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Metternich: The Autobiography, 1773-1815
Throughout Prince Metternich's glittering and successful career he sought to free Europe from the forces unleashed by the French Revolution. He was an enemy of change, despised by republicans and feared by radicals. Metternich's acute skill for diplomacy was instrumental in creating alliances to reverse dangerous republicanism and restore Europe's legitimate monarchies to their thrones.
This fascinating autobiography covers Metternich's early years from his school days in Strasbourg and his meteoric rise in the service of Austria to the defeat of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna in 1815. Metternich was at the heart of Europe's diplomatic community and he paints revealing portraits of such key figures as Napoleon, Czar Alexander, Talleyrand and the Bourbons. He also reveals much about the political life of a continent convulsed by the French Revolution and by the ambition of the Emperor Napoleon.
Metternich's observant eye and sharp intellect reveal themselves in a book which is crucial to an understanding of the man who played such a significant role in reshaping Europe.
This fascinating autobiography covers Metternich's early years from his school days in Strasbourg and his meteoric rise in the service of Austria to the defeat of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna in 1815. Metternich was at the heart of Europe's diplomatic community and he paints revealing portraits of such key figures as Napoleon, Czar Alexander, Talleyrand and the Bourbons. He also reveals much about the political life of a continent convulsed by the French Revolution and by the ambition of the Emperor Napoleon.
Metternich's observant eye and sharp intellect reveal themselves in a book which is crucial to an understanding of the man who played such a significant role in reshaping Europe.
272 pages, Paperback
First published December 1, 2004
About the author
Klemens von Metternich
103 books5 followersKlemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar, Prince of Metternich-Winneburg zu Beilstein was an Austrian diplomat who was at the center of European affairs for four decades as the Austrian Empire's foreign minister from 1809 and Chancellor from 1821 until the liberal Revolutions of 1848 forced his resignation.
Born into the House of Metternich in 1773 as the son of a diplomat, Metternich received a good education at the universities of Strasbourg and Mainz. Metternich rose through key diplomatic posts, including ambassadorial roles in the Kingdom of Saxony, the Kingdom of Prussia, and especially Napoleonic France. One of his first assignments as Foreign Minister was to engineer a détente with France that included the marriage of Napoleon to the Austrian archduchess Marie Louise. Soon after, he engineered Austria's entry into the War of the Sixth Coalition on the Allied side, signed the Treaty of Fontainebleau that sent Napoleon into exile and led the Austrian delegation at the Congress of Vienna that divided post-Napoleonic Europe amongst the major powers. For his service to the Austrian Empire, he was given the title of Prince in October 1813. Under his guidance, the "Metternich system" of international congresses continued for another decade as Austria aligned itself with Russia and to a lesser extent Prussia. This marked the high point of Austria's diplomatic importance and thereafter Metternich slowly slipped into the periphery of international diplomacy. At home, Metternich held the post of Chancellor of State from 1821 until 1848 under both Francis I and his son Ferdinand I. After a brief exile in London, Brighton, and Brussels that lasted until 1851, he returned to the Viennese court, this time to offer only advice to Ferdinand's successor, Franz Josef. Having outlived his generation of politicians, Metternich died at the age of 86 in 1859.
A traditional conservative, Metternich was keen to maintain the balance of power, in particular by resisting Russian territorial ambitions in Central Europe and lands belonging to the Ottoman Empire. He disliked liberalism and strove to prevent the breakup of the Austrian Empire, for example, by crushing nationalist revolts in Austrian north Italy. At home, he pursued a similar policy, using censorship and a wide-ranging spy network to suppress unrest. Metternich has been both praised and heavily criticized for the policies he pursued. His supporters pointed out that he presided over the "Age of Metternich", when international diplomacy helped prevent major wars in Europe. His qualities as a diplomat were commended, some noting that his achievements were considerable in light of the weakness of his negotiating position. Meanwhile, his detractors argued that he could have done much to secure Austria's future, and he was deemed as a stumbling block to reforms in Austria.
