουλος – Ιωάννης Καραχρήστος, «Μια φορά συνοριζότανε ο Χριστός με το Μουχαμέτη …»: Ιστορίες θρησκευτικού ανταγωνισμού και διαλόγου στον ύστερο ελληνο-οθωμανικό κόσμο 51 Γιώργος Πάλλης, Η βρύση του Αγά στα Πατήσια και η ετήσια υποδοχή των νέων οθωμανικών αρχών της Αθήνας 63 Αναστασία Γ. Γιαγκάκη, Ιστορίες αγγείων της περιόδου της οθωμανικής κυριαρχίας και της νεότερης εποχής στην Κρήτη με βάση τα εντοιχισμένα κεραμικά: Ενδεικτικές μελέτες περίπτωσης από το Λασίθι 73 Αναστασία Παπαδία-Λάλα, Το επαναστατικό φαινόμενο στην ελληνοβενετική Ανατολή (1204-1797): Μύθοι και πραγματικότητες 91 Ελένη Γκαρά, Φήμες, ειδήσεις και μυστικά: Η πληροφόρηση για το κίνημα του Διονυσίου του Φιλοσόφου στη Θεσσαλία το 1600 107 Μαρία Δ. Ευθυμίου, «Η ώρα ήλθεν, ω Έλληνες»: Η επιτομή μιας επανάστασης στις εναρκτήριες φράσεις της 121 Βάσω Σειρηνίδου, «Εις την δικαιοσύνην της Σεβαστής Διοικήσεως προστρέχων»: Δικαστικοί θεσμοί και κοινωνία στην επανασταστημένη Ελλάδα 131 7 O ΝΕΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ: ΟΙ ΚΟΣΜΟΙ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ Ο ΚΟΣΜΟΣ Β. Η ΡΩΣΙΑ, Η ΜΕΣΟΓΕΙΟΣ, Η ΟΡΘΟΔΟΞΙΑ, ΟΙ ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ B. RUSSIA, THE MEDITERRANEAN, ORTHODOXY, THE GREEKS Νικόλας Πίσσης, Ο Σεραφείμ ο Μυτιληναίος ως πικαρικός ήρωας 149 Δημήτρης Δημητρόπουλος, Ένας παλαιός θεσμός σε νέο περιβάλλον: Οι κοινότητες των Κυκλάδων στα χρόνια της ρωσικής κυριαρχίας 161 Francesco Scalora, «Sacra Eufēmia, ossia buoni augurj di felicitazioni» allo zar Alessandro I per l’istituzione di una Collegiata di rito greco in Sicilia 173 John A. Mazis, The Greek Benevolent Association of Odessa and the Secrets to Its Success 187 Nikolaos Chrissidis, A Silver Hammer and a Trowel for Queen Olga of Greece: Projecting Russian-Greek Kinship in Late Nineteenth-Century Odessa 197 Γ. Ο ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΣ ΚΟΣΜΟΣ ΣΤΗ ΔΙΕΘΝΗ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΑΣΤΑΣΗ (16ος-19ος αι.): ΔΙΑΣΠΟΡΑ, ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑ, ΙΔΕΕΣ C. THE GREEK WORLD IN ITS INTERNATIONAL DIMENSION (16th-19th CENTURIES): DIASPORA, ECONOMY, IDEAS Lidia Cotovanu, Ηπειρώτες έμποροι διαχειριστές των ηγεμονικών εσόδων στη Βλαχία και στη Μολδαβία (15ος – αρχές 18ου αιώνα) 209 Markus A. Denzel, The International Trade Network of Trieste and Its Relevance to the Rural Coastal Area, Eighteenth to the Mid-Nineteenth Century 227 Κώστας Ράπτης, Έλληνες (έμποροι) ως αστοί της Αψβουργικής Μοναρχίας: Όροι και όψεις της κοινωνικής τους ενσωμάτωσης κατά τον 19ο αιώνα 247 Μαρία Χριστίνα Χατζηιωάννου, Έμποροι και διανοούμενοι στη διασπορά: Το χιώτικο παράδειγμα (19ος αιώνας) 265 Τζελίνα Χαρλαύτη, Η υπόθεση «Αδελφοί Βαλλιάνου εναντίον της Τράπεζας της Αγγλίας»: Η διεθνής ισχύς των εμπορικών οίκων της ελληνικής διασποράς 281 Δημήτριος Μ. Κοντογεώργης, «Προς την διεξαγωγήν υποθέσεως αφορώσης την εν Λειψίᾳ ελληνικήν και ορθόδοξον εκκλησίαν και κοινότητα…»: Η ενδοκοινοτική διαμάχη στη Λειψία του 19ου αιώνα και η στάση της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης 299 8 ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ Ίκαρος Μαντούβαλος, Οι Έλληνες του εξωτερικού στον αστερισμό του μεγαλοϊδεατισμού (β΄ μισό του 19ου αι.): Ο Παύλος Χαρίσης, «η Χάρις» και η έννοια του ελληνισμού στη σκέψη του 315 Δ. ΠΝΕΥΜΑΤΙΚΟΙ ΠΡΟΣΑΝΑΤΟΛΙΣΜΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΙΔΕΙΑ: ΟΘΩΜΑΝΙΚΗ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΙΑ, EΛΛΑΔΑ, ΝΟΤΙΟΑΝΑΤΟΛΙΚΗ ΕΥΡΩΠΗ D. SPIRITUAL ORIENTATIONS AND EDUCATION: OTTOMAN EMPIRE, GREECE, SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE Μαρίνος Σαρηγιάννης, «Οθωμανικός Διαφωτισμός»: Όψεις μιας συζήτησης 335 Παναγιώτης Γ. Κιμουρτζής, Η οικονομία του οθωνικού κράτους και τα οικονομικά της εκπαίδευσης (1833-1864) 345 Nadya Danova, Ο Sava Dobroplodni και η παιδική ηλικία 361 Yura Konstantinova, First Steps of Bulgarian Education in Thessaloniki (1866-1883) 375 Ε. Ο ΧΩΡΟΣ ΚΑΙ Η ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΟΥ: ΣΥΓΚΡΟΤΗΣΗ, ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΕΣ, ΑΛΛΗΓΟΡΙΕΣ, ΧΑΡΤΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ Ε. SPACE AND ITS HISTORY: CONSTRUCTION, FUNCTIONS, ALLEGORIES, CARTOGRAPHY Michael Mitterauer, Byzantinische Wurzeln mediterraner Seerepubliken 393 Elias Kolovos, Border(is)lands: The Ottoman-Venetian Frontier of the Ionian Islands (Late Fifteenth to Late Seventeenth Century) 413 Wolfgang Schmale, Barocke Erdteilallegorien in Mitteleuropa: Asien als Sultan oder „Türke“ in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts 429 Michael North, The Sea as Realm of Memory: The Straits of Gibraltar and the Dardanelles 441 Constantin Ardeleanu, Subjective Borders: The Making of an Inter-Imperial Border in the Post-Crimean War Context 455 Γιώργος Τόλιας, Ανάμεσα στο αόρατο και το ορατό: Ο χάρτης 465 Ευάγγελος Λιβιεράτος, Η ελληνική χαρτογραφία από τη Θεσσαλία, την Τεργέστη και τη Βιέννη μέχρι τη Μακεδονία 477 9 O ΝΕΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ: ΟΙ ΚΟΣΜΟΙ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ Ο ΚΟΣΜΟΣ ΣΤ. ΣΤΙΣ ΡΙΖΕΣ ΤΩΝ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΩΝ: ΦΥΛΟ, ΕΡΩΤΑΣ, ΦΤΩΧΕΙΑ, ΦΙΛΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΑ F. AT THE ROOTS OF SOCIETIES: GENDER, LOVE, POVERTY, CHARITY Murat Çizakça, Philanthropic Foundations in Roman/Byzantine and Ottoman Empires: A Study in Continuity and Change 493 Σωτήρης Κουτμάνης, «Φτωχοί» στην ελληνική παροικία της Βενετίας (16ος-17ος αι.) 513 Κατερίνα Κωνσταντινίδου, Ιστορίες έρωτα και αμαρτίας στη βενετική Ζάκυνθο: Το έγκλημα της παρθενοφθορίας (τέλη 18ου αι.) 523 Katerina Gardikas, A Note on Ladies in Trouble: Society and Midwifery 541 Ζ. EΡΜΗΝΕΥΟΝΤΑΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ: ΑΠΟΤΥΠΩΣΕΙΣ, ΠΡΟΣΛΗΨΕΙΣ, ΙΔΕΕΣ G. INTERPRETING SOCIETIES AND THEIR HISTORY: REPRESENTATIONS, PERCEPTIONS, IDEAS I. K. Xασιώτης, O νεοελληνικός κόσμος στην ισπανική γραμματεία του 16ου και 17ου αιώνα 551 Harald Heppner, Befreit, aber frei? Reflexionen über die Entwicklung auf dem Balkan in der Neuzeit 577 Maria A. Stassinopoulou, Karrierebedingte Anpassung? Franz Thierfelder erklärt seiner Leserschaft den Balkan 587 Βαγγέλης Καραμανωλάκης, Σκέψεις για έναν ιστορικό και τη βιογραφία του: Ο Γιάνης Κορδάτος και η εποχή του 607 Μαρία Παπαθανασίου, Ιστορική Ανθρωπολογία (Historische Anthropologie): Προσανατολισμοί και προβληματισμοί των ιστορικών στον γερμανόφωνο χώρο 621 Συγγραφείς − Επιμελητές/Επιμελήτριες του τόμου 637 10 PHOKION KOTZAGEORGIS The Formation of the Christian Society in Thessaloniki after the Ottoman Conquest (ca. 1430-1530)* T he present paper aspires to contribute to the topic of the formation of Christian societies in the Balkan cities in the aftermath of the Ottoman conquest. The city selected as a case study is Thessaloniki for the following reasons: (a) it was a Balkan metropolis, and as such it was a typical case, so any conclusions drawn from the survey may apply to other cities as well; (b) we have a very good picture of the Christian society from the immediately preceding historical period (i.e. the late Byzantine) and thus it is easier to proceed in a comparative study before and after the Ottoman conquest; c) we have a satisfactory quantity of sources, both Greek and Ottoman, compared to other fifteenth