Born into the House of Metternich in 1773 as the son of a diplomat, Metternich received a good education at the universities of Strasbourg and Mainz. Metternich rose through key diplomatic posts, including ambassadorial roles in the Kingdom of Saxony, the Kingdom of Prussia, and especially Napoleonic France. One of his first assignments as Foreign Minister was to engineer a détente with France that included the marriage of Napoleon to the Austrian archduchess Marie Louise. Soon after, he engineered Austria's entry into the War of the Sixth Coalition on the Allied side, signed the Treaty of Fontainebleau that sent Napoleon into exile and led the Austrian delegation at the Congress of Vienna that divided post-Napoleonic Europe amongst the major powers. For his service to the Austrian Empire, he was given the title of Prince in October 1813. Under his guidance, the "Metternich system" of international congresses continued for another decade as Austria aligned itself with Russia and to a lesser extent Prussia. This marked the high point of Austria's diplomatic importance and thereafter Metternich slowly slipped into the periphery of international diplomacy. At home, Metternich held the post of Chancellor of State from 1821 until 1848 under both Francis I and his son Ferdinand I. After a brief exile in London, Brighton, and Brussels that lasted until 1851, he returned to the Viennese court, this time to offer only advice to Ferdinand's successor, Franz Josef. Having outlived his generation of politicians, Metternich died at the age of 86 in 1859.
A traditional conservative, Metternich was keen to maintain the balance of power, in particular by resisting Russian territorial ambitions in Central Europe and lands belonging to the Ottoman Empire. He disliked liberalism and strove to prevent the breakup of the Austrian Empire, for example, by crushing nationalist revolts in Austrian north Italy. At home, he pursued a similar policy, using censorship and a wide-ranging spy network to suppress unrest. Metternich has been both praised and heavily criticized for the policies he pursued. His supporters pointed out that he presided over the "Age of Metternich", when international diplomacy helped prevent major wars in Europe. His qualities as a diplomat were commended, some noting that his achievements were considerable in light of the weakness of his negotiating position. Meanwhile, his detractors argued that he could have done much to secure Austria's future, and he was deemed as a stumbling block to reforms in Austria.
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December 19, 2019Constructed out of three separate works by Metternich's son, this autobiography runs up to 1815 and the Congress of Vienna. Parts of it were written in the 1840s, the editing took place thirty years later, it seems fair to assume that the way that events worked out shaped how and what is recalled here. The translation is an old one but, apart from the phonetic rendering of Mainz as Mayence which confused me for a while, the tone seemed appropriate.
Metternich served as Austria's foreign minister from 1809 to 1848 when he felt it incumbent upon himself to depart rapidly and seek a change of air in Britain after pronounced vocalisations indicative of intense disapprobation by various strata of the Vienna public against him and his policies. All of the separate parts of the autobiography were written some time after the events described but before the the 1848 revolutions. Metternich apparently regarded the events of 1848 as a vindication of his views and his writings here also serve to vindicate his actions as a diplomat, there are a number of unwitnessed conversations between Metternich and A N Other (usually dead by the time of writing) in which Metternich is cool, collected and right while his conversation partner is blustering, thoughtless and proved wrong by the judgement of history. Clearly it helps when writing the first draft of history to outlive people who might recollect things differently.
Naturally there are omissions. Metternich doesn't mention his role in sending a man to seduce Napoleon's second wife Marie Louise (daughter of Metternich's master the Emperor Francis of Austria), she gets a fairly bad press from Metternich considering that she only did her duty in marrying Napoleon in the first place (Metternich's role in prompting this alliance is also ignored in his own account).
Naturally there are some fairly strange judgements. The French are revolutionary spreading messy disorder all across the map of Europe, and so must be fought against, while Napoleon represents order but must also be fought against. Metternich, based on his time as Ambassador in France, understands France's essential war weariness already by 1809 better than anybody else, believes that the Austrians were ready to rise up en mass against the French in 1809 and is willing to give the impression that such an untrained and unarmed mass could have beaten the French army (later of course the Prussian Landwehr who do fight the French and after 1813 contribute towards victory, and presumably completely unlike Austrian forces, are merely vindictive) and apparently it was Napoleon's victories that showed Metternich that it was time for Austria to join the allies in 1813 rather than Napoleon's difficulties in scraping together an army after 1812 which he also alludes to.