century cities; d) finally, it was one of the few cities during the early Ottoman expansion in the Balkans which was conquered by force, and therefore Christians, according to the Islamic law, had to be enslaved, killed or converted to Islam. This last reason leads us to consider it a zero point for the restart of the Christian presence in Thessaloniki after the Ottoman conquest of 1430. The time span of the present survey is not conventional. This is the period during which Thessaloniki was transformed from a city with a strong Byzantine veneer into an Ottoman-Jewish city. This change affected the city and therefore its Christian inhabitants.1 * I thank my colleague, Prof. K. Smyrlis, for allowing me to consult the forthcoming volume on the Vatopedi Byzantine documents, which is going to appear in the series of the Archives de l’Athos. 1. For the early Ottoman Thessaloniki the basic publications are: H.W. Lowry, “Portrait of a City: The Population of Ottoman Selânik (Thessaloniki) in the Year 1478,” Diptycha 2 (1981), 254-293; Vassilis Dimitriades, Τοπογραφία της Θεσσαλονίκης κατά την εποχή της Τουρκοκρατίας, 1430-1912, Thessaloniki 1983; Apostolos Vacalopoulos, Ιστορία της Θεσσαλονίκης, 316 π.Χ.-1983, Thessaloniki 1983, p. 201-231; Speros Vryonis, “The Ottoman Conquest of Thessaloniki in 1430,” Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society, Anthony Bryer, Heath Lowry (eds), Birmingham and Washington, DC 1986, p. 281-321; Ioannis K. Hassiotis, «Η τουρκοκρατούμενη 31 PHOKION KOTZAGEORGIS For the first fifty years of the Ottoman period (1430-1478), the sources are scattered and few. The research so far has been mainly based on the narration (Diigisis) of Ioannis Anagnostis, a text written by a local churchman, probably around the middle of the fifteenth century, which describes the events just before, during, and after the Ottoman conquest of the city. The source contains valuable information with regard to the resettlement policy of the Ottoman Sultan Murad II for Thessaloniki.2 Other than this source, there are a small number of Greek and Ottoman documents, housed in the Athonite archives, which offer mainly prosopographical material for the inhabitants of the city. Seven of these Greek documents refer to Christians.3 From 1478 onwards and for the following fifty years (1478-1530), we have more sources, the most relevant among which are the three detailed tax cadastres (tahrir defterleri) of the inhabitants of Thessaloniki. In order to construct a comprehensive and comparative picture of the period between 1478-1530, we identified another sixteen Ottoman documents from Athonite archives and eight Greek sources (documents or short notices) which together with the 4,311 Christian personal names of the three tax cadastres (1,337 of 1478, 1,781 of ca. 1500 and 1,193 of 1527) form a fairly rich prosopographical database.4 In his text, Ioannis Anagnostis states that Murad II ordered the release of all Christians who had been captured during the siege of the city and invited back Θεσσαλονίκη», Τοις αγαθοίς βασιλεύουσα πόλις, Idem (ed.), Thessaloniki 1997, p. 135-155; Elias Kolovos, Χωρικοί και μοναχοί στην οθωμανική Χαλκιδική, 15ος-16ος αιώνες: Όψεις της οικονομικής και κοινωνικής ζωής στην ύπαιθρο και η Μονή Ξηροποτάμου, 3 vols, PhD Diss., Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 2000; Mark Mazower, Salonica: City of Ghosts, New York 2004, ch. 1-3. 2. Editions of the text in: Ioannis Anagnostae De extremo Thessalonicensi excidio narratio in Georgius Phrantzes, Ioannes Cananus, Ioannes Anagnostae (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae 39), Immanuel Bekker (ed.), Bonn 1838, p. 483-528; Piissimi et sapientissimi imperatoris Manuelis Palaeologi opera omnia...; (Patrologiae cursus completus. Series graeca 156), J.-P. Migne (ed.), Paris 1866, p. 588-628; Ioannis Anagnostis, Διήγησις περί της τελευταίας αλώσεως της Θεσσαλονίκης, Y. Tsaras (ed.), Thessaloniki 1958. 3. Paul Lemerle et al. (eds), Actes de Lavra, vol. 3, Paris 1979, no. 168 (of 1432); Jacques Lefort et al. (eds), Actes de Vatopédi, vol. 3, Paris 2019, no. 224 (of 1432), App. XIII, no. 4 (post 1451), no. 232 (of 1452); Vassilis I. Anastasiadis (ed.), Αρχείο της Ι.Μ. Χιλανδαρίου, Athens 2002, no. 1 (1435?); Nicolas Oikonomidès (ed.), Actes de Dionysiou, Paris 1968, no. 32 (ca. 1474), no. 33 (of 1477). 4. The cadastres of 1478 and 1527 are housed in the Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi in Istanbul under the code number TT 7 and TT 403 respectively. The cadastre of ca. 1500 is housed in the National Library of Sofia under the code number SN 16/35. The Ottoman documents are unpublished. The Greek sources are: Jacques Lefort et al. (eds), Actes d’ Iviron, vol. 4, Paris 1995, no. 101 (of 1492); Lefort et al. (eds), Actes de Vatopédi, vol. 3, no. 243 (of 1493); Oikonomidès (ed.), Actes de Dionysiou, no. 41 (of 1502); Peter Schreiner, Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, vol. 1, Vienna 1975, p. 668. 32 THE FORMATION OF THE CHRISTIAN SOCIETY IN THESSALONIKI those who had abandoned the city during the Venetian period or during its siege. The same text speaks of a thousand Christians who came to the city by the time the text had been compiled (i.e. around the middle of the century) and formed the initial core of the Christian inhabitants. The registration of some 5,300 (1,337 tax-hearths x 4) Christians in the 1478 cadastre shows that Murad II’s policy paid off. Since there is no information about the origin of the Christians, their names are the only way to investigate Thessalonians’ origin. The catalogues of the names of the Thessalonians, mainly members of notable families from the late Byzantine period, in combination with the names contained in the Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit (henceforth PLP),5 compiled by the Austrian Academy of Sciences, are the only ways to extract continuities of the Ottoman Christians between the late Byzantine and early Ottoman periods. However, this method has its limitations. First of all, the Byzantine prosopographical material from late Byzantine Thessaloniki is quantitatively limited and largely concerned with notable families. A second limitation is the doubtful reading of Christian names in Ottoman sources. Although the fifteenth century cadastres show impressive consistency in the registration of the Christian names, the difficulties of Ottoman writing for the attribution of Greek names are often insurmountable. A third reason is that the listing of patronymics and/or surnames (for example, when the word “son of ” is absent) in Ottoman tax cadastres does not help to identify whether the registered person belongs to the family or is simply a son of someone belonging to the family and attributed with the family name, or even if the family name has become a forename. For example, Manol Akropolid of the Bodrom quarter6 is registered under his name, while Manol veled-i Arvalino of the same quarter is registered either with his name or his patronymic,7 which the Ottoman registrar considered a family name or had become a forename. A last restriction regarding Ottoman sources concerns professional names. The method applied for them is as follows: Names such as Ğunar (furrier) and Rafti (tailor)8 are considered to be family names, as opposed to professional, because in the latter case we assume that the Ottoman registrar would use the relevant Ottoman-Turkish words kürkçü and terzi. Finally, the geographical diffusion 5. Erich Trapp et al. (eds), Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, 12 vols, Vienna 19761996. 