Between the lines the importance of family connections is very interesting. Family set Metternich on his career and the absence of a network of family interrelations and affiliations seems to have been absolutely fatal to Baron Thurgut who was the minister responsible for foreign affairs as Metternich began his career. Perhaps it's not so surprising then that Metternich has a poor opinion of the eighteenth century and the ideal of a rational and enlightened society.
This is a fine example of self-serving political autobiographical writing, a genre which, I understand, has remained alive and well to this day.
Metternich served as Austria's foreign minister from 1809 to 1848 when he felt it incumbent upon himself to depart rapidly and seek a change of air in Britain after pronounced vocalisations indicative of intense disapprobation by various strata of the Vienna public against him and his policies. All of the separate parts of the autobiography were written some time after the events described but before the the 1848 revolutions. Metternich apparently regarded the events of 1848 as a vindication of his views and his writings here also serve to vindicate his actions as a diplomat, there are a number of unwitnessed conversations between Metternich and A N Other (usually dead by the time of writing) in which Metternich is cool, collected and right while his conversation partner is blustering, thoughtless and proved wrong by the judgement of history. Clearly it helps when writing the first draft of history to outlive people who might recollect things differently.
Naturally there are omissions. Metternich doesn't mention his role in sending a man to seduce Napoleon's second wife Marie Louise (daughter of Metternich's master the Emperor Francis of Austria), she gets a fairly bad press from Metternich considering that she only did her duty in marrying Napoleon in the first place (Metternich's role in prompting this alliance is also ignored in his own account).
Naturally there are some fairly strange judgements. The French are revolutionary spreading messy disorder all across the map of Europe, and so must be fought against, while Napoleon represents order but must also be fought against. Metternich, based on his time as Ambassador in France, understands France's essential war weariness already by 1809 better than anybody else, believes that the Austrians were ready to rise up en mass against the French in 1809 and is willing to give the impression that such an untrained and unarmed mass could have beaten the French army (later of course the Prussian Landwehr who do fight the French and after 1813 contribute towards victory, and presumably completely unlike Austrian forces, are merely vindictive) and apparently it was Napoleon's victories that showed Metternich that it was time for Austria to join the allies in 1813 rather than Napoleon's difficulties in scraping together an army after 1812 which he also alludes to.
Between the lines the importance of family connections is very interesting. Family set Metternich on his career and the absence of a network of family interrelations and affiliations seems to have been absolutely fatal to Baron Thurgut who was the minister responsible for foreign affairs as Metternich began his career. Perhaps it's not so surprising then that Metternich has a poor opinion of the eighteenth century and the ideal of a rational and enlightened society.
This is a fine example of self-serving political autobiographical writing, a genre which, I understand, has remained alive and well to this day.
October 24, 2023
Although abridged from a substantially larger set of memoirs this volume is an excellent introduction to the cultural/diplomatic world of the late 18th century till the Congress of Vienna. Metternich comes off as fairly astute and introduces numerous interesting anecdotes as well captivating characters who made this period so fascinating. I'd strongly recommend it for anyone with an interest for the behind the scenes episodes and context behind the negotiations which really does a splendid job at showing just how tenuous an alliance the coalitions were with the conventional picture of counter-revolutionary Europe being united in crushing the revolution being exposed for the lie it is.
My only criticism is that he is shamelessly sycophantic towards emperor Francis to the point where it becomes annoying after reading through his third torrent of praise and as with all memoirs its best to read it with a grain of salt and not automatically take everything he says at face value.
My only criticism is that he is shamelessly sycophantic towards emperor Francis to the point where it becomes annoying after reading through his third torrent of praise and as with all memoirs its best to read it with a grain of salt and not automatically take everything he says at face value.
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