6. TT 7, p. 537. 7. For this see PLP, no. 93105 και no. 93111 from Thessaloniki. 8. E.g. Nikolas Ğunaris (TT 7, 539: mahalle-i Ayo Pelaya) and Nikola Rafti (TT 7, 540: mahalle-i Ayo Pelaya). 33 PHOKION KOTZAGEORGIS of the Byzantine family names during the late Byzantine period is not known. Therefore, it is not a safe way to determine in which areas the PLP identifies a family name, in order to conclude whether it appears in Thessaloniki and in the wider region, or comes from distant regions, thus indicating that the person who bore this name was an immigrant. For example, did Manol Mağulas of the Ayo Dimitri quarter,9 whose surname in PLP is mainly found in Cephalonia island,10 really come from Cephalonia? The question, although very difficult to answer, is very critical in order to locate the immigrant Thessalonians in 1478. Apart from the names, the analysis of the cadastres showed that among the Christians, in complete contrast to the Muslims, 6.4% were registered without a family name in 1478, with another 3.6% in 1500 and 7% in 1527, meaning they were immigrants. All the others are identified by their father’s name, a phenomenon which, according to Heath Lowry, describes indigenous people.11 Proceeding to the comparison of the names in the Greek sources before and after the Ottoman conquest –where the names’ form is clear– with the names in the PLP, we created the following table: PERSON YEAR SOURCE Family Name in PLP, nos Konstantinos Manglavitis 1432 Lavra III, no. 168 16074 Manouil Honiatis 1432 Lavra III, no. 168 31241 Odigitrianos Kastorianos 1432, 1452 Vatopedi III, no. 224 and 232 11389 Dimitrios Kastorianos 1432, 1452 Vatopedi III, no. 224 and 232 − Ioannis Kastorianos 1432, 1452 Vatopedi III, no. 224 and 232 − Manouil Ampertos ca. 1474, 1477, 1493 Dionysiou, no. 32, 33; Vatopedi III, no. 243 − Dimitrios Kaloithis 1477 Dionysiou, no. 33 10583-4 Konstantinos Argyropoulos 1493 Vatopedi III, no. 243 1250-1272 Ioannis Argyropoulos 1493 Vatopedi III, no. 243 1250-1272 Konstantinos Xanthopoulos 1493 Vatopedi III, no. 243 20801-20827 Konstantinos Ambertos 1493 Vatopedi III, no. 243 − 9. TT, p. 546. 10. Cf. PLP, no. 16088, 16090, 16093-16094. But see also no. 16091, a land owner from Ohrid in 1466/1467. 11. Lowry, “Portrait of a City,” p. 281-282. 34 THE FORMATION OF THE CHRISTIAN SOCIETY IN THESSALONIKI Manouil Laskaris 1493, 1502 Vatopedi III, no. 243; Dionysiou, no. 41 14500-14556 Ioannis Kaloithis 1493 Vatopedi III, no. 243 10583-4 Iakovos Kaloithis 1493 Vatopedi III, no. 243 10583-4 Ioannis Frangopoulos 1493 Vatopedi III, no. 243 30131-30139 Manouil Yerakis 1500 Schreiner, Kleinchroniken, I 668 3684-5, 91610 Ioannis Mazaris 1502 Dionysiou, no. 41 16116-16124 Dimitrios Kondaris 1502 Dionysiou, no. 41 92410 Pavlos Malakis 1502 Dionysiou, no. 41 16448-16454 Andronikos Kaloithis 1502, 1503/4 Dionysiou, no. 41, 44 10583-4 It is evident from the above table that the names in the sources of the fifteenth century were known Byzantine ones, except from Ambertos. From lists of names of notable families of Thessaloniki in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, compiled by Nevra Necipoğlu and Athanasia Stavrou, we managed to identify 14/46 family names (30.4%) with the names of the 1478 cadastre.12 The relevant percentage in a list of notable Thessalonians during the Venetian period (dated between 14251429) was 19/52 (36.5%). The majority of the names of the 1478 cadastre came from regions of Thessaloniki, Halkidiki, and Serres. The aforementioned data leads us to see a continuity of the Christian society of Thessaloniki during the early Ottoman period in relation to the late Byzantine period. The Byzantine names and the preservation of the Christian social stratum in the early Ottoman period does not mean that the social composition of the Christian community had not changed. In other words, a notable family of the Byzantine period did not necessarily retain its socio-economic position in the new Ottoman reality. The “frozen” nature of Ottoman administrative sources (cadastres, names of witnesses in legal documents) and the absence of narrative sources do not allow us to form a comprehensive image of the Christian elite of the city. The term archon (ἄρχων), which accompanied some of them in Greek documents and a couple of posts in Ottoman cadastres held by them (e.g. kethüda means steward), help us to form a rough picture of some notables of the Christian community in the city. For instance, Konstantinos and Ioannis, members of the family Argyropoulos, were among the Christian notables of the 12. Nevra Necipoğlu, Byzantium between the Ottomans and the Latins: Politics and Society in the Late Empire, Cambridge 2009, p. 293-296; Athanasia Stavrou, Socio-Economic Conditions in 14th and 15th Century Thessalonike: A New Approach, PhD Diss., University of Birmingham, 2010, p. 281-360. 35 PHOKION KOTZAGEORGIS city in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century. Moreover, the former gave his name to one of the Christian quarters of the city as former steward of the city’s Christians. Two Argyropouloi signed a petition to the Venetian Senate in 1425 as members of the city notables.13 The Palaiologoi (not necessarily members of the Byzantine imperial family) are another case. Members of this family were the tax-exempt in ca. 1500 Nikolaos Palaiologos and the two brothers, Alexakis and Doukas, who were mentioned in Spanish sources of the 1520s as being notables of the city, and having secret contacts with the Spanish emperor Charles V.14 The Ambertoi, documented in the Ottoman sources,15 but not in PLP, are mentioned in the Greek sources as also being notables of the city.16 Finally, the Kaloithis (Kalothi) family is well documented in the late fifteenth century and the early sixteenth, having as its most distinguished member a certain Andronikos Kalothis, who died in 1530.17 Then there are those who, although they possessed some offices in the local society, lack any recognizable family name. Such is the case with the steward of the Christians of the city in 1527, Manol son of Yani, and the elders (protoyeroi) Todor son of Mihal and Theotoki son of Yorgi in 1478, as well as the agent (voyvoda) Mihal.18 13. See respectively Lefort et al. (eds), Actes de Vatopédi, vol. 3, no. 243. Konstantinos is registered in TT 7, 543 (Horista/Hryssi quarter), and Ioannis in SN 16/35, 16a (Ahiropit quarter); for the city quarters see TT 403, 621. 14. SN 16/35, 13b (Aya Pelaya quarter); Ioannis K. Hassiotis, “Αντιτουρκικές κινήσεις στην προεπαναστατική Μακεδονία,” Η Νεότερη και Σύγχρονη Μακεδονία, Ioannis S. Koliopoulos, Ioannis K. Hassiotis (eds), Thessaloniki [1991], vol. 1, p. 438. The two brothers, Alexakis and Doukas, are registered in TT 403, 620 (Ofalos quarter) and 611 (Ahiropit quarter), respectively. For the Byzantine family in Thessaloniki documents see Stavrou, Socio-Economic Conditions in 14th and 15th Century Thessalonike, p. 323-337. 15. TT 7, 549: Dimitri Anberto (Katafi quarter). 16. Oikonomidès (ed.), Actes de Dionysiou, no. 32 and 33; Lefort et al. (eds), Actes de Vatopédi, vol. 3, no. 243. 17. Dimitri Kalothi: Oikonomidès (ed.), Actes de Dionysiou, no. 44; TT 7, 542. Iakovos and Ioannis Kalothi: Lefort et al. (eds), Actes de Vatopédi, vol. 3, no. 243; SN 16/35, 17a (cemaat-ı müteferrıka). Andronikos Kalothi: Elisabeth A. Zachariadou, “Ottoman Documents from Archives of Dionysiou (Mount Athos) 1495-1520,” Südost-Forschungen 30 (1971), 17 (no. 11); Oikonomidès (ed.), Actes de Dionysiou, no. 41; TT 403, 611; Schreiner, Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, vol. 1, p. 567. Yani Kalothi: TT 403, 614 (Katafi quarter). 18. For Manol see TT 403, 612 (Yani Mavriyani quarter); TT 7, 537 (Bodrom quarter for Mihal voyvoda), 540 (Ayo Pelaya quarter for Todor veled-i Mihal), and 544 (Asomada quarter for Theotoki Yorgi). 36 THE FORMATION OF THE CHRISTIAN SOCIETY IN THESSALONIKI Both from the titles in the Ottoman cadastres and from some cases (claiming property in Halkidiki in 1493 and buying a mill in Halkidiki in 1489/1492) we may assume that the Christian elite retained part of its lands in the countryside, from where it derived its wealth during the Byzantine period. Although the documentation is poor, this profile seems to fit well into the local Christian aristocracy during the early Ottoman period. Two other groups constituted the Christian society of the city, each represented by one person. The first is represented by Manouil Laskaris, a relative of Matthaios Laskaris. Both were collectors of Greek manuscripts and we could classify them into the intellectual elite of the city. Manouil, moreover, is registered in ca. 1500 in the quarter of Katafi and in 1527 he (or some namesake of his) is registered in the Ahiropit quarter.19 Members of this elite had invited the famous teacher Ioannis Moschos to the city in the last decade of the fifteenth century to give courses.20 Both of them supplied the famous Greek scholar Ianos Laskaris in ca. 1490 with Greek manuscripts.21 The second group concerns merchants. The typical case was Loukas Spandounis, whose decorated tomb with the highly educated epigram is located and well preserved in the Agios Dimitrios church of Thessaloniki.22 As scholars have pointed out, this person did not come from Thessaloniki but was rather a Constantinopolitan and Venetian subject, who traded in Thessaloniki as an intermediate stopover. The complete absence of the family name from the Thessalonian sources (cadastres and documents) confirms this view. The presence of a Greek Venetian consul in the city as early as in 1431 and the activity of Venetian merchants in the first post-conquest period shows that, despite their defeat, the Venetians continued to keep commercial representatives in the Macedonian metropolis and integrate Thessaloniki into their commercial network. On the other hand, the activity of Greek Constantinopolitans and Venetian subjects has 19. SN 16.35, 15a: Katafi; TT 403, 611: Ahiropit. 20. Vacalopoulos, Ιστορία της Θεσσαλονίκης, p. 226; Andreas Moustoxydis, “Ιωάννης, Γεώργιος και Δημήτριος Μόσχοι,” Ellinomnimon 1 (1845), 386. Moschos could not go to Thessaloniki, because he felt ill and died, probably in 1499. 21. Ms. Vaticanus Graecus no. 1412, ff. 58v and 79a respectively. Access in: https://digi.vatlib. it/view/MSS_Vat.gr.1412 (accessed: 7 May 2018). Cf. K.K. Müller, “Neue Mitteilungen über Janos Laskaris und die Mediceische Bibliothek,” Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen 1 (1884), 392, 400. It remains unclear whether another scholar, Dimitrios Sgouropoulos, originated from Thessaloniki. 22. The standard work on this person is: Charalambos Bouras, “Το επιτύμβιο του Λουκά Σπαντούνη στη βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου Θεσσαλονίκης,” Epistimoniki Epetiris tis Polytechnikis Scholis tou Aristoteleiou Panepistimiou Thessalonikis 6 (1973), 1-63. 37 PHOKION KOTZAGEORGIS been studied, but it cannot be determined from the sources to what extent local Christians had participated in this commercial network. 23 The reconstruction of the Christian society presupposes, among other things, the function of ecclesiastical life. The oldest Greek documents of the period refer to churches, which operated with several difficulties.24 There existed a Metropolitan, although the priests had a ratio of 1:100 of taxpayers in 1478, while in the other two cadastres the ratio fell to 1:118 and 1:170, respectively, showing the image of a gradually declined ecclesiastical life.25 This image is tempered by the presence of monks, who, judging by the 1527 cadastre, came from the Monastery of Ypomimniskontos, which together with the Vlatadon Monastery consisted two of the most important in the city. Besides, it is clear from the oldest list of the city’s Christian pious foundations (vakıfs) of 1527 that the monasteries of Agia Moni, and of Aghia Theodora, together with the churches of Eleoussa (in Agia Pelagia’s quarter) and of the priest Gervasios (in Bodrom’s quarter), had real estate in the city.26 In conclusion, the Christians of Thessaloniki retained their Byzantine character, albeit in a declining trajectory. The elite was formed around the Church, basing its wealth on land that it retained in the surrounding countryside. The intellectuals and the merchants of international trade were indeed part of the Thessalonian society, but they constituted a rather marginal group in the whole of that society. The advent of the Jews has exacerbated this declining and anemic intellectual and commercial activity of Christians. From then on and throughout the Ottoman times, the city would wear the multicultural “dress”, of which Christians would be a smaller part. 23. David Jacoby, “Foreigners and the urban economy in Thessalonike, ca. 1150-ca. 1450,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 57 (2003), 112-113. 24. Vryonis, “The Ottoman Conquest of Thessaloniki in 1430,” p. 313-320. 25. See the same observation in Lowry, “Portrait of a City,” p. 283. 26. TT 403, p. 1015-1017. 38 THE FORMATION OF THE CHRISTIAN SOCIETY IN THESSALONIKI PHOKION KOTZAGEORGIS The Formation of the Christian Society in Thessaloniki after the Ottoman Conquest (ca. 1430-1530) The present paper aspires to shed light on the study of Christian societies in the Balkans during their transition from Byzantine to Ottoman rule. The city of Thessaloniki has been selected as a case study for this project, because a rather clear picture of this transition can be formed. In addition, the city’s similarities with other Balkan cities are helpful to this research. Having been conquered by war, according to Islamic (Ottoman) law, its inhabitants would have to be killed, deported or converted to Islam. Hence, the city started, in theory, from a zero point with regard to its Christian population. Using all available sources (Ottoman, Greek, Western), this paper will attempt to “reconstruct” the Christian society of the city in the first century after the Ottoman conquest and to find continuities and changes. As the available sources refer mainly to important figures of the Thessalonian society, the study will also address the question of how the local Christian elite was formed in an Ottoman milieu. Prosopographical data of the period will be compared with pre-Ottoman data in order to identify persons’ careers